Features
Anti-Corruption Act
By Chandrasena Maliyadde
Former Ministry Secretary
Vice President, Sri Lanka Economic Association
The much-awaited Anti-Corruption Bill has been passed by the Parliament subject to amendment according to the determination of the Supreme Court. It is “An Act to give effect to certain provisions of the United Nations Convention against Corruption and other Internationally recognised norms, standards, and best practices; to provide for the establishment of an Independent Commission to detect and investigate allegations of Bribery, Corruption and offences related to the declaration of assets and liabilities and associated offences, and to direct the institution of and institute prosecutions for offences of Bribery, Corruption and offences related to the declaration of assets and liabilities and other associated offences; to promote and advance the prevention of corrupt practices; to educate and raise awareness amongst the public to combat Corruption;”
The Act provides for the establishment of a Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption. It comes in five Parts, series of Chapters, 164 Clauses and 150 pages. There have been divergent views expressed in the media by all categories of people including corrupt, non-corrupt and anti corrupt, civil societies, professional organizations etc.
Clause 2 (1) of the Act spells out its objects. Three out of 10 objects spelt out are on prevention of bribery and corruption.
(a) prevent and eradicate bribery and corruption in order to meet the just requirements of the general welfare of a democratic society;
(g) to conduct and coordinate educational activities on the prevention of bribery and corruption;
(i) promote inter-agency cooperation and international collaboration in preventing bribery and corruption;
I perused the Act, but, unfortunately did not come across interventions by the Commission on prevention of corruption to meet the three objectives. All interventions are post deeds to catch and punish the culprits. Act is the product of three legal luminaries (President Counsel Minister, Legal Draftsman and the Attorney General). It exhaustively deliberates with Powers and Authority of the Commission, its Director General, its Finance, its Procedures and other logistic details. Trio would have thought inclusion of such extensive logistic details is important and the prime purpose of the Act rather than prevention of and conducting post deeds operations on corruption.
Chapter I – Establishment of the Commission
Chapter II – Director-General and the Staff of the Commission
Chapter III – Finance
Chapter IV – Powers and Functions of the Commission
There is a Chapter on Offences Relating to Bribery or Corruption in Part III. It contains a section pertaining to “Bribery of Judges of the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, High Courts, judicial officers” along with Members of Parliament. Is it not contempt of the judiciary to couple distinguished Members of the Judiciary with the Members of Parliament?
Clause 161.2 (1) of the Act provides Interpretation. There is no interpretation given for corruption and embezzlement. According to the Act, MPs are correct, honourable and innocent, not faulty. Aragalaya activists made a mistake by requesting the entire lot to go home along with Gota. Only the highest voted man went home and was replaced by an unelected man.
CHAPTER V of the Act is on ‘Protection of Informers, Whistleblowers, Witnesses, and Other Persons Assisting the Commission’. The Act says “whistleblower” shall include persons assisting such whistleblower, persons providing supporting information to such whistleblower, a family member or dependent of such whistleblower or any other person of significant importance to such whistleblower;”. The popular image of the media (‘fourth estate’; a trustee of the people’s right to know; ‘expert communicator’) as a ‘watchdog’ and a guardian of the public interest is customarily thought to be the privileged medium for ‘whistle-blowers’. According the Clause 77, “The Commission shall have the power to provide legal representation to any informer, whistleblower or witness during an investigation ….”
Intentionally or not, by design or by default, in concurrence to the Anti-Corruption Bill same legal luminary Trio is trying hard to introduce ‘Broadcast Regulatory Authority Bill’, to tame the ‘unruly misbehaving’ media in this Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. A Cabinet Spokesman may be able to explain how this sheer coincidence took place. The Director General of Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption can be taken to courts under the provisions of ‘Broadcast Regulatory Authority Bill’ for protecting and assisting the whistle blower and watchdog, the news media.
Misconception, misjudgment, ill advice, and making false statements, and not being vigilant cause losses. They facilitate corruption and its continuation. If such lethargy is not corruption, what is it?
Kapila Bandara in his article on ‘Exporters, importers shift Rs 13.2 trillion overseas via dodgy invoicing’ has to say this:
“Sri Lanka’s businesses involved in the exports and imports trade have plundered US$ 36.833 billion (Rs 13.246 trillion) over nine years through intentional, dodgy invoicing, and stashing the foreign exchange earnings offshore.
Importers and exporters intentionally falsify the declared value of goods on invoices filed with Sri Lanka Customs, to make an average of US$ 4.093 billion (Rs 1.471 trillion) evaporate every year, an extensive investigation by Washington, DC-based Global Financial Integrity has revealed.”
This is not a secret. The Central Bank (CB) Knows this well. In fact, the Central Bank Governor first pleaded with exporters to avoid dodgy invoicing in the national interest. When exporters have not demonstrated their patriotism, CB Governor threatened the exporters. But nothing was done. Some exporters continue with stashing foreign exchange earnings off shore. Inaction by CB amounts to abating with so called ‘corrupt’ exporters. Keeping eyes closed on such purported leakages is not an offence referred to in the Act.
This country has been witnessing a series of earth tremors in several locations recently. Geological experts have stated that we need not bother. But, as a layman, I believe we have to bother and rule out any such alarming signals after conducting thorough serious scientific investigations. Our so-called experts have failed to do or evaded that and are telling us not to be vigilant or alarmed. Is cheating and making loose statements not corruption?
We always appreciate Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). But how many of us know that CSR is being used by some corporate sector players to evade taxes? We welcome the black money coming in the form of investment and grant huge concessions to such investors. And the much-talked about Act has not recognized such practices as corruption.
The Anti-Corruption Bill says in clause 34. (1): The Commission shall take all possible measures to give effect to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and any other international obligations which Sri Lanka has undertaken to prevent corruption. But, unfortunately, the Bill ignores such hidden forms of corruption.
The same clause refers to undertaking to prevent corruption but has failed to specify how. Lack of coordination, bureaucratic lethargy, ignorance, excessive and confusing documentation, rules and regulations, centralisation of services and functions in Colombo are only a few instances that lead to corruption. An ACT interested in pleasing UN conventions and any other international obligations not to mention the household word of IMF is silent on closing these holes. The Act is drafted for Commission officials to take post mortem operations leaving opportunities to cultivate corruption.
Corruption is not limited to the theft, misappropriation or misuse of public funds. Inaction, failure to remain alert, misinterpretation of and shielding behind regulations promotes corruption. As a Cabinet Appointed Procurement Committee Chairman, I have observed that in procurement Technical Evaluation Reports are not prepared in time; in some cases, they are purposely delayed leaving room for so-called ‘emergency procurement’ to suit identified suppliers.
No surprise that Transparency International of Sri Lanka moved the Supreme Court against inclusion of some clauses and non-inclusion of significant clauses in the celebrated Act.
Anti-Corruption Bill is introduced in a country burdened by archaic, old aged Ordinances, Acts, rules and Regulations. Incidentally, the House decided to pass the Bill without a division. Among the members of the current Parliament is a person who was caught, admitted and fined for carrying a few mobile phones and gold biscuits on behalf of his friend and it would have been relieved by the fact that the House did not go for a vote on the Anti-corruption Bill. Otherwise, he and others of his ilk would have found themselves in a dilemma, unable to decide whether to vote for it.
The IMF has included a novel condition for reducing corruption vulnerabilities. The UN Human Rights Council has brought about the notion of economic crimes into its agenda for the first time for Sri Lanka in its September 2022 report. The World Bank has placed Sri Lanka behind India, Nepal and Bhutan in its Ease of Doing Business Index. The reasons are bureaucratic lethargy, lengthy procedures leading to inordinate delays and corruption. Are we trying to paper over the cracks to please the IMF to get the next tranche of the pittance approved for Sri Lanka?
We, Sri Lankans, are lucky to have an Anti-Corruption Bill to catch small fish.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
-
Features6 days agoOctopus, Leech, and Snake: How Sri Lanka’s banks feast while the nation starves
-
Sports6 days agoSri Lanka women’s volleyball team ready for Central Asian challenge
-
Opinion5 days agoMurder of Ehelepola family, Bogambara Wewa and Sightings of Wangediya
-
News5 days agoSteps underway to safeguard Sri Lanka’s maritime heritage
-
Business4 days agoHistoric launch of CCWE Fashion Week & International Summit 2026
-
Features2 days agoThe NPP’s pivot to the past
-
News1 day agoPolice probe underway to ascertain links between criminals deported from UAE and local politicians
-
Editorial5 days agoA play without its protagonist
