Connect with us

Features

How to put Sri Lanka back to work

Published

on

by Jayampathy Molligoda

Basic economic models followed by successive governments:

Since 1978, the successive governments have been following an aggressive open economic policy framework for Sri Lanka and there has been some progress in the much-needed infrastructure development compared to the period governed under a somewhat ‘closed economic system’. Basically, their open economic policy framework is founded on the following two basic economic models (i) ‘neo-classical’, monetarists policy prescription or (ii) ‘Post-Keynesian’ Economic school of thought which builds upon John Maynard Keynes’s argument that effective demand is the key determinant of economic performance.

The difference between these theories is that ‘ economics believe in controlling the supply of money that flows into the economy, while Keynesian economics involves government expenditures. In contrast to the neoclassical (mainstream) approach, Keynes argued that investment is not constrained by the availability of saving, but may be constrained by the availability of credit.

Monetarists believe that government spending causes inflation. The level of the money supply, which they feel has a direct impact on inflation, must be used to control it. In contrast, Keynesian economists believe that a troubled economy continues in a downward spiral unless an intervention drives consumers to buy more goods and services. Governments should balance out the cyclical movement of the economy by spending more in downturns and less in prosperous times (thereby preventing inflation).

One can argue, the open economic policy framework in Sri Lanka has not worked for the benefit of the majority of people although the governments from time to time used to follow either the ‘neo-classical’ principles or Keynesian Economic school of thought. The result is that the overall performance of the economy has been unsatisfactory. The economists are of the view that the economic downturn has been mainly due to serious structural weaknesses in the economy during a long period of time.

Sri Lanka’s relative export performance, especially during the last ten- year period has drastically declined and thus widening the trade deficit around US $ 8- 10 billion per annum. It is clear that the poor export performance relative to increased import bill, together with the external ‘current account’ deficit and large fiscal deficits in the government budgets, popularly known as the ‘twin deficits’, have been identified as the key structural weaknesses that have affected the economy for several decades with continuing adverse trends into the future. The positive feature is the export of goods during the last three years (2021,2022 and 2023) recorded a notable increase and surpassed US $ 13 billion since 2022, however, trade deficit remains a major concern due to the heavy import bill.

The government which came in to power in 2020 was not keen to have an IMF programme as they were of the opinion that such action (i) will definitely contract economic growth, (ii) imposing high taxes and high bank interest rates will reduce business activities, (iii) having a widely fluctuating rupee puts enormous burden on the people with high imported inflation and unbearable cost of living impact and (iv) many other adverse consequences. In short, their view was that people’s purchasing power will be badly affected. From the present socio/economic situation faced by the majority of people, it can be seen that there is some truth of what they had predicted if they had adopted the IMF policy prescription.

Pros and cons of the major policy shift since April 2022:

President GR during the latter part of his tenure was reluctantly compelled to adopt a slightly different economic strategy (i) received a positive response from IMF (in March ’22) to his letter requesting EF (Extended Fund) facility (ii) allowed the rupee to fluctuate, initially a ‘managed float’ mechanism as decided by CB on March 7, 2022 (iii) dissolved the cabinet during the first week of April ‘22 and appointed a new economic team (iv) the Treasury secretary in consultation with the Governor, CB and the new Finance Minister had announced one of the most controversial decisions, i.e. ‘pre emptive’ debt default on April 12, ‘22. Since then, the CB used the term ‘debt standstill’ instead of default (Page 187 of the CB Annual Report-2022)

Upon resignation of President GR in July ’22 then Prime minister RW was elected as President through a ‘parliamentary majority vote’ in accordance with the constitutional provisions for the remaining period of GR’s tenure which ends in October 2024. Since then, the CB Governor and his team have been advising the government on the macro- economic policies, especially the monetary policy area based on IMF programme.

The CBSL has adopted a strategy of curbing inflation as a high priority by increasing the interest rate, imposing high taxation and further tightening monetary policy. President RW and his economic team have been able to manage to stabilize the macro economy to a certain extent thus eliminating the acute shortages in the market place, including petroleum products, gas etc. and also tackled the power cuts imposed by CEB during that time.

However, this was achieved at the expense of unbearable burden on households due to high cost of living, job losses and closure of a number of SME businesses, micro enterprises etc. The annual report of the Institute of Policy studies (IPS) – 2022 stated that only remedy on hand was to curb inflation through a forced ‘economic recession’.

The Monetary board of CBSL on March 7, ’22 decided to move away from the fixed exchange rate that prevailed since September 2021, it was announced that they expect an upper limit of Rs.230/-. Nevertheless, from March 8 or 9 onwards, the rupee was allowed to be floated based on market sentiments until May 12, ‘22 and by that time, the exchange rate of Rs.230 has gone up to Rs 377/- per US $. That’s the period, where inflation skyrocketed due to supply side ‘cost push’ imported inflation, more than the ‘demand pull’ inflation. On May 12, CB had to rectify this market behaviour (undue volatility) by shifting its policy to a ‘managed float’ with the introduction of middle rate to facilitate orderly behaviour of the FOREX market.

So far, Sri Lanka has received a total disbursement of two tranches amounting to US$ 670 million out of the US$ 3 billion Extended Fund Facility (EFF) approved by the IMF. The government of the day has been managing the ‘day- today’ inflows/outflows in the ‘forex account’ satisfactorily and, also managed to improve the government revenue collection through higher taxes imposed on the people. The private players who operate businesses especially the exporters and other foreign exchange earners have been able to build up some confidence on the government policy environment and started remitting their ‘forex income’ to the country through established banking systems. The Tourism sector is performing relatively well and ‘forex’ income to the country continues to flow in, thus relieving some burden on the people.

On the negative side, there is an undue delay in the negotiation process of the ‘debt restructuring’ with foreign creditors. (Debt to GDP ratio remains a major concern) Most of the sub sectors of the economy i.e. the so called ‘production economy’ both in the agriculture and manufacturing sub-sectors are not performing well. Although, the government tax revenue has increased significantly, the budget deficit in nominal terms has not made any progress showing reductions.

According to recent surveys conducted by independent research teams, majority of the people – five million households, SMEs, micro enterprises – are really suffering due to high cost of living, higher unemployment rate, further job losses, lack of purchasing power as well as deteriorating health care and educational sectors. The real issue has been that our country’s economic growth has been ‘negative’ during the last five consecutive quarters since 2021.

Solution lies in putting Sri Lanka back to work:

As indicated in my previous published articles, the government must focus on economic (GDP) growth– meaning real economics not financial numbers (transfer payments) etc only. In simple terms, the fundamental solution lies in making one thing to happen;

GDP growth = C+I+ G+ (exports-imports), where, C- consumption and I- investment, G- government spending.

We don’t have to reinvent the wheel. During the great depression period in 1930’s, the US/western economies were able to overcome the crisis successfully by practicing the ‘school of thought’ recommended by John Maynard Keynes, not necessarily based on neo-classical economic principles. Since then, many governments have been adopting the same principles and eminent economists of the calibre Professor Joseph E Stiglitz, winner of Nobel Prize /former Chief Economist of World Bank, Thomas Piketty, French economist who wrote the landmark analysis of Western economic inequality, “Capital in the 21st Century” and others have further developed the Keynesian model.

These economists urge governments to embrace real solutions: investing in education, science, technology and infrastructure, offering more help to the children of the poor, doing more to restore the economy to full employment etc. It is interesting to note that even the IMF, an organisation not taking radical positions, has taken up the position that inequality is associated with instability. (‘Inequality and unsustainable growth; two sides of the same coin?’ – IMF staff discussion note- 2011)

According to Stiglitz, monetary policy instruments for managing the macro economy have proved ineffective. Here are some home truths:

(i) The single most important thing is how to put the country back to work.

(ii) The country should be focussed on job creation. We can’t raise economic growth, create jobs by cutting spending and firing workers. The reason that businesses with access to capital are not investing/hiring people is that there is insufficient demand for their products. Weakening demand in the market place only discourages investment and hiring people.

(iii) The advantage of having underinvestment in the public and private sector for so long (nearly 10 years) is that we have many high return opportunities. Use this opportunity with low ‘long term’ bank interest rates to focus high return, labour intensive- investments in infrastructure, education, health care, technology etc.

(iv) Increased output can generate higher tax revenue to the treasury to pay low interest on the debt. Higher income to people means higher tax revenue to treasury without unnecessarily increasing the VAT rate to 18% and other tax rates.

(v) Government can change the design of the tax system and expenditure pattern. Increasing taxes at the top five percent and lowering taxes at the middle class. This will lead to more consumption spending, which is not happening now- in other words create demand in the market place.

(vi) Review Indirect taxes: Direct taxes ratio. The revenue from Indirect taxes such as VAT compared to Direct taxes (income taxes) is disproportionately very high, thus creating inequality in the society and negating the cardinal principle of progressive tax system.

(vii) Sri Lanka’s debt burden will reduce and economic growth increases, meaning debt to GDP ratio will improve.

It is simply a matter of politics:

Presidential elections are due to be held in early October ’24 and it appears that the two main opposition parties tend to gain popularity among the people, who are eligible to vote, especially the NPP and SJB. The present government and the two main opposition parties are in possession of somewhat comprehensive policy packages. However, whether they could offer a viable economic model at the elections as against the two economic models practiced by successive governments is yet to be seen. My own view is the success depends on how to put Sri Lanka back to work.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Forest cover loss threatens rare freshwater fish in Sinharaja streams

Published

on

Washbasin

When discussions turn to Sri Lanka’s freshwater fish diversity and the urgent need to conserve it, attention is often focused on rivers, streams, reservoirs and water quality.

Yet scientists are increasingly finding that what happens on the land surrounding these waterways can be just as important as what happens in the water itself.

A recent study led by researcher Janamina Bandara of the Wildlife Conservation Society, Galle, together with researchers Sudath Nanayakkara and Sahan Randeniya, highlights how changes in forest cover caused by human activities can significantly influence freshwater fish populations in the hill streams surrounding the Sinharaja rainforest.

Their research sheds light on a relatively understudied aspect of tropical freshwater ecosystems—how alterations to vegetation cover, particularly through commercial cultivation such as tea and cardamom plantations, affect fish communities inhabiting headwater streams.

Hidden Riches of Tropical Streams

Forest plant saplings

Sri Lanka’s freshwater ecosystems are globally recognised for their remarkable biodiversity and high levels of endemism. However, despite their ecological significance, many ecological processes operating within these habitats remain poorly understood.

“Freshwater ecosystems in the tropics harbour extraordinary biodiversity, but many of the ecological relationships within these systems are still not fully documented,” researcher Janamina Bandara told The Island.

The study focused on sub-montane streams in the Sinharaja landscape, examining how varying levels of forest cover influence freshwater fish assemblages.

Researchers investigated whether fish communities differed between streams flowing through relatively undisturbed forests and those surrounded by modified vegetation resulting from agricultural activities.

Spotlight on a Critically Endangered Species

Leaf litter bay / Restoration activities

Particular attention was given to the critically endangered Rakwana loach (Schistura madhavai), a highly restricted endemic fish species first described from the Suriyakanda-Rakwana region.

Commonly referred to as a hill-stream loach, the species inhabits clear, fast-flowing streams and is considered highly sensitive to environmental disturbances.

According to Bandara, while broad community-level analyses did not reveal dramatic differences across all fish populations, species-specific responses painted a very different picture.

“Our findings show that Schistura madhavai exhibits a clear preference for streams flowing through intact forest habitats,” he explained. “The species becomes less common in areas where surrounding vegetation has been altered by human activities.”

Why Forests Matter to Fish

Forests bordering streams play multiple ecological roles. They regulate water temperature by providing shade, contribute organic matter that supports aquatic food webs, stabilise stream banks and help maintain water quality.

When these forests are removed or replaced with plantation crops, the resulting environmental changes can cascade through freshwater ecosystems.

Bandara noted that altered forest cover can influence water chemistry, microclimatic conditions, stream-bed composition and the availability of food resources.

“As riparian vegetation changes, a series of environmental conditions within the stream also change. Sensitive species such as Schistura madhavai appear particularly vulnerable to these shifts and may gradually disappear from modified habitats,” he said.

The research suggests that even subtle changes in habitat structure can have disproportionate impacts on species with narrow ecological requirements.

The Importance of Looking Beyond Numbers

Schistura madhavai

One of the most intriguing findings of the study is that ecosystem degradation may not always be apparent when scientists assess entire fish communities collectively.

In some instances, environmental variables appeared to have little effect on overall fish abundance or diversity. However, when individual species were examined separately, clear patterns emerged.

For example, variations in the amount of detritus—organic matter that accumulates on stream beds and serves as a vital food resource—did not significantly affect the overall fish assemblage. Yet for certain species, including habitat specialists, such changes proved critically important.

“This highlights a key conservation challenge,” Bandara said. “If we only look at total fish numbers or community-wide patterns, we may overlook serious declines occurring among environmentally sensitive species.”

Indicator Species as Ecological Sentinels

The findings underscore the importance of using so-called “indicator species” in environmental monitoring programmes.

Indicator species are organisms whose presence, absence or abundance reflects the health of an ecosystem. Because they respond rapidly to environmental change, they can provide early warnings of ecological degradation.

The Rakwana loach appears to fit this role exceptionally well.

“Species with narrow habitat requirements often act as ecological sentinels,” Bandara observed. “Monitoring them can provide a much clearer picture of ecosystem health than relying solely on broad biodiversity assessments.”

For conservation practitioners, this means that protecting sensitive endemic species may also help safeguard entire freshwater ecosystems.

Restoring Streamside Forests

Perhaps the study’s most important conservation message concerns the restoration of degraded riparian forests—the vegetation growing alongside streams and rivers.

Researchers argue that restoring these streamside habitats should be a priority in freshwater biodiversity conservation efforts.

Healthy riparian vegetation provides shade, reduces erosion, filters pollutants, enhances habitat complexity and supports the intricate ecological interactions upon which aquatic life depends.

“The restoration of degraded riparian forests is likely to be one of the most effective conservation measures for protecting freshwater biodiversity,” Bandara emphasised.

Such efforts could prove particularly valuable in landscapes where agricultural expansion has fragmented natural habitats.

Awareness sessions

A Broader Lesson for Conservation

The study offers a timely reminder that freshwater conservation cannot be achieved by focusing exclusively on water bodies themselves. The surrounding landscape matters immensely.

From the mist-laden streams flowing down the Sinharaja foothills to the countless rivulets nourishing Sri Lanka’s river systems, the fate of freshwater biodiversity is intimately linked to the health of adjacent forests.

As conservationists grapple with accelerating habitat loss and climate-related pressures, the research demonstrates that protecting and restoring forest cover may be just as important as safeguarding the streams themselves.

In the case of the elusive Rakwana loach, the message is clear: save the forest, and you may save the fish.

For Sri Lanka’s unique freshwater biodiversity, that lesson could not be more important.

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Features

Turning Promises into Justice

Published

on

File photo of lawyers protesting against the Prevention of Terrorism Act in Colombo

Sri Lankans have reason to take satisfaction in their country’s latest international achievement. Sri Lanka has climbed 14 places in the 2026 Global Peace Index to rank 67 in the world out of 163 countries that were assessed. At a time when global peacefulness is reported to be at its lowest level since the inception of the Index, and when more countries are experiencing deterioration than improvement, Sri Lanka’s progress stands out. The ranking reflects the country’s recovery from nearly three decades of war, its efforts to strengthen political stability and public security, and its resilience in overcoming the economic and political crises of recent years. The Global Peace Index assesses the strength of institutions, societal safety and security, and the capacity of societies to manage conflict peacefully.

The challenge is to consolidate the gains that have been made and address those unresolved issues that continue to cast a shadow over the country’s future. It is in this context that two recent announcements by the government assume particular significance. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath has announced that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), one of the most controversial laws in the country, will be repealed and replaced within two months. A report prepared by a committee appointed to make recommendations has already been handed over to him. According to the minister, the new legislation, to be known as the State Prevention of Terrorism Act, incorporates recommendations from civil society and is intended to comply with international standards on counter terrorism.

At the same time, Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara has reaffirmed the government’s commitment to uncovering the truth about missing persons. During a visit to the Chemmani mass grave excavation site in Jaffna, he stated that the excavations should be completed expeditiously so that justice can be done and assured that the necessary resources have been allocated for the task. The excavations are taking place under judicial supervision with the participation of forensic experts, archaeologists, lawyers and representatives of the Office on Missing Persons. These commitments made by the government address two of the most contentious issues that have troubled Sri Lanka for decades. They also suggest that the government believes the country is now in a position to deal with difficult questions from its past rather than postpone them indefinitely.

After Breakthroughs

The timing of the pledge to repeal the PTA is particularly noteworthy. For many years successive governments promised to replace the law but failed to do so. Sri Lanka undertook to repeal it in 2017 as part of its commitments linked to retaining GSP Plus trade concessions by the European Union. Yet despite repeated assurances the law remained in force. The question therefore arises as to why the government now appears determined to act. One possible explanation is that the Easter Sunday investigations have reached a decisive stage. The investigation into the bombings that killed more than 260 people in 2019 appears to have made significant breakthroughs. If these investigations continue along their present course, it is possible that accountability will extend beyond those who directly carried out the attacks to those who may have facilitated, enabled or been part of a wider criminal conspiracy.

There is broad agreement within society that those who masterminded the dastardly Easter bombing must be held accountable and that the victims deserve the truth and justice. However, it is important that the process by which responsibility is determined is seen by the public to be fair, lawful and impartial. If those accused are convicted following a transparent judicial process that respects due process and the rule of law, the outcome is far more likely to gain acceptance across society. This is where the repeal of the PTA becomes important. A transition from a law associated with prolonged detention and exceptional powers to one that is more consistent with human rights standards would strengthen rather than weaken the legitimacy of the investigations. Accountability obtained through a process that is visibly fair will be more durable and less vulnerable to allegations of political motivation or selective justice.

The Chemmani excavations may also provide an example of how such credibility can be built. The process is taking place under judicial supervision and in full public view with the participation of independent experts. Whatever conclusions emerge, and follow up action is decided on, the process itself should command respect because it is transparent and accountable. The same principles can be applied to the Easter Sunday investigations. Public confidence is strengthened when investigations are conducted openly, when legal safeguards are respected and when the rights of both victims and accused persons are protected. The significance of these investigations may extend beyond the tragedy itself. There is likely to be an overlap between those who are eventually found responsible for the Easter Sunday conspiracy and elements of the state apparatus that exercised power during the final stages of the war.

Setting Precedent

For many years Sri Lanka has struggled to address allegations of wartime abuses. The issue has remained politically sensitive because it touches upon the conduct of those who were regarded by many as wartime heroes. Yet if the Easter Sunday investigations establish that senior officials can be investigated and held accountable when evidence warrants it, an important precedent will have been set. Once the deck is cleared through the Easter Sunday investigations and the judicial process that follows, it may become less difficult to address allegations relating to wartime abuses, including those connected to sites such as Chemmani where evidence is now being painstakingly uncovered. This would also strengthen Sri Lanka’s position internationally.

Since the end of the war in 2009, the country has remained under varying degrees of scrutiny by the United Nations Human Rights Council. In October 2025, the Council renewed the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to continue collecting and preserving evidence relating to past violations. The next review of Sri Lanka is due in September this year. The government now has an opportunity to demonstrate that Sri Lanka is capable of addressing difficult issues through its own institutions and according to its own democratic values. The commitments to repeal the PTA and to pursue investigations into missing persons can be seen in that light. Those who were victimized query as to what happened to their loved ones and to the information they know full well they entrusted to the government authorities and to the commissions of inquiry that were appointed. These are opportunities to show that accountability and national ownership can go hand in hand.

Reconciliation requires the difficult task of remembering truthfully. Too often Sri Lanka has sought stability by postponing difficult questions. Yet unresolved grievances do not disappear. They persist across generations and continue to shape political attitudes and communal relationships. Sri Lanka’s rise in the Global Peace Index is an achievement worth celebrating. But the true measure of peace is not only the absence of conflict. It is the presence of justice, trust and confidence in public institutions. The government’s commitments on PTA repeal, the Easter Sunday investigations and the search for truth regarding the disappeared suggest an awareness that old approaches have run their course. The government has an opportunity to break with the patterns of the past. The test now lies in implementation.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Features

The burden, and also strength, of the critical scholar in the Humanities

Published

on

The biggest part of the challenge of a critical scholar in the humanities is having to engage critically with the very realities that define her existence as a social being. She cannot even begin to comment on the focus of her study without creating shock waves that would hit her own self in some form. One could argue that the scholars in the field of the humanities are part of what is being studied in one way or another. Critical scholarship in those fields entails destabilising the ground beneath their own feet.

An essential part of scholarly inquiry is being able to objectify what is being studied and examine it closely but at a distance, that, too, in a manner that scholar’s personal biases do not affect the judgement. Any failure to comply with this requirement immediately brands the study as unscientific. To try to understand this using an example situation, I would assume that a scientist who experiments with sodium and chlorine as chemical elements have the privilege of entering the experiment without any personal and emotional ties to either of the elements, placing one element in contact with the other without having to raise questions about her own existence, and observing and recording the outcome of the experiment without having to simultaneously examine what sort of implications the outcome has had for her as a person. The findings of the experiment may certainly advance her/him in the domain of science, but it is unlikely that the outcome of the study would result in any transformation within her as a social being.

The same privilege is not available for the (critical) scholars in the humanities. What chemical elements are for the scientist, the different social, political, cultural, gender, ethnic, racial, and religious identities are for those in the humanities. What the controlled, and also largely predictable, laboratory environment is for the scientist, the uncontrolled, even erratic, society is for those in the humanities. What the scientific experiments where the composition and behaviour of the individual chemical elements are explored is for the scientist, a close examination of phenomena and topics that cut across the categories of the social, the political, the cultural, and the religious is for those in the humanities.

The relatively clear differentiation or separation that is there between the scientist’s personal space and the laboratory setting where she conducts her research is not there in the case of her counterpart in the humanities. The latter does not have a separate laboratory setting that she can step into from her personal space, as the social space, which is her site of research, has her personal space already embedded in it. The freedom that the scientist has to cut herself off from what shapes her existence as a social and political being, as she enters her laboratory, is not available for her counterpart in the humanities, for the simple reason that the social and the political, which define her life outside her research, is also at the core of what they engage with in their research. Even in a setting where the latter locks herself up in a room and cuts herself off from the rest of society, the social and the political continue to define both her perspective and the object of study. Even the most effective scientist (but may not be the ideal scientist) has the option of taking her life, defined by the social, the political, the cultural and the religious, for granted, as her success is measured purely on the basis of her scholarly output; however, even the most ineffective scholar in the humanities would have to acknowledge the nexus between her personal life and her scholarly life, explicitly or implicitly, and her engagement with the chosen object of study will entail some sort of an engagement with her existence.

To use an example from the field of language studies which my work is primarily in, New Varieties of English, like what is called Sri Lankan English, is a topic that I try to engage with in both my teaching and research. Approached from a critical point of view, Sri Lankan English as a New Variety of English is more a political category than a linguistic one. The claims that you make may be based on linguistic evidence, but the conceptualisation of a separate form of English as Sri Lankan English even on the basis of objective linguistic evidence is primarily a political claim. The creation of such a category invariably results in a reconfiguration of the linguistic terrain of the country. Every claim that is made in favour of Sri Lankan English as a category results in a certain destablilisation of Sinhala and English, which are my first language and second language respectively, and the tense relations between which two languages have shaped my identity in a fundamental way. It is not only the two languages that get shaken; the broader ethnic identities that are associated with the two languages also undergo transformation, and this transformation certainly has an impact on who/what I am.

Even when I find the case for Sri Lankan English to be convincing, I feel compelled to word the arguments carefully. This feeling of compulsion to word the arguments carefully is certainly in recognition of the need to make academically-sound arguments; however, in addition to that, it has also to do with my position outside the social class which has traditionally been seen as having proprietary rights over the language. In that setting, I am less of an academic with an objective mindset than of a strategist who is enmeshed in the ethnic and class relations that define the topic of Sri Lankan English. At the same time, in a context where one’s knowledge of English is a primary determiner of her success in society and what is predominantly valued is the so-called proper forms of English, I have had to ask myself if any claims, including the most convincing, academically-sound ones, in the direction of legitimising Sri Lankan English should not be with caution.

I have also had to reconcile between two seemingly contradictory positions involved in making a case for Sri Lankan English, especially in the context of an English Honours programme, that, too, at a leading university in the country. On the one hand, making a case for Sri Lankan English entails encouraging deviation from the established norm/s of the language; on the other hand, considering the nature of the programme, the need to require the students to make that case using a normative form of English that would be recognised internationally could not be overlooked. At one level, this seeming contradiction could easily be dismissed as hypocrisy, but a closer and more serious reading of the situation would see in it a certain “maneuvering” and “negotiating” that the scholars in the discipline of English Studies stationed in peripheral contexts like ours are constrained to undertake in their engagement with the topic at hand. Although the arguments that get made have the appearance of truth, a close analysis of those arguments would indicate a certain identity politics that is being played. This identity politics has a direct bearing on the identity of the scholar who engages with the topic.

Accordingly, to make a claim in the humanities from a critical point of view is also to question in some form what defines one’s own identity, and this may not be the most comfortable undertaking for many of us in the field. This explains, at least to a certain extent, why some scholarly engagements with history results in mere glorifications of the mainstream historical narratives; why some scholarly engagements with literature and language results in a mere celebration of the mainstream literary traditions and hegemonic languages; how some scholarly engagements with the idea of culture directly subscribe to the position that culture should always be preserved and celebrated. Such approaches leave the status-quo largely untouched, and therefore the amount of unsettling that the scholars have to deal with is minimal. How much value that they are in a position to add to the existing scholarship, of course, is a question.

Any act of critical scholarship in the field of the humanities entails the scholar having to challenge in some form what defines her personal existence. This may not be the most comfortable move to make, but that is the only way the scholar could try to make a contribution of value to the field. It is important that this dilemma that the critical scholars in the humanities have to go through is recognised for what it is.

(Nandaka Maduranga Kalugampitiya is attached to the Department of English, University of Peradeniya.)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Nandaka Maduranga
Kalugampitiya

Continue Reading

Trending