Connect with us

Features

Bala Tampoe’s resistance lives on

Published

on

Bala

By Devana Senanayake

Bala Tampoe may have died in 2014, but his commitment to the social transformation of society and his need to combat the exploitation the proletariat faced, can be felt even ten years later. His contributions are particularly important because the “means of social (re)production” have been upended and reoriented by the pandemic and the economic crisis.

Social reproduction is the labor needed to maintain a labor force and includes intimate labor such as mental and emotional labor. Women’s lives, in the household or in their field, be it formal or informal, have been impacted. But it is in the existence of individuals, collectives and unions—forces of quiet resistance—in this realm that Bala’s spirit lives on in.

Born into an aristocratic Tamil family, Bala’s family had a deep impact on his life choices. His father, a coconut planter and civil servant for the colonial government, used to ride both horses and cars. Bala in a profile recalled his father’s tendency to lash out with his whip at people and bullocks who blocked his path on the road.

His mother, the child of a former Chief Post Master, was a fan of the Indian Nationalist movement and admired leaders such as Gandhi and Nehru. Familial tensions plagued his household and his father used to beat his mother which inspired his desire to defend the oppressed.

Bala studied in Royal College and started his activism early as he joined the Suriya Mal Movement and then the LSSP’s anti-imperialist movement in the early 1940s. Once he received his undergraduate degree from the University of Peradeniya, he lectured students about botany and horticulture, before his dismissal for participation in the Public Workers Strike in 1947.

Nevertheless, Bala’s passion for education did not stop there. Workers, students and children learned about history, philosophy, economics and even feminism, as he touched on texts such as Simone De Beauvoir’s The Second Sex and Kate Millett’s Sexual Politics, in his lectures.

In 1948, Bala became General Secretary of the Ceylon Mercantile Union (CMU) and held his post for 67 years until his death. He participated in the Hartal in 1953—an iconic moment in the country’s history as trade unions and the proletariat opposed the removal of the rice subsidy by the Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake.

Workers took to the streets, smashed buses, uprooted rail-lines and stopped public transport. Their militancy paralyzed the state apparatus and this resulted in the reduction of the price of rice and the prime minister’s resignation. Bala also led numerous other strikes such as the Lake House strike 1959 and the SLBC strike 1966.

Women’s concerns also received his support, primarily the 600 day strike at Lucky Industries and Polytex strike 1981-1982. Kumudini Samuels, for instance, remembers her participation in the strikes in the 1970s as an employee at Carsons.

Bala also advocated for labor reform such as a bill to limit the unfair termination of employees. He met Dudley Senanayake, proposed state intervention to combat unfair dismissal and laid the foundations for the Termination of Employment Act in 1971. He helped draft a National Workers’ Charter which successive governments have failed to initiate and recommended the ratification of ILO Convention 87 (Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize) and 98 (Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining Convention).

The CMU moved from a union which represented white collar members of the mercantile sector to those at the factory-floor level. It has promptly been re-named the Ceylon Mercantile Industrial and General Workers Union.

“Today, our union is only one-fifth our original size. We have some 7,000-8,000 members today, but at one point we had 35,000 workers. We could paralyze the Colombo Port,” Bala told Meera Srinivasan in 2013. One such example is the strike in Colombo Port in 1963. At present, the CMU has a membership of only 3,000.

Bala also ran for Parliament in 1960 and 1965 but lost in both instances. He opposed the LSSP, CP and SLFP formation of the United Left Front (ULF) coalition in 1964 and left the party to form the LSSP-R, the ‘R’ standing for revolutionary. He led the LSSP-R, entered it into the Fourth International and renamed it as the Revolutionary Marxist Party (RMP).

Under Upali Cooray, the RMP mobilized women, published a women’s manifesto, and tried to kickstart a women’s liberation movement.

As a lawyer, he defended the young men of the JVP insurrection in 1971. He defended their right to political expression in the Criminal Justice Commission in 1972. The CMU protested the detention of nearly 4,000 comrades, many of them tortured under police custody. They also opposed the State of Emergency which permitted the disposal of dead bodies without the need for a post-mortem examination.

“In 1971 and 1972, comrade Bala’s brilliant knowledge and understanding of Marxism and law brought another dimension to the whole Criminal Justice Commission trial in that a holistic class perspective of the April 1971 insurrection could be presented to the world,” Lionel Bopage said in his article about Bala in 2014.

Women were also unfairly snared in the violence of the counter-insurrection in 1971-72. Former beauty queen in Kataragama, Premavathi Manamperi was arrested, tortured and paraded naked in the Holy City for suspicions of JVP sympathies. She was then shot and buried alive. She had only attended some Marxist classes, but reports later revealed the incident to be an act of revenge by a rejected military officer. Bala mobilized people to protest about her unjust death.

He also advocated a political solution to the National Question as an active member of the Movement for Inter-Racial Justice and Equality (MIRJE), founded by Fr. Paul Caspersz. Of Bala’s romantic partners, unionists and activists fondly recall May Wickramasuriya. May joined the CMU in 1951 and their Executive Committee in 1953.

She played a vital role in the CMU and Employers Federation of Ceylon’s Collective Bargaining Agreement to provide administrators, clerks and executives in British-led companies benefits such as 42 days of leave, a dispute resolution mechanism and retirement at 60. She also helped the CMU secure its premises in Kollupitiya and it is one of the only trade unions in the country to have a property in its name.

May became Assistant-General Secretary of the CMU in 1957 and stayed on until 1998. “May was an institution at CMU. She held the CMU together. She was very supportive of us, women. Bala would listen to May. At that time, none of the trade unions were pro-women. They had no notion of women’s demands and rights in the labor movement and were very male-centric,” Kumudini told me. May experienced a stroke in November 1995 and died three years later in 1998.

After Bala’s demise in 2014, the CMU’s membership and relevance has also disappeared. When I contacted the CMU, they declined to comment and a former member at the last minute refused the publication of his responses. This behavior is indicative of the present state of trade unions, which are primarily male-dominated.

Many of them, led by fossilized men, are embroiled in interpersonal tensions and battles of succession. The tendency to familiarize relationships and political movements means that the consensus and solidarity needed to respond to the moment is lost.

In the meantime, the economic crisis has completely upended the country. Welfare and social services, such as universal healthcare and free education, are underfunded and in-decline. Women and children have been disproportionately hit. The inflation of food has led to severe child malnutrition. Mothers subsist on one meal a day. Girls have dropped out of school as the prices of stationery, uniforms and transport have risen. A number of houses have had their electricity disconnected and are in voluntary blackout. Families in the North, East and Central provinces are in-debt for basic essentials such as food and medicine.

Workers in feminized and invisible roles in the formal and informal sector are burdened by their material realities, exploitation in their realms of labor and inside their households. Women in the plantation sector, apparel sector and domestic labor have set up unions in the past couple of years.

Collectives in the LGBTQIA+ community have distributed mutual aid and resources in times of crisis. Activists continue to bail out LGBTQIA+ folks and sex workers arbitrarily arrested under the Vagrants Ordinance. Women in the Muslim community have protested the institution of marriage under the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act which impacts poor and rural-based women and children in particular.

These are just a handful of responses to the crisis of “social (re)production” in place.

At present, a dual response which considers formal and informal labor and the intricacies of intimate life, an invisible realm of labor, is the playground for resistance.

While he did not directly champion these causes, the essence of Bala’s spirit can be seen in these quiet but consistent acts of resistance, as the men he inspired are consumed by their personal vices, paper-thin egos and abject mediocrity.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Cricket and the National Interest

Published

on

The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

Published

on

Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

Continue Reading

Features

Dubai scene … opening up

Published

on

Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

Continue Reading

Trending