Features
The economy has collapsed
by Kumar David
Polite commentators are bashful and write in the future tense. They avoid the present and prefer “on edge”, “critical” and “reeling”, but this is asinine. It has already happened; all that is pending are food riots. “The president (of Sri Lanka) appealed to visiting Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi that it would be a great relief if debt payments could be rescheduled in view of the economic crisis” reported the Guardian (UK) on January 10, 2022. When a country begs for debt rescheduling it means that it is up the gum-tree, broke, can’t pay up; rescheduling is defaulting, politely. A few in the opposition have appealed for default.
The Island of 31 January said “Sumanthiran leads an MPs’ call: Postpone debt repayment”. Well Abraham wake up; it has happened. The government has affirmed all but officially that it has declared bankruptcy; there is no other interpretation of a plea for rescheduling addressed to the creditor holding 10% ($3.4 billion) of our foreign debt. Nearly half (47%) of Lanka’s foreign debt is to commercial markets and default cum restructuring will entail increase in interest rates on the amounts outstanding and it will pile on future pain. Interest rates the world over are on the up, Central Banks are tightening money supply in response to inflation concerns. Therefore, restructuring equals higher interest rates; Sri Lanka is sinking into a financial quagmire; that’s the bitter pill the JVP-NPP, Sajith’s outfit and Champika’s 43-Brigade cannot get away from – more on that later.
Debt, default, shortages, inflation, power-cuts, exploding gas cylinders, fertiliser lunacy, who doesn’t know all this? It will be a waste of your time and mine to recapitulate. A reasonable summary inference is that president and government will be ousted in the next election cycle, provided elections are not annulled by an illegal or an illegitimate artifice. I have often made a song and dance about such illegitimate possibilities and complained that the main opposition JVP-NPP and SJB and lesser outfits with a presence in parliament like the TNA were sleepwalking, oblivious to dangers. I will give that grumble a rest today and limit myself to what may happen during the remainder of this president and government’s term if they stay on to the end (three-plus years) and I will talk about election manifestos.
If president and government serve out their terms it is easier to prognosticate economic trends than to predict the fallout from unavoidable socio-political conflicts if the government is brought to its knees before its fated expiry dates. Some things seem unavoidable in 2022 or 2023; the government will throw itself at the feet of commercial lenders and China and eventually the IMF, imploring mercy. Fresh monies and swap deals will entail higher costs, eventually the IMF will have its way and impose substantial structural reforms. Let’s stop fooling ourselves, price rises, and cuts in subsidies and welfare are unavoidable. You don’t believe me? Listen to the Finance Minister and government ministers and MPs. Citizens who have big money are moving it out and owners of properties are selling and finding ways of doing the same at inflated market exchange rates – others argue that these are the prevalent real-rates. In simple words the net effect will more economic hardship. This remark applies not only to fungible goods, commodities and fuel but also to services like electricity supply-reliability and healthcare.
What about the trade balance, remittances and tourism earnings? A sharp decrease in the LKR value will increase exports and discourage imports but the political costs will be high. Can a regime facing an electoral guillotine do it? But how otherwise can it circumvent the hangman’s noose? The IMF is sitting back and waiting for the beggar to come to the door on his knees; time is on its side and there is only that much alms that China and India will dole out. A fall of the LKR will strengthen remittance inflow; it will attract more tourists since a declining rupee is equivalent to reducing wages and making services cheaper. So-called fiscal reform (raising direct and indirect taxes), rebutting wage hikes and reducing expenditure on health, education and welfare will invite direct populist conflict and social tension. The government’s choice: “To be or not to be”.
Where, for example, will the strike in the health sector which started last week (temporarily paused) end? It dragged on in defiance of a court order and presidential emergency decrees. There will be other strikes, more defiance. Will the regime resort to direct action, will people defy it and will the multi-party governing alliance survive confrontation between the working class and the state? While one by one answers to these questions are not possible, collectively one can see that the regime is snowballing into an existential crisis. I am not using words carelessly; it’s not debt, fiscal crises or shortage conditions that are deteriorating, it is an overall existential crisis. I would have preferred it the other way where we could simply have voted the president and government out of office. Instead the way things are moving we have a threat of protest movements and the state responding with extra-legal machinations hanging over our head.
This is the background as the election cycle moves to centre stage in three-plus years. In the normal order of things, the presidential election comes first in mid-2024 and this may be one reason why three candidates are already on offer – Anura Kumara (AKD), Sajith Premadasa (SP) and Patali Champika Ranawaka (PCR). There is another reason why presidential aspirants are popping up first. Apart from the NPP’s Rapid Response Manifesto the other two hopefuls are committed to retaining the presidential system; let’s be frank, both SP and PCR want to be president, both want the powers and the pomp of the presidency, neither will abolish it. The public too is fixated on presidency not parliament. Though it understands and rejects the evils the JR Jayewardene instituted presidency has brought to the country, it is fixated on the devilish drama of electing a president. Much newsprint and electronic quanta are devoted to kowda raja (who’s the king) drama. Tubby SP is well set on the inside track while long limbed PCR is making a run on the outside track. It is hard to see how PCR can displace SP as anointed favourite of the SJB; its only grit and greed that keeps him going. The JVP-NPP strategy is to lay long-term groundwork for the future.
The dark and dirty horse is the SLPP-Rajapaksa offering. The natural choice would be to re-nominate Gotabaya but his half-time record is so soiled that that seems suicidal. Mahinda is ineligible and Namal hilarious. The next best is Basil, but that would be a bacillus to some, in particular the Dead-Left. In Vasu’s party Basil was spoken of as a pox inflicted by crooked businesses in cahoots with imperialism. “Ten-percent a day will keep development away” will become the nursery rhyme of the next generation. It will be difficult for the government therefore to avoid offering soiled-goods-Gota re-nomination. (Will he accept?). This strengthens my guess that president and government will be sent packing in the 2024-25 election cycle.
Is there time enough for a turn around and recovery? Well stranger things have happened . . . but! There are two interesting recent changes in government tactics. Under Basil’s influence there has been a shift in foreign policy from a god-speaks-in-Mandarin orientation to a middle position between China and the Quad. This is most noticeable in economic decision making. China’s response to this disloyalty is as yet unknown.
The other change is that the government seems to have swapped its cloak and dagger appearance for an electoral strategy. Maybe it could no longer ignore allegations all around that a military move was the concealed spanner in its tool-kit.
The hurdles that the next government will encounter are Herculean. No regime whatever its ideological complexion can avoid the imperative of both pruning the fiscal deficit by cutting expenditure and raising revenue; both unpleasant. The former entails reducing subsidies and welfare, the latter necessitates more taxes on the wealthy and increased indirect taxation such as VAT and sales-tax. This medicine will be as bitter for the JVP as it was for NM in the 1970s, but the comrades will have to partake of the poisoned chalice as did the Double Doctor. Whichever team goes out to bat it will find itself on a sticky wicket for the first innings; the second innings will permit discretionary policy choice. Development come only after that; growth is incumbent on economic and social stability.
I am formalising by sequencing but the concept remains correct. Economic intervention by emphasising state sponsored or capitalist-market options, industrialisation strategy, how to mobilise labour and resources, all this follows economic stabilisation. This is true whether the perspective emphasises the responsibility of the state (Vietnam-China style), Champika’s re-imaging of JR in his oddly named 43-Brigade (they are not highflyers, or it would have been 43-Squadron!) or Sajith’s presumed eclectic mish-mash.
The 43-Platoon says it will increase revenue and prune expenditure. The current balance sheet looks like this: If next year government revenue is one unit (1.0), then gross government commitment amounts to 3.2 units, of which a little more than half (say 1.7 units) will be actual budgeted expenditure and a little less than half (say 1.5 units) will be debt servicing unless there is substantial foreign debt forgiveness. As I said any team that goes out to bat cannot run away from this dilemma in its first innings. The second innings is discretionary; Champika intends to strengthen market forces, expand the role of private entrepreneurship, call in the IMF, emphasise productivity enhancement and launch a tech-based economy. His plan includes homilies about renewing democracy, eliminating corruption, improving governance etc. but it retains the presidential system by implication. Nor is he famous for enhancing devolution to minorities and nothing like that should be expected. The 43 (Ali Baba managed with 40!) is JR-economics and ideology in Twenty-first Century garb.
And you may have noticed that the TNA and the Catholic Church seem to be in vanguard of the campaign to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act and to stop the resurgence of state-led white-van abductions. Where are the JVP and the SJB? Maybe they are too busy preparing for elections in a reversal of roles. Hmm, what a topsy-turvy world! While we await the Sajith and Rajapaksa Brigade manifestos in the coming weeks there is a lot on our plates already to think over.
Features
NASA’s Epic Flight, Trump’s Epic Fumble and Asian Dilemmas
Three hours after the spectacular Artemis II flight launch in Florida, US President Donald Trump delivered a forlorn speech from Washington. Thirty three days after starting the war against Iran as Epic Fury, the President demonstrated on national and global televisions the Epic Fumble he has made out of his Middle East ‘excursion’. It was an April Fool’s Day speech, 20 minutes of incoherent rambling with the President looking bored, confused, disengaged and dispirited. He left no one wiser about what will come next, let alone what he might do next.
There was more to April Fool’s Day this year in that it brought out the nation’s good, bad and the ugly, all in a day’s swoop. The good was the Artemis II flight carrying astronauts farther from the Earth’s orbit and closer to the moon for the first time in over 50 years. The mission is a precursor for future flights and will test the performance of a new spacecraft, gather new understanding of human conditioning, and extend the boundaries of lunar science. It is a testament to humankind being able to make steady progress in science and technology at one end of a hopelessly uneven world, while poverty, bigotry and belligerence simmer violently at the other end.
Terrible Trump
The four Artemis II astronauts, three Americans, Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and one Canadian, Jeremy Hansen, are also symptomatic of the endurance of America’s inclusive goodness in spite of efforts by the Trump Administration to snuff the nation’s fledgling DEI (Diversity, Equity and Inclusion) ethos. To wit, of the four astronauts, Victor Glover, a Caribbean American, is the first person of colour, Christina Koch the first woman, and Jeremy Hansen of Canada the first non-American – to fly this far beyond the earth’s orbit. All in spite of Trump’s watch.
Yet Trump managed to showcase his commitment to America’s ugliness, on the same day, by presenting himself at the Supreme Court hearing on the constitutionality of his most abominable Executive Order – to stop the American tradition of birthright citizenship. He keeps posting that America is Stupid in being the only country in the world that grants citizenship at birth to everyone born in America, regardless of the status of their parents, except the children of foreign diplomats or members of an occupying enemy force. In fact, there are 32 other countries in the world that grant birthright citizenship, a majority of them in the Americas indicating the continent’s history as a magnet for migrants ever since Christopher Columbus discovered it for the rest of the world.
And birthright citizenship in the US is enshrined in the constitution by the 14th Amendment, supplemented by subsequent legislation and reinforced by a century and a half of case law. Trump wants to reverse that. Thus far and no further was the message from the court at the hearing. A decision is expected in June and the legal betting is whether it would be a 7-2 or 8-1 rebuke for Trump. In a telling exchange during the hearing, when the government’s Solicitor General John Sauer quite sillily dramatized that “we’re in new world now … where eight billion people are one plane ride way from having a child who’s a US citizen,” Chief Justice John Roberts quietly dismissed him: “Well, it’s a new world. It’s the same Constitution!”
Trump’s terrible ‘bad’ is of course the war that he started in the Middle East and doesn’t know how to end it. Margaret MacMillan, acclaimed World War I historian and a great grand daughter of World War I British Prime Minister Lloyd George from Wales, has compared Trump’s current war to the origins of the First World War. Just as in 1914, small Serbia had pulled the bigger Russia into a war that was not in Russia’s interest, so too have Netanyahu and Israel have pulled Trump and America into the current war against Iran. World War I that started in August, 2014 was expected to be over before Christmas, but it went on till November, 2018. Weak leaders start wars, says MacMillan, but “they don’t have a clear idea of how they are going to end.”
There are also geopolitical and national-political differences between the 1910s and 2020s. America’s traditional allies have steadfastly refused to join Trump’s war. And Trump is under immense pressure at home not to extend the war. This is one American war that has been unpopular from day one. The cost of military operations at as high as two billion dollars a day is anathema to the people who are aggravated by rising prices directly because of the war. Trump’s own mental acuity and the abilities of his cabinet Secretaries are openly under question. There are swirling allegations of military contract profiteering and selective defense investments – one involving Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.
Trump’s Administration is coming apart with sharp internal divisions over the war and government paralysis on domestic matters. There are growing signs of disarray – with Trump firing his Attorney General for not being effective prosecuting his political enemies and Secretary Hegseth ordering early retirement for Army Chief of Staff Randy George. In America’s non-parliamentary presidential system, Trump is allowed to run his own forum where he lies daily without instant challenger or contradiction, and it is impossible to get rid of his government by that simple device called no confidence motion.
Asian Dilemmas
Howsoever the current will last or end, what is clear is that its economic consequences are not going to disappear soon. Iran’s choke on the Strait of Hormuz has affected not only the supply and prices of oil and natural gas but a family of other products from fertilizers to medicines to semiconductors. The barrel price of oil has risen from $70 before the war to over $100 now. After Trump’s speech on April 1, oil prices rose and stock prices fell. The higher prices have come to stay and even if they start going down they are not likely to go down to prewar levels.
There are warnings that with high prices, low growth and unemployment, the global economy is believed to be in for a stagflation shock like in the 1970s. Even if the war were to end sooner than a lot later, the economic setbacks will not be reversed easily or quickly. Supplies alone will take time to get back into routine, and it will even take longer time for production in the Gulf countries to get back to speed. Not only imports, but even export trading and exports to Middle East countries will be impacted. The future of South Asians employed in the Middle East is also at stake.
In 1980, President Carter floated the Carter Doctrine that the US would use military force to ensure the free flow of oil through the Strait of Hormuz. Trump is now upending that doctrine – first by misusing America’s military force against Iran and provoking the strait’s closure, and then claiming that keeping the strait open is not America’s business. Ever selfish and transactional, Trump’s argument is that America is now a net exporter of oil and is no longer dependent on Middle East oil.
To fill in the void, and perhaps responding to Trump’s call to “build up some delayed courage,” UK has hosted a virtual meeting of about 40 countries to discuss modalities for reopening the Strait of Hormuz. US was not one of them. While Downing Street has not released a full list of attendees, European countries, some Gulf countries, Canada, Australia, Japan and India reportedly attended the meeting. Which other Asian countries attended the meeting is not known.
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper has blamed Iran for “hijacking” an international shipping route to “hold the global economy hostage,” while insisting that the British initiative is “not based on any other country’s priority or anything in terms of the US or other countries”. French President Emmanuel Macron now visiting South Korea has emphasized any resolution “can only be done in concert with Iran. So, first and foremost, there must be a ceasefire and a resumption of negotiations.”
Prior to the British initiative focussed on the Strait of Hormuz, Egypt, Pakistan and Türkiye have been playing a backdoor intermediary role to facilitate communications between the US and Iran. Trump as usual magnified this backroom channel as serious talks initiated by Iran’s ‘new regime’, and Trump’s claims were promptly rejected by Iran. There were speculations that Pakistan would host a direct meeting between US Vice President JD Vance and an Iranian representative in Islamabad. So far, only the foreign ministers of Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have met in Islamabad, and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar flew to Beijing to brief his Chinese counterpart, Wang Yi, of Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts.
The Beijing visit produced a five-point initiative calling for a ceasefire, the opening of the Strait of Hormuz and diplomacy instead of escalation. The five-point pathway seems a follow up to the 15-point demand that the US sent to Iran through the three Samaritan intermediaries which Iran rejected as they did not include any of Iran’s priorities. The state of these mediating efforts are now unclear after President Trump’s April Fool’s Day rambling. In fairness, Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that his country intends to keep ‘nudging’ the US and Iran towards resuming negotiations and ending the war.
While these efforts are welcome and deserve everyone’s best wishes, they have also led to what BBC has called the “chatter in Delhi” – “is India being sidelined” by Pakistan’s intermediary efforts? Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar’s rather undiplomatic characterization of Pakistan’s role as “dalali” (brokerage) provoked immediate denunciation in Islamabad, while Indian opposition parties are blaming the Modi Government’s foreign policy stances as an “embarrassment” to India’s stature.
The larger view is that while it is Asia that is most impacted by the closure of Hormuz, with Singapore’s Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan calling it an “Asian crisis”, Asia has no leverage in the matter and Asian countries have to make special arrangements with Iran to let their ships navigate through the Strait of Hormuz. There is no pathway for co-ordinated action. China is still significant but not consequentially effective. India’s all-alignment foreign policy has made it less significant and more vulnerable in the current crisis. And Pakistan has opened a third dimension to Asia’s dilemmas.
In the circumstances, it is fair to say that Sri Lanka is the most politically stable country among its South Asian neighbours. Put another way, Sri Lanka has a remarkably consensual and uncontentious government in comparison to the old governments in India and Pakistan, and even the new government in Bangladesh. But that may not be saying much unless the NPP government proves itself to be sufficiently competent, and uses the political stability and the general goodwill it is still enjoying, to put the country’s economic department in order. More on that later.
by Rajan Philips
Features
Ranjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection
From Parliament to Fruit Grove:
After more than two decades in politics, rising to the positions of Cabinet Minister and Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya has turned his attention to a markedly different arena — one far removed from parliamentary debate and political intrigue.
Today, Siyambalapitiya spends much of his time tending to a sprawling 15-acre home garden at Vendala in Karawanella, near Ruwanwella, nurturing what has gradually evolved into one of the most remarkable private fruit collections in the country.
Situated in Sri Lanka’s Wet Zone Low Country agro-ecological region (WL2), Ruwanwella lies at an elevation of roughly 100–200 metres above sea level. Deep red-yellow podzolic soils, annual rainfall exceeding 2,500 millimetres, and a warm humid tropical climate combine to create conditions that make the region one of the richest areas in the island for fruit tree diversity.
Within this favourable ecological setting, Siyambalapitiya has become what may best be described as a custodian of a living collection—a fruit grove that now contains around 554 fruit trees and vines, many of them rare or seldom seen in contemporary agriculture.
Of these, 448 varieties have already been properly identified and documented with the assistance of agriculturist Dr. Suba Heenkenda, a retired expert of the Department of Agriculture. Together they have undertaken the painstaking task of cataloguing the plants by their botanical names, common Sinhala names, and the names used in ancient Ayurvedic and indigenous medical texts, assigning each species a unique identification number.
According to Siyambalapitiya, the Vendala estate is possibly the only single location in Sri Lanka where such a large number of fruit varieties—particularly rare and underutilized species—are maintained within one property.
“This garden came down to me through my grandfather, grandmother, mother and father,” he says. “It is a place shaped by three generations.”
The estate, he explains, began as a traditional home garden where crops such as tea, coconut and rubber were cultivated alongside fruit trees planted by family members over decades. Over time, however, it evolved into something much larger: a carefully nurtured grove preserving both common and obscure fruit species.
Siyambalapitiya recalls with affection one of the oldest trees in the garden—a honey-jack tree known locally as “Lokumänike’s Rata Kos Gaha.”
The story behind it has become part of family lore. According to village elders, his grandmother had brought home the sapling after visiting the Colombo Grand Exhibition in 1952 many decades ago and planted it near the house.
The tree soon gained fame in the village. Its tender jackfruit proved ideal for curry and mallum, while the ripe fruit was renowned for its sweetness.
“Ripe jackfruit from this tree tastes like honey itself,” Siyambalapitiya says. “Even the seeds are full of flour and can be eaten throughout the year.”
Yet age has not spared the venerable tree. It now shows signs of disease, and Siyambalapitiya and his staff have had to treat old wounds and monitor unusual bark damage.
“Once lightning struck it,” he recalls. “The largest branch began to die. Saving the tree required what I would call a kind of surgical operation.”
Such care, he says, reflects the deep attachment he feels toward the collection.
His fascination with fruit trees began in childhood. While attending Royal College in Colombo and living in a boarding house he disliked, Siyambalapitiya would insist that the family procure new fruit saplings for him to plant during his weekend visits home.
“That was the only ‘price’ I demanded for going to school,” he laughs.
Over the years the collection expanded steadily as he encountered new plants in forests, nurseries, and rural landscapes across the island.
The result today is a grove that includes traditional Sri Lankan fruit species, underutilized native varieties, forest fruits, and plants introduced from overseas.
Some species originate in Arabian deserts, while others thrive naturally in cooler climates such as Europe. Certain plants require greenhouse-like conditions, while others are hardy forest trees.
Managing such diversity is no easy task.
“One plant asks for rain, another asks for cold, and yet another prefers heat,” Siyambalapitiya explains. “Too much rain makes some sick, too much sun troubles others. The older trees overshadow the younger ones. You cannot feed or medicate them all in the same way.”
He compares the task to caring for a household filled with people from many nations and ages—each with different needs.
Despite the challenges, he believes the effort is worthwhile, particularly because many of the trees are native species that have become increasingly rare.
“If things continue as they are, some of these plants may disappear from our lives,” he warns.
To preserve knowledge about them, Siyambalapitiya is preparing to launch a book titled “Mage Vendala Palathuru Arana” (My Vendala Fruit Grove), which serves as an introductory guide to the collection.
The book, scheduled for release on April 18 at the Vendala estate, will be attended by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Thera, Chief Incumbent of Gangaramaya Temple,
Uruwarige Wannila Aththo, the leader of the Indigenous Vedda Community,
a long-serving former employee who helped maintain the plantation, and Sunday Dhamma school students from the region, who will participate as guests of honour.
The publication will also mark Siyambalapitiya’s eighth book. Previously he authored seven works and wrote more than 500 weekly newspaper columns offering commentary on politics and current affairs.
While working on the fruit catalogue, he is simultaneously writing another volume reflecting on his 25-year political career, including his tenure as Deputy Finance Minister during Sri Lanka’s most severe economic crisis.
For Siyambalapitiya, however, the fruit grove represents more than a hobby or academic exercise.
“The fruit we enjoy is the result of a tree’s effort to reproduce,” he says. “Nature has given fruits their taste, fragrance and colour to attract us. All the tree asks in return is that its seeds be carried to new places.”
That simple cycle of life, he believes, has continued for tens of thousands of years.
“And those who love trees,” he adds, “are guardians of the world’s survival.”
by Saman Indrajith
Pix by Tharanga Ratnaweera
- Four workers in charge of the four zones of the plantation
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
- A foreign berry plant
- A Bakumba plant
- A rare jackfruit tree
- Siyambalapitiya pruning Pumkin Lemon plant
- Siyamabalapitiya explaning the evolution of plantation
Features
Smoke Free Sweden calls out to WHO not to suggest nicotine alternatives
It has been reported by the international advocacy initiative, ‘Smoke Free Sweden’ (‘SFS’) that many International health experts have begun criticizing the World Health Organization (WHO) for presenting safer nicotine alternatives rather than recognizing its role in accelerating decline in smoking.
As the world’s premier technical health agency, the WHO is empowered to support strategies that reduce morbidity and mortality even if they do not eliminate the underlying behaviour. Furthermore, it should base its guidance on evolving scientific knowledge, which includes comparative-risk assessments. Equating smoke-free nicotine alternatives with combustible cigarettes, is essentially putting lives at risk, according to the health experts contacted by SFS.
The warning follows recent WHO comments suggesting that vaping and other non-combustible nicotine products are driving tobacco use in Europe. This narrative ignores real-world evidence from countries like Sweden where access to safer alternatives has coincided with record low smoking rates.
A “Smoke-Free” status is defined as an adult daily smoking prevalence below 5% and Sweden is on the brink of officially achieving this milestone. This is clear proof that pragmatic harm-reduction policies work. Sweden’s success has been driven by adult smokers switching to lower-risk alternatives such as oral tobacco pouches (Snus), oral nicotine pouches and other non-combustible products.
“Vapes and pouches are helping to reduce risk, and Sweden’s smoke-free transition proves this,” said Dr Delon Human, leader of Smoke Free Sweden. “We should be celebrating policies that help smokers quit combustible tobacco, not spreading fear about the very tools that are accelerating the decline of cigarettes.”
It is further reported by health experts that conflating cigarettes with non-combustible alternatives risks deterring smokers from switching and could slow progress toward reducing tobacco-related disease.
Dr Human emphasized that youth protection and harm reduction are not mutually exclusive.
“It is critically important to safeguard against underage use, but this should be done by targeted, risk-proportionate regulation and proper enforcement, not by sacrificing the right of adults to access products that might save their lives,” he said.
Smoke Free Sweden is calling on global health authorities to adopt evidence-based policies that distinguish clearly between combustible tobacco – the primary cause of tobacco-related death – and lower-risk nicotine alternatives.
“Public health policy must be grounded in science and real-world outcomes,” Dr Human added. “Sweden’s experience shows that when adult smokers are given legal access to safer nicotine alternatives, smoking rates fall faster than almost anywhere else in the world.”
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