Features
Privy Council acquits 1962 coup accused, and “nincompoops” as ambassadors
“The usual 10%” on a government purchase
(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)
The Governor-General was requested to ascertain, if possible, which way the Chief Justice’s mind was working and the Chief, apparently, gave no indication at all. To avoid a stalemate, the Government was compelled to eat humble pie and restore to the Chief Justice the Judicial Power they had wrested from him. They came b efore Parliament again with the necessary amending Bill which passed into law as the Criminal Law Act, No 31 of 1962. Except for divesting the Minister of Justice of his purported judicial power, the later Act did not touch the obnoxious provisions of the earlier Act
The Chief Justice, in the exercise of the power lawfully vested in him, constituted a Bench consisting of Sansoni, H. N. G. Fernando and L. B. de Silva, JJ to sit at Bar. In April 1965, after a very lengthy trial, the court convicted the accused, and in convicting the accused, said ‘But we must draw attention to the fact that the Act of 1962 radically altered ex post facto the punishments to which the defendants are rendered liable. The Act removed the discretion of the court as to the period of the sentence to be imposed and compels the court to impose a term of ten years’ imprisonment, although we would have wished to differentiate in the matter of sentence between those who organized the conspiracy and those who were induced to join it.
‘It also imposes a compulsory forfeiture of property. These amendments were not merely retroactive: they were also ad hoc, applicable only to the conspiracy which was the subject of the charges we have tried. We are unable to understand this discrimination. To the courts, which must be free of political bias, treasonable offences are equally heinous, whatever be the complexion of the Government in power or whoever be the offender.’
The right of appeal to the Court of Criminal Appeal having been taken away, the only remedy left to the accused was to appeal to Her Majesty in Council. In this appeal, Gratiaen, Q. C., H. W. Jayewardene, Q. C., and Dick Taverne appeared for the accused appellants. Tennekoon, Q. C., our Solicitor-General appeared for the Crown. The tomes of evidence were not read before the Board. Instead, a preliminary question of law was submitted by Gratiaen and upheld by the Privy Council. The appeals were allowed and the convictions quashed.
In holding the Acts, Nos 1 of 1962 and 31 of 1962 to be void as constituting an interference with the judicial power, their Lordships of the Privy Council said: ‘They (that is, the Acts) were aimed at particular known individuals who had been named in a White Paper and were in prison awaiting their fate… That the alterations in the law were not intended for the generality of the citizens or designed as any improvement in the general law is shown by the fact that the effect of those alterations was to be limited to participants in the January coup, and that after these had been dealt with by the judges, the law should revert to its normal state.’
And so, ended on an extremely happy note an extremely unhappy episode.
Our Ambassadorial post in Washington had been vacant for a long time and the Prime Minister informed her Ministers that the American Ambassador, Miss Willis, had suggested that an early appointment be made. The Prime Minister was again outspoken. She said it was time that they stopped appointing to top posts men of no ability merely because they were party men, that it was time they stopped the practice of appointing SLFP ‘nincompoops’ (her actual words) and that in this case a man of proved ability who could carry himself with dignity and bring honour to his country should be appointed. There was a dearth of such men in the country, she said, and she proposed the name of Shirley Amarasinghe, then Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Finance. The Cabinet unanimously agreed and the unanimous wish of the Cabinet was conveyed to Shirley on the telephone by the Finance Minister, Felix Dias. Shirley begged to be excused.
In July 1962, yet another Queen’s Speech had to be drafted. C. P. de Silva congratulated me on my draft and suggested that I should be given a knighthood and addressed as ‘Sir Bernard’. I replied that
if that misfortune ever befell me, I would be the most impecunious knight in the Island. My draft was mutilated in Cabinet and a fresh one had to be prepared according to the oral instructions of the Ministers. Each time the Ministers saw their draft, they changed their minds, with the result that the Speech was not finally approved until the Ministers had seen my fourth attempt. The Speech was read to Parliament on July 11,1962. It stated that a vigorous policy would be followed in the implementation of the Official Language Act. This line was added by Felix Dias. In view of previous experiences, I thought it would be wiser not to refer to this thorny problem. India was following a far more sensible course.
Rajagopalachari had said that if the all-India medium is given up in the universities and the various regional languages take its place, boys and girls will stand isolated into fifteen islands instead of being common citizens of all India. Calling upon the boys and girls in the universities not to fall into the trap laid for them, he said: You will not find easy scope for employment, which is the only way by which young men and women can serve their country.
Your present mobility will become a thing of the past and you will have to suffer the life of caste and other group preferences, within a narrow boundary. You may find it easier to pass examinations and tests with a regional medium but what will be the benefit that cheap degrees and diplomas will confer on you? It would be like becoming rich with debased money. Hindi cannot take the place of English as an all-India medium and even if it did, we would have surrendered all advantages to those whose mother tongue is Hindi.
The Speech also contained a line which stated that Parliament would be asked to consider a Bill for the removal of Press monopolies. The Government appeared to be determined to take over the Times of Ceylon and the Lake House newspapers. Resolutions were being passed by bodies all over the country against the proposed Press Bill.
One hundred and fifty editors from thirty-three countries urged the withdrawal of Ceylon’s lamentable Press Bill at a meeting in Paris. In due course, the Bill was introduced in Parliament, but had to be taken out of the Order Paper because the Minister introducing it did not follow the correct procedure. Sirimavo’s Government went out of office before further steps could be taken.
The “Daily News” critic severely criticized the Sinhala translation of the Speech. It was in fact a translation, because the Cabinet approved the English version. This was then translated into Sinhala by an officer of the Cabinet Office and into Tamil by Mudaliyar Sabanayagam, then of the Department of Information.
The critic said: ‘The people have a right to expect the Throne Speech to be flawless both in wording and phrasing. Like the Queen’s English it must possess an impeccability of diction. Yet, the melancholy fact has to be recorded that the Throne Speech read out by the Governor-General was anything but that. It was a clumsy piece of workmanship. That clumsiness arose from the fact that it was a mere translation, and as such it was an object lesson in the danger of allowing a task demanding the utmost care and precision of execution to be entrusted to the wrong hands.’
At about this time Sir Oliver, who was then in London, inquired from my brother G. S., who was our Ambassador in Burma, whether my brother would be kind enough to have him as a guest in the Embassy during a visit which he intended to make shortly to that country. My brother was very happy to receive a former Governor-General but, in the context of the past, had the sense to ask the Prime Minister for orders. Sir Oliver had obtained the necessary visas through our High Commissioner in the United Kingdom and the Burmese Ambassador there. The Burmese Government had been worried because they were unaware of the purpose of the visit. My brother was instructed to inform Sir Oliver, with much regret, of his inability to receive him.
Why is it that, with our representatives abroad today in so many foreign capitals, our Ministers fly across whenever a trade or other agreement has to be signed? It surely cannot be that our Ambassador is not competent to handle the matter. What exactly is he there for? And apropos of that, here is a story. My brother was the most senior official in one of our foreign missions at a time when Ceylon was desperately short of rice. After much correspondence between our Mission and the Ministry of External Affairs, a contract had been entered into between the Government of Ceylon and a private corporation in the foreign country for the supply of a specified quantity of rice at a certain price.
My brother had to sign the contract on behalf of the Government as our Ambassador was out of the Capital at the time. On the day of signing, the officer representing the corporation had met my brother and told him that the sum agreed to by the Government included the usual ten percent. My brother had inquired what that was and was told “Oh that’s for you. The usual business commission. You can take it or leave it”. And he left it. The contract was amended and signed for the reduced amount. The commissions or “cut” came to over two lakhs of rupees. He had a snorter from the Ambassador who had told him that he had no business to interfere with figures settled with our Ministry.
In July 1962, Felix announced his Third budget. He relieved taxpayers of a burden of filling several tax forms connected with the personal tax, the wealth tax, the expenditure tax, the capital gains tax and the land tax. This was a very popular move. The filling up of these forms had been a source of annoyance to many persons. A deficit of Rs 512 million had to be met. To cover this, he increased the rate of income tax and reduced the personal allowances previously allowed for wife and children. He reduced the rice ration by half a measure which was a very unpopular move, though a very necessary one. Fears were expressed that the move might affect the future of the party.
Customs duties were increased. Taxation had reached its maximum limit. There was still a gap of Rs 200 million to be filled. To find a little extra revenue, Felix Dias proposed to impose a sales tax on several articles like tea, coffee, Ovaltine, powdered milk and exercise books. The imposition of such a tax would have sent the very high cost of living still higher and the proposal was rejected. A sales tax on several other articles was therefore imposed. The sales tax was fairly high – 7.5% and naturally, the retailers had to increase their prices to the consumer, which they did.
The tax did not work out in the manner expected by the Government. Having raised the price to cover the extra amount paid to the wholesaler, the retailer and every boutique keeper added a further 7.5% to the consumer who therefore was compelled to pay 15% extra on the previous price. The businessmen were against the Government and consumers who protested were told “You put this Government in; go and tell your Government”.
The Government was extremely agitated, over the reaction of the “rural masses who are with us” to the excessive prices charged by the traders who put the blame on the Government. The Cabinet met on two successive days and, at the insistence of four of the Ministers, Felix was compelled to withdraw the tax within two days of its imposition, a most unusual step after he had announced it in his budget speech as one of his major taxation proposals. Opposition members said that such an important step should not have been taken without mature thought and called for his resignation; but Felix Dias, like Old Man River, went on.
Features
Why ‘Southasianness’ should continue to matter for the ‘SAARC Eight’
At a time when Sri Lanka’s foreign policy is coming under intense scrutiny by some local sections it is only right that impartial and independent commentators shed some clarity on what fundamental foreign policy directions Sri Lanka ought to take. The extremely fluid and complex nature of current international politics renders such an understanding crucially important.
Given its vulnerabilities in a number of spheres Sri Lanka has no choice but to persist in broadly following the path of Non-alignment. That is, it should be ‘a friend of all and an enemy of none’, to the extent possible. However, it does not follow that in the process it could compromise what is seen as its national interest.
The latter point needs stressing against the backdrop of the criticisms the Sri Lankan government has been attracting from some quarters over what is made out to be some opaqueness in security and defence cooperation agreements it has entered into with India. It remains advisable for the Sri Lankan government to enter into pacts of this nature with India, but the government is obliged to disclose the contents of these agreements to the Sri Lankan people without undue delay in consideration of the uncompromisable sovereign rights of a people in a democracy.
However, there is no denying that the government should make it a central foreign policy premise to always work in cooperation with India. A consideration of what it cost Sri Lanka in the past to be in a disharmonious relationship with India and how such policy missteps worked against Sri Lanka’s best interests ought to dictate to Sri Lanka the advisability of maintaining uninterrupted cordial ties with India. Moreover, common sense ought to drive home to a country the costs of being at loggerheads with one’s closest neighbour who has also proved a ‘ready friend in deed.’
That said, it is the bounden duty of Sri Lanka’s diplomatic community or establishment to ensure that such cooperation does not degenerate into a policy of subservience towards India. That is, finesse and farsightedness in local diplomacy become prime requirements.
While India’s geographical location and physical size, besides her other strengths, contribute towards her centrality in regional and world affairs, her neighbours would be thinking and acting far-sightedly if they not only focus on India and her legitimate interests but also ensure continuous friction-free intra-South Asian relations. That is, for them collective South Asian well being should be of fundamental importance.
Much more than for India perhaps, such harmonious ties are of inestimable importance to India’s neigbours who are up against multiple vulnerabilities which are to a great extent regionally rooted. The latter could never, that is, afford to take their minds off the region’s collective development prospects.
The above are some of the reasons why it could prove highly counter-productive and self-defeating for the ‘South Asian Eight’ to render dormant and ineffective the historic SAARC organization. Rather than ‘dead’ SAARC has been allowed to drift into the ‘Limbo of Forgotten Things.’
The growing inter-dependence of the ‘SAARC Eight’ ought to impress on the collectivity the need to step-up regional cooperation in multiple areas which impinge on its members’ legitimate interests. For instance, the youth-led ‘Cockroach’ revolts, first in India and subsequently outside, should convince South Asia that it is continuing to be plagued in a major way by poverty and equity-linked issues. That is, West-inspired, largely market economics-dictated ways to see an end to poverty are simply not working completely.
Likewise climate-related questions are ravaging South Asia in unimaginable ways; Nepal being just one case in point. The rationale for regional cooperation remains valid and undefeated. It is time for revived and stepped-up SAARC cooperation. That is, the solutions to the region’s development dilemmas need to be found in mainly the region.
This amounts to making a case for a continued sense of ‘Southasianness’ among the SAARC countries. That is the conviction should be firm that they know their developmental challenges best and that answers to these issues must be primarily evolved by the grouping itself in cooperation with concerned sections.
From the above viewpoints the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo did very well to tie-up with the South Asian University (SAU), India, to increase public awareness on the developmental problems affecting South Asia and for initiating a number collaborative measures that aim at ameliorating them. The relevant agreement was formalized in early September at the RCSS. The sealing of the pact took place under the aegis of SAU President Prof. K.K. Aggarwal and RCSS Executive Director Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha.
A press release issued by the organizations said the collaboration aims ‘to foster research networks, partnerships and collaborations for transformative change across South Asia.’ It also mentioned that the partnership marked the first agreement to be signed by SAU with an independent think tank in Sri Lanka.
Among other things, pacts such as the above are bold moves in the direction of fostering a spirit of intellectual independence in those areas of the South facing some of the stiffest developmental challenges. Rather than ‘import’ solutions to these challenges from outside the region, the SAU-RCSS initiative aims at fostering fresh approaches to evolving solutions to problems that are uniquely South Asian.
It is hoped that the SAU and RCSS initiative while leading a to a greater degree of Southern intellectual independence in the area of development thinking would also help in kick-starting the SAARC process all over again in a major way.
What ought to lend fresh urgency to the latter undertakings are fast-breaking current developments in international politics. It ought to be perceived by the most underdeveloped regions of the South that going forward their well being would matter least or not at all to the major powers of both East and West.
For example at the time of writing the foremost among US and Chinese political leaders are meeting in the US in what is made out to be a historic coming together of sorts to address issues of common concern. It is highly unlikely that the parties would be addressing the economic preoccupations of the least developed countries. The same goes for other states that matter from the East and West.
Essentially, the US and China would be looking at ways of strengthening business ties that matter majorly for them. The South and its issues would prove to be of peripheral interest, if at all they happen to matter to the protagonists. Such developments ought to be fresh reminders to the South and their collaborative organizations that there is no escaping self-help and joint solidarity.
Features
Is Sri Lanka prepared for global literacy crisis?
by Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva
Adult literacy has for a long time been one of Sri Lanka’s greatest sources of pride, serving as a social indicator that has set the country apart from several of its neighbours in the region. For many years Sri Lanka has been recognised for keeping its literacy rates at a level like those of middle-income countries and even some high-income ones, even though it has faced economic difficulties and political instability. However, since new global research has now shown an unexpected and concerning decline in adult literacy in several high-income countries, it is important to consider what this means for Sri Lanka.
The phenomenon described by Jishnu Das, Yash Dhuldhoya and Ethan Sager, the unexplained fall in functional literacy among adults in wealthy nations. calls for a more thorough examination of the nature of literacy, the pressures exerted by the modern information environment, and the vulnerabilities that Sri Lanka might encounter as it moves towards a more digital, ageing and complex society. Even though Sri Lanka’s basic literacy rates remain high and steady, the global trend acts as a warning that literacy is not a fixed accomplishment but a dynamic capability which must be continually fostered, safeguarded and adapted to changing circumstances.
Decline in functional literacy
The drop in literacy rate in high-income countries is not due to people losing the ability to read or write in the ordinary way. On the contrary, it reflects a decline in functional literacy, which is the capacity to deal with, understand, and apply information in real-life situations. This kind of literacy involves following instructions, comprehending official documents, using digital interfaces, interpreting medical information, and making sense of complicated texts that demand continuous attention.
Researchers stress that the decline cannot be attributed merely to disruptions caused by COVID-19 or the increasing use of smartphones; instead, there is going on something more fundamental: a weakening of the cognitive and informational bases that adults need to function properly in modern society. In countries such as the United States, the percentage of adults regarded as functionally illiterate has increased significantly, indicating that even highly educated societies are having difficulty in keeping up the skills required to handle ever more complex streams of information.
Sri Lanka immune?
At first sight, Sri Lanka seems to be immune from this trend. The country’s adult literacy rate is still above 92 per cent and youth literacy is even higher. According to the 2024 Census, literacy rates exceed 97 per cent among people aged ten and over, with nearly equal levels between the sexes. These figures show the continued strength of Sri Lanka’s system of free education, a system which in the past has guaranteed widespread access to school and has produced generation after generation of citizens who could read and write at a basic level.
There has also been a steady improvement in educational attainment, with an increasing number of adults finishing secondary education and a larger proportion going on to tertiary institutions. Unlike the mysterious drops observed in rich countries, Sri Lanka’s literacy figures demonstrate stability and even a slight improvement.
However, although the surface appearance is reassuring, an even more complicated reality exists. The literacy figures for Sri Lanka only record basic literacy, that is, the ability to read and write simple sentences, and they do not include measures of functional literacy. It is impossible to tell from these statistics whether adults can interpret a bank statement, understand a medical prescription, use an online government portal, or critically assess information that is spreading on social media. As is shown by the global trend, having a high level of basic literacy does not ensure a strong degree of functional literacy. On the contrary, functional literacy can fall even if basic literacy stays the same. This difference is important for Sri Lanka, particularly since the country is currently experiencing rapid digitalization, demographic ageing, and social change.
Major risk factor
A major risk factor is the move towards digital information environments. In high-income countries, researchers believe that the prevalence of smartphones and short-form digital content may be diminishing people’s ability to engage in deep reading. Nowadays, individuals take in information in short, rapid segments by scrolling through social media feeds, quickly reading headlines, and viewing short videos. Such behaviour decreases the opportunity for sustained reading, which is necessary for keeping comprehension, critical thinking, and the capacity to deal with complex information intact.
Sri Lanka is going through a comparable change. There has been a sharp increase in the number of people using smartphones, and social media sites have become the main sources of news, leisure, and communication. Although there are many advantages to having digital access, it also results in a situation where superficial reading becomes the standard approach and could therefore lead to a decline in functional literacy over time.
Demographic ageing as challenge
A further challenge that is coming up is demographic ageing. Sri Lanka is rapidly moving towards becoming an ageing society, with an increasing number of older people who might experience cognitive decline, have less exposure to new information, and enjoy few opportunities for further learning. In high-income countries, ageing populations have led to a fall in functional literacy since older individuals have had difficulty adapting to digital systems and complicated bureaucratic procedures.
The older generation in Sri Lanka, many whom were educated many decades ago under different curriculum standards, could end up becoming increasingly vulnerable in a world in which essential services, such as banking and healthcare, are being moved online. If appropriate support is not provided, the country may witness a growing gap between basic literacy and functional literacy among older adults.
In Sri Lanka, the way in which administration and the workplace are organised has in the past placed greater trust in personal communication and on basic forms of documentation. What in high-income countries would require complex reading is instead carried out through face-to-face contact in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, this situation is now changing. Government services are becoming available online, banks are introducing digital systems, and in workplaces there is an increasing need for employees to use electronic systems. Since these changes are happening at a faster rate, the demand for functional literacy will increase. Should adults not be able to meet these new demands, Sri Lanka might start to see the kind of decline in literacy that has been seen in other places.
Misinformation and disinformation
Another worry is the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Sri Lanka, there has already been the quick dissemination of false information via social media, with this having an impact on public health, politics, and social cohesion. Since functional literacy is essential for allowing people to assess sources, doubt the claims made, and tell the difference between reliable information and falsehoods, a lack of functional literacy causes societies to be more open to manipulation, polarisation, and confusion.
The fact that there has been a global drop in functional literacy at the same time as misinformation has increased points to a dangerous feedback cycle: when literacy is low people become more prone to misinformation, and the misinformation in turn damages their ability to think critically about information. Given that the country has a high level of social media use and a lack of digital literacy training, Sri Lanka should take this risk seriously.
Even though there are these risks, Sri Lanka has several advantages which can assist in avoiding a drop in functional literacy. The country’s system of basic education is still strong, showing high enrolment figures and good results in basic literacy.
Families in Sri Lanka still place a great deal of importance on education and reading is still a respected cultural activity. Furthermore, because of its relatively small size and the fact that it has a centralized form of government, it is more efficient than in bigger countries to carry out nationwide literacy campaigns. These strengths offer a firm basis for developing new strategies for protecting and improving functional literacy.
Literacy a process
It should be realised by Sri Lanka that attaining literacy is not a single accomplishment achieved in childhood. In the modern world, literacy must be a skill that is constantly put into practice, kept up to date and adapted to changing circumstances. The fact that adult literacy is declining worldwide shows that even in wealthy countries with well-developed education systems deterioration can occur if adults are not supported in keeping their cognitive and informational abilities. Sri Lanka cannot afford to be careless.
It is necessary for the country to invest in adult education, in programmes concerning digital literacy and in the development of cognitive skills for all age groups. It also needs to establish ways of measuring functional literacy rather than just basic literacy so that policymakers can detect emerging weaknesses and act in advance.
A vital measure is to increase the opportunities for adult learning. Although Sri Lanka has effective literacy programmes based in schools, the country’s infrastructure for adult education is limited. Community centres, libraries, universities, and vocational institutes should take on a more significant role by providing courses, workshops, and reading programmes which are tailored for adults. The programmes should place an emphasis not just on reading and writing but also on digital navigation, critical thinking, and information processing. Adults should be given the chance to practise the skills that are necessary for them to function effectively in a rapidly changing world.
Importance of digital literacy programmes
It is just as important to have digital literacy programmes. Since an increasing number of services are being offered online, adults need to learn how to use digital tools with confidence and in a safe manner. This involves knowing how to fill out online forms, moving around on government websites, using banking apps, and being able to spot misinformation. The digital literacy courses available should be accessible, affordable, and adapted to different age groups, especially older adults who might feel put off by technology. Schools can also contribute by incorporating digital literacy into their curriculum so that future generations acquire good functional literacy skills from an early age.
Sri Lanka should also investigate introducing policies which promote cognitive health among older people. Since cognitive decline can lead to a deterioration of functional literacy, it becomes more difficult for older individuals to deal with information. It is possible to help keep cognitive function by setting up programmes that promote reading, social interaction, physical activity, and continued learning. During regular medical visits, healthcare professionals should include cognitive assessments so that any problems affecting literacy-related skills can be picked up early.
Sri Lanka needs to create tools for measuring functional literacy, since the figures available on basic literacy give an incomplete account of the country’s capabilities. By using assessments of functional literacy like those employed in high-income countries, Sri Lanka would be able to monitor how well its adults can apply their literacy skills in real-life situations.
Features
From Colombo to Vegas: Sri Lankan talent shines at WCOPA
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) is known globally as the Olympics of performing arts, but Sri Lankans came to know of it more closely when Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2026, in Las Vegas, earned a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category.
Behind Sri Lanka’s WCOPA journey is Sri Lanka-born Chris Rajendra, who migrated to the United States in 2007, and deserves special congratulations.
Passionate about discovering and promoting talent, Chris has been actively involved in the pageant and performing arts, industry since 2002.
A major milestone came in 2015, when he introduced WCOPA, to Sri Lanka, for the first time, creating an international platform for Sri Lankan performers.
Sachini Ayendra became the very first candidate to represent Sri Lanka at WCOPA, in 2015, marking the beginning of Team Sri Lanka’s journey.
Chris served as National Director for Team Sri Lanka from 2015 to 2018, and has returned to the role for the 2026–2027 term, continuing his commitment to identifying, developing and promoting Sri Lankan talent internationally.
His involvement in pageantry and performing arts includes:
Recruiter, Miss Nevada United States – 2014

Chris Rajendra: National Director – WCOPA Team Sri Lanka
Manager, Miss Colombia Las Vegas – 2013 to 2017
Director for the West Coast and International Divisions of Ms. Latina International and Ms. International World – 2017
National Director for Team Sri Lanka – WCOPA, 2015–2018 and 2026–2027
Co-National Director for Team USA – WCOPA 2026
In the USA, Chris began his career in retail before transitioning into insurance and financial services, where he built extensive experience in sales, marketing, leadership and business development.
He owned and operated a brokerage, affiliated with multiple insurance companies, and later served as Marketing Director with Transamerica and World Financial Group.
As his business expanded across Las Vegas and California, he continued to hone his expertise in sales, marketing and client relations. He now works as a Sales Executive at Hilton Grand Vacations.
Looking ahead, Chris will shortly launch the application process for Team Sri Lanka 2027, giving talented Sri Lankan performers another opportunity to represent the country on the world stage.
The 2027 World Championships of Performing Arts will take place in Las Vegas, USA, in July or August 2027.
Through his work in both the corporate and performing arts worlds, Chris Rajendra continues to combine leadership, networking and talent development — creating opportunities for Sri Lankan performers to showcase their abilities on a global platform.
-
News6 days agoShanakiyan urges urgent action over reported death sentence for Lankan in Saudi Arabia
-
News7 days agoBid for Basil’s extradition nears final stage: Police
-
News5 days agoNamal Rajapaksa Buddhist gambit fails, bail denied
-
Features5 days agoWhy the spelling Sri Lankan names in English vary
-
Features5 days agoThree bands, a new identity: Sri Lankan wolf snake recognised as distinct species
-
Business5 days agoSLIIT holds largest-ever convocation
-
News5 days agoGovt monitors reported Saudi death sentence – Foreign Ministry
-
News5 days agoVehicle prices drop by up to Rs. 1 mn, says importers’ body
