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CBK’s shoot to stardom and end of of DUNF with Lalith’s assasination

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Lalith

Chandrika Kumaratunga blazed like a comet in the Sri Lankan political firmament at a time when the SLFP was riven with dissent. The manipulation of the leadership of the SLFP begun by JRJ, and continued by Premadasa, was facilitated by a series of electoral setbacks faced by Mrs. B. After her civic rights were curtailed she lost her authority as best seen in the emergence of Hector Kobbekaduwa as the SLFP’s presidential candidate.

The Bandaranaike family was divided over the Kobbekaduwa issue. While Chandrika and her husband Vijaya Kumaratunga virtually ran the SLFP campaign, Mrs. B and Anura did their best to sabotage Kobbekaduwa’s chances. Actually Mrs. B had preferred to have the SLFP supporting Colvin R de Silva’s candidature. Anticipating her backing Colvin had thrown his hat into the ring only to find that SLFP support was not forthcoming. On discovering that he was betrayed Colvin attacked the SLFP candidate saying that Kobbekaduwa would be unseated even if he was elected.

Coming from a legal eagle like Colvin that was a serious warning. On the other hand Anura, obviously fronting for his mother, declared that Kobbekaduwa was only “a contractor” who would turn over power to Mrs. B if he was elected. Being at the receiving end of a two pronged attack, Kobbekaduwa not only lost the Presidential election but consequently split up the SLFP into different factions making them easy prey for JRJ and Premadasa. One direct consequence of this SLFP fiasco was the creation of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP) by Vijaya Kumaratunga and Chandrika.

SLMP

The SLMP caught the imagination of the younger generation of radicals, including those who had earlier supported the JVP but had escaped the army dragnet. Their May Day parade and meeting presided over by TB Ilangaratne-a giant of the original SLFP of Bandaranaike, outshone Mrs. B and Anura’s parade and earned for CBK the hatred of the SLFP old stagers, especially of Anura and Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Open conflict broke out later in their “long march” from Colombo to Kataragama which received the covert blessings of President Premadasa. But CBK persisted in joining the march and won praise from party members who did not approve of splitting the SLFP. But funds were hard to come by and Vijaya had to draw on the goodwill he had earned from the producers of Sinhala films and other people associated with film production.

The position taken by Vijaya and CBK on the national question was not to the liking of several ex-SLFP veterans. Ilangaratne and Kularatne left the party claiming that they were not consulted on this sensitive issue. This intervention became the swansong of Ilangaratne who had suffered many slights from the party and died a poor and disgruntled man. Since he had been my minister when I was a civil servant, I met TBI when he was down in life and tried to be of some service to him. He died not long after. As MP for Galagedera I arranged with the People’s Bank to erect his statue in his home town as an act of homage to its founder.

Vijaya

It soon became clear that Vijaya was the best possible candidate to lead a left coalition. His charisma and position on the ethnic issue made him a candidate who could attract minorities as well. I remember Colvin R de Silva telling me that the LSSP, of which originally Vijaya was a member, was backing him to the hilt. Sampanthan told me that in the opinion of S. Nadesan, the iconic Tamil lawyer, the CBK–Vijaya combination was the most promising partner for the Tamils. Even Tamil separatist leaders like Uma Maheshwaran and Pathmanathan had faith in him.

Though bitterly criticised by Sinhala politicians, Vijaya undertook a visit to the LTTE dominated part of the Jaffna peninsula and with the popular Captain Kotelawela of the SL Army in attendance, had discussions with LTTE commander Rahim [an old Trinitian whose birth name was Kanagaratnam]. With his open backing of the 13th amendment and undoubted popularity among the Sinhala masses, the JVP leadership decided to eliminate Vijaya no matter the cost.

It mustbe stated that Vijaya was the only politician to openly defy the JVP and challenge them to do their worst, especially when he was affected by the killing of his party comrades. A large number of ex-JVPers and left radicals like Reginald Cooray, Dilan Perera, Jagath Naranbedda and Navaratne joined the SLMP much to the indignation of the JVP leaders who approved the “the termination with extreme prejudice” of Vijaya Kumaratunga. It was a traumatic event for his young family as well as a large multitude of people from all walks of life.

CBK

With the assassination of Vijaya, the Mahajana Pakshaya lost its leader and CBK left with her children to seek refuge in the UK. The party was split wide open with some rejoining the SLFP while others like Ossie Abeygunasekera threw in their lot with Premadasa and, with the latter’s death, allied himself with the UNP led by Gamini Dissanayake. Ossie was a victim of the Thotalanga bomb blast and succumbed to those injuries. With the announcement of the first Provincial Council elections, to establish which the SLMP had paid a heavy price, CBK with great courage returned from the U.K. to lead her party.

The SLFP boycotted this election thereby helping in the murderous rampage of the JVP. The JVP went on a killing spree of the candidates and voters who dared to participate in the election. This was a tragic decision since both the SLFP and JVP became enthusiastic participants at subsequent PC elections.

The leaders of the left, particularly Rajitha Senaratne, supported desperate efforts to get CBK back to Sri Lanka to give them leadership in the context of a weakened SLFP now led by Anura Bandaranaike.

Anura was busy trying to reimage the SLFP as a middle of the road Social Democratic party like that of his father. This was after a long period of SLFP subservience to the Marxist parties with whom Mrs. B had entered an alliance in the late 1960s. It had led to a bitter conflict which tore the Bandaranaikes apart. Mrs. B was deliberately humiliated at party meetings and she backed CBK to enter the SLFP with a view to wresting the leadership. All attempts to block her entry to the SLFPs central committee failed because Wisva Warnapala agreed to relinquish his position to accommodate CBK.

As a new star and a dedicated worker she reinvigorated the party. A disappointed Anura then was lured by Sirisena Cooray to cross over to the UNP, where President Wijetunga welcomed him and immediately made him the Minister of Higher Education. But he could not make a difference to the fortunes of the UNP. With the defacto merger of the SLFP and the SLMP and the growing unpopularity of the UNP, partly due to the attacks of the DUNF, the opposition was poised to make a strong showing in the Provincial Council election after over two decades in the wilderness.

The election of provincial councillors for the second tenure of Provincial Councils turned out to be a three cornered struggle between the UNP, SLFP and DUNF. The results were a tribute to CBKs sagacity as she was able to engineer a collaboration between the SLFP and the DUNF in a new context where both Lalith Athulathmudali [DUNF Leader] and Premadasa [UNP Leader] had been assassinated in quick succession by the LTTE and the election was held under crisis conditions. On the results of this election CBK became the Chief Minister of the Western Province with a record poll and thereafter led her party to victory both in the Parliamentary and Presidential elections.

The DUNF

The DUNF, of which I was Vice President, was at the height of its strength when nominations for the Provincial Council elections were called. Our meetings which were directed at criticizing the Premadasa regime were drawing large crowds. Sponsors were coming forward with invitations as well as funds and we were able to increase the number of meetings. The demand was so great that we had to split our schedule of meetings so that while Gamini concentrated on the Kandyan areas and the Mahaweli region, Lalith worked the urban areas in the key demographic triangle of Colombo, Gampaha and Kalutara.

G. M. Premachandra who was in great demand as an “attack speaker” led our propaganda in the Kurunegala district. This arrangement was logical in that these leaders were our nominees for the posts of Chief Minister in those provinces. With the internal conflicts in the SLFP surfacing some seniors jumped ship and joined the DUNF. Leading them were SLFP grandees like PBG Kalugalle and Monty Gopallawa. Lakshman Senewiratne and Samaraweera (Weerawanni), long time MPs led our effort in Badulla district while the Gamini Dissanayake electoral machine, now led by his wife Srima, secured a good following in Nuwara Eliya.

Dissidents from the UNP like Dr Cyril led our effort in the Hambantota district. Gamini had the best of relations with Basil Rajapaksa who though not joining the DUNF, maintained links with us as he had earlier contested a seat under JRJ as a nominee of the UNP. His brother Mahinda who was the chief lieutenant of Anura Bandaranaike, was sulking in the SLFP tent and he made no attempt to prevent his mentor from crossing over to the UNP under Wijetunga though he himself refused to leave the SLFP.

We spent a considerable amount of time in preparing the party manifesto. The lead was taken by the indefatigable Lalith, whose training as a constitutional lawyer came into play, as he personally penned many of the provisions of the document after discussions with our group. As the perceived victims of an overweening Presidency, the DUNF was the first to advocate the abolition of the post of executive President. It must be noted however that all those who advocated this measure went back on it no sooner than they were elected to office.

It was rumoured that JRJ had advised CBK, who had pledged in writing to abolish the executive Presidency, that “as PM you will last five months but as Executive President you will last five years”. History shows that CBK accepted that advice. The DUNF was presented as a Social Democratic party which was against privilege and the concentration of power. It emphasized an export oriented economic policy and a domestic food security policy based on high yields following the Mahaweli scheme and recognizing the needs of the farming community.

Special emphasis was placed on the possibilities of export agriculture as in the “agricultural villages/communes” which were pioneered by Lalith. Predictably, emphasis was placed on education and technology. The ” Mahapola” scheme aimed at ensuring that no deserving student was left behind, attracted many young people to the DUNE Finally a social welfare net to assist those below the poverty line was included in the manifesto. Though we would have preferred a longer period to continue with our upward trajectory we were in a positive mood when nominations were called. Never in our wildest nightmares did we think that our leader Lalith would be assassinated while on the stump for the DUNF.

It drew the wrath of the public and President Premadasa was forced to be on the defensive. His plaintive call to “kill me but do not kill my good name” was a sign that he was deeply troubled by the shift of public sympathy. He was planning to make this plea the thrust of his May day speech. This manifest anxiety of the President probably hastened his assassination. In order to make this May day a spectacular success, under trying circumstances, he flouted the advice of his astrologers not to step out on that day.

Secondly the LTTE would have thought it the ideal opportunity to kill him because public opinion was turning against him. This “cruellest month” changed the trajectory of contemporary Sri Lankan politics and later with the death of Gamini Dissanayake spelt the doom of the DUNF which had begun with so much hope. All of us who gladly joined in that adventure were dispersed to follow our own destinies and lament the end of the “shining city on the hill”.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography) ✍️



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How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US

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Jesse Jackson / Barack Obama

On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.

If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.

The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.

Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’

It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.

Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.

However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.

The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.

From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.

The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.

However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.

Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.

However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.

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Grown: Rich remnants from two countries

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Mirissa (Image courtesy Wikivoyage)

Whispers of Lanka

I was born in a hamlet on the western edge of a tiny teacup bay named Mirissa on the South Coast of Sri Lanka. My childhood was very happy and secure. I played with my cousins and friends on the dusty village roads. We had a few toys to play with, so we always improvised our own games. On rainy days, the village roads became small rivulets on which we sailed paper boats. We could walk from someone’s backyard to another, and there were no fences. We had the freedom to explore the surrounding hills, valleys, and streams.

I was good at school and often helped my classmates with their lessons. I passed the General Certificate of Education (Ordinary Level) at the village school and went to Colombo to study for the General Certificate of Education (Advanced Level). However, I did not like Colombo, and every weekend I hurried back to the village. I was not particularly interested in my studies and struggled in specific subjects. But my teachers knew that I was intelligent and encouraged me to study hard.

To my amazement, I passed the Advanced Level, entered the University of Kelaniya, completed an honours degree in Economics, taught for a few months at a central college, became a lecturer at the same university, and later joined the Department of Census and Statistics as a statistician. Then I went to the University of Wales in the UK to study for an MSc.

The interactions with other international students in my study group, along with very positive recommendations from my professors, helped me secure several jobs in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries, where I earned salaries unimaginable in Sri Lankan terms. During this period, without much thought, I entered a life focused on material possessions, social status, and excessive consumerism.

Life changes

Unfortunately, this comfortable, enjoyable life changed drastically in the mid-1980s because of the political activities of certain groups. Radicalised youths, brainwashed and empowered by the dynamics of vibrant leftist politics, killed political opponents as well as ordinary people who were reluctant to follow their orders. Their violent methods frightened a large section of Sri Lanka’s middle class into reluctantly accepting country-wide closures of schools, factories, businesses, and government offices.

My father’s generation felt a deep obligation to honour the sacrifices they had made to give us everything we had. There was a belief that you made it in life through your education, and that if you had to work hard, you did. Although I had never seriously considered emigration before, our sons’ education was paramount, and we left Sri Lanka.

Although there were regulations on what could be brought in, migrating to Sydney in the 1980s offered a more relaxed airport experience, with simpler security, a strong presence of airline staff, and a more formal atmosphere. As we were relocating permanently, a few weeks before our departure, we had organised a container to transport sentimental belongings from our home. Our flight baggage was minimal, which puzzled the customs officer, but he laughed when he saw another bulky item on a separate trolley. It was a large box containing a bookshelf purchased in Singapore. Upon discovering that a new migrant family was arriving in Australia with a 32-volume Encyclopaedia Britannica set weighing approximately 250 kilograms, he became cheerful, relaxed his jaw, and said, G’day!

Settling in Sydney

We settled in Epping, Sydney, and enrolled our sons in Epping Boys’ High School. Within one week of our arrival from Sri Lanka, we both found jobs: my wife in her usual accounting position in the private sector, and I was taken on by the Civil Aviation Authority (CAA). While working at the CAA, I sat the Australian Graduate Admission Test. I secured a graduate position with the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) in Canberra, ACT.

We bought a house in Florey, close to my office in Belconnen. The roads near the house were eerily quiet. Back in my hometown of Pelawatta, outside Colombo, my life had a distinct soundtrack. I woke up every morning to the radios blasting ‘pirith’ from the nearby houses; the music of the bread delivery van announcing its arrival, an old man was muttering wild curses to someone while setting up his thambili cart near the junction, free-ranging ‘pariah’ dogs were barking at every moving thing and shadows. Even the wildlife was noisy- black crows gathered on the branches of the mango tree in front of the house to perform a mournful dirge in the morning.

Our Australian neighbours gave us good advice and guidance, and we gradually settled in. If one of the complaints about Asians is that they “won’t join in or integrate to the same degree as Australians do,”  this did not apply to us! We never attempted to become Aussies; that was impossible because we didn’t have tanned skin, hazel eyes, or blonde hair, but we did join in the Australian way of life. Having a beer with my next-door neighbour on the weekend and a biannual get-together with the residents of the lane became a routine. Walking or cycling ten kilometres around the Ginninderra Lake with a fit-fanatic of a neighbour was a weekly ritual that I rarely skipped.

Almost every year, early in the New Year, we went to the South Coast. My family and two of our best friends shared a rented house near the beach for a week. There’s not much to do except mix with lots of families with kids, dogs on the beach, lazy days in the sun with a barbecue and a couple of beers in the evening, watching golden sunsets. When you think about Australian summer holidays, that’s all you really need, and that’s all we had!

Caught between two cultures

We tried to hold on to our national tradition of warm hospitality by organising weekend meals with our friends. Enticed by the promise of my wife’s home-cooked feast, our Sri Lankan friends would congregate at our place. Each family would also bring a special dish of food to share. Our house would be crammed with my friends, their spouses and children, the sound of laughter and loud chatter – English mingled with Sinhala – and the aroma of spicy food.

We loved the togetherness, the feeling of never being alone, and the deep sense of belonging within the community. That doesn’t mean I had no regrets in my Australian lifestyle, no matter how trivial they may have seemed. I would have seen migration to another country only as a change of abode and employment, and I would rarely have expected it to bring about far greater changes to my psychological role and identity. In Sri Lanka, I have grown to maturity within a society with rigid demarcation lines between academic, professional, and other groups.

Furthermore, the transplantation from a patriarchal society where family bonds were essential to a culture where individual pursuit of happiness tended to undermine traditional values was a difficult one for me. While I struggled with my changing role, my sons quickly adopted the behaviour and aspirations of their Australian peers. A significant part of our sons’ challenges lay in their being the first generation of Sri Lankan-Australians.

The uniqueness of the responsibilities they discovered while growing up in Australia, and with their parents coming from another country, required them to play a linguistic mediator role, and we, as parents, had to play the cultural mediator role. They were more gregarious and adaptive than we were, and consequently, there was an instant, unrestrained immersion in cultural diversity and plurality.

Technology

They became articulate spokesmen for young Australians growing up in a world where information technology and transactions have become faster, more advanced, and much more widespread. My work in the ABS for nearly twenty years has followed cycles, from data collection, processing, quality assurance, and analysis to mapping, research, and publishing. As the work was mainly computer-based and required assessing and interrogating large datasets, I often had to depend heavily on in-house software developers and mainframe programmers.  Over that time, I have worked in several areas of the ABS, making a valuable contribution and gaining a wide range of experience in national accounting.

I immensely valued the unbiased nature of my work, in which the ABS strived to inform its readers without the influence of public opinion or government decisions. It made me proud to work for an organisation that had a high regard for quality, accuracy, and confidentiality. I’m not exaggerating, but it is one of the world’s best statistical organisations! I rubbed shoulders with the greatest statistical minds. The value of this experience was that it enabled me to secure many assignments in Vanuatu, Fiji, East Timor, Saudi Arabia, and the Solomon Islands through the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund after I left the ABS.

Living in Australia

Studying and living in Australia gave my sons ample opportunities to realise that their success depended not on acquiring material wealth but on building human capital. They discovered that it was the sum total of their skills embodied within them: education, intelligence, creativity, work experience and even the ability to play basketball and cricket competitively. They knew it was what they would be left with if someone stripped away all of their assets. So they did their best to pursue their careers on that path and achieve their life goals. Of course, the healthy Australian economy mattered too. As an economist said, “A strong economy did not transform a valet parking attendant into a professor. Investment in human capital did that.”

Nostalgia

After living in Australia for several decades, do I miss Sri Lanka? Which country deserves my preference, the one where I was born or the one to which I migrated? There is no single answer; it depends on opportunities, prospects, lifestyle, and family. Factors such as the cost of living, healthcare, climate, and culture also play significant roles in shaping this preference. Tradition in a slow-motion place like Sri Lanka is an ethical code based on honouring those who do things the same way you do, and dishonour those who don’t. However, in Australia, one has the freedom to express oneself, to debate openly, to hold unconventional views, to be more immune to peer pressure, and not to have one’s every action scrutinised and discussed.

For many years, I have navigated the challenges of cultural differences, conflicting values, and the constant negotiation of where I truly ‘belong.’ Instead of yearning for a ‘dream home’ where I once lived, I have struggled, and to some extent succeeded, to find a home where I live now. This does not mean I have forgotten or discarded my roots. As one Sri Lankan-Australian senior executive remarked, “I have not restricted myself to the box I came in… I was not the ethnicity, skin colour, or lack thereof, of the typical Australian… but that has been irrelevant to my ability to contribute to the things which are important to me and to the country adopted by me.”  Now, why do I live where I live – in that old house in Florey? I love the freshness of the air, away from the city smog, noisy traffic, and fumes. I enjoy walking in the evening along the tree-lined avenues and footpaths in my suburb, and occasionally I see a kangaroo hopping along the nature strip. I like the abundance of trees and birds singing at my back door. There are many species of birds in the area, but a common link with ours is the melodious warbling of resident magpies. My wife has been feeding them for several years, and we see the new fledglings every year.  At first light and in the evening, they walk up to the back door and sing for their meal. The magpie is an Australian icon, and I think its singing is one of the most melodious sounds in the suburban areas and even more so in the bush.

 by Siri Ipalawatte

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Big scene for models…

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Modelling has turned out to be a big scene here and now there are lots of opportunities for girls and boys to excel as models.

Of course, one can’t step onto the ramp without proper training, and training should be in the hands of those who are aware of what modelling is all about.

Rukmal Senanayake is very much in the news these days and his Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency – is responsible for bringing into the limelight, not only upcoming models but also contestants participating in beauty pageants, especially internationally.

On the 29th of January, this year, it was a vibrant scene at the Temple Trees Auditorium, in Colombo, when Rukmal introduced the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt.

Tharaka Gurukanda … in
the scene with Rukmal

This is the second Model Hunt to be held in Sri Lanka; the first was in 2023, at Nelum Pokuna, where over 150 models were able to showcase their skills at one of the largest fashion ramps in Sri Lanka.

The concept was created by Rukmal Senanayake and co-founded by Tharaka Gurukanda.

Future Model Hunt, is the only Southeast Asian fashion show for upcoming models, and designers, to work along and create a career for their future.

The Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, which showcased two segments, brought into the limelight several models, including students of Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency and those who are established as models.

An enthusiastic audience was kept spellbound by the happenings on the ramp.

Doing it differently

Four candidates were also crowned, at this prestigious event, and they will represent Sri Lanka at the respective international pageants.

Those who missed the Grey Goose Road To Future Model Hunt, held last month, can look forward to another exciting Future Model Hunt event, scheduled for the month of May, 2026, where, I’m told, over 150 models will walk the ramp, along with several designers.

It will be held at a prime location in Colombo with an audience count, expected to be over 2000.

Model With Ruki offers training for ramp modelling and beauty pageants and other professional modelling areas.

Their courses cover: Ramp walk techniques, Posture and grooming, Pose and expression, Runway etiquette, and Photo shoots and portfolio building,

They prepare models for local and international fashion events, shoots, and competitions and even send models abroad for various promotional events.

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