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Why the Grade 5 scholarship examination?

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It is in the news that the Ministry of Education is seriously reconsidering the case for the Grade 5 Scholarship Examination. It is wise of the Minister of Education to undertake such reconsideration, given that the examination has lived, I think usefully, for more than sixty years. Long life itself is not a sufficient reason for a longer life; it may have outlived its usefulness and there may be more productive and fairer alternative solutions to the problems it was initially designed to solve. Or, the problems themselves may have changed. Has the Grade 5 Scholarship Examination outlived its usefulness? There are no longitudinal studies of the lives of children who won these scholarships, and one has to depend on anecdotal accounts.

The first 5th standard scholarship examination was held in 1944 and my sister won a scholarship and later volunteered to go to the Training College in Maharagama and become a Specialist English Teacher, so that I could go to university. I took the second Scholarship Examination in 1945 and joined my sister at Hikkaduwa Central School in January 1946. The case of these two siblings was repeated many times over to become a significant social force. The overthrow of the ‘Colombo elite’, who later became little more than a gang of thieves, from political power and the election to office of men and women from entirely new social strata, is an outcome of the social dynamics partly driven by ‘free education’. Can those social forces function without the fillip provided by the 5th standard scholarship examination?

Our parents had no idea of university education or the English language. This was true of most people in the country in the 1940s; it is no longer true. Now, practically everyone is literate and ‘university’  (uni, varsity, campus) is a part of their regular vocabulary. English is no longer a language spoken by people in a distant and strange land. Movies, radio and television, cheap air travel and somewhat higher incomes have combined to bring English closer home to most adults.

At home, English is still a stranger and not a familiar friend who casually walks into the living room. There are small groups of people who are conversant with Arabic, Japanese, Korean or Hindi. English is more familiar than Tamil to most Sinhala speakers and more than Sinhala is to most Tamil speakers. Even parents earning very little and are otherwise stingy and scraping to meet daily expenses, manage to send their children to ‘tuition classes’ to improve the chances that their children would do well at the 5th Grade Scholarship Examination. Changes during the last two generations in a world that has benefited from growth in knowledge and in technology have brought in massive changes in our society.

The social fluidity that the 5th grade scholarship examination and ‘free education’ brought to this society has fired up the imaginations of most people to demand high standards of living, which a sluggish economy has denied them. (I have argued many times on these pages that school education is not a condition necessary to promote or sustain economic growth.) Hence, the exodus from this country during the last generation continues unabated. To call in moralistic considerations and accuse the students of ingratitude when they emigrate for employment is to misread the plight of these young men and women.

Besides, they now remit more than several billion dollars annually, which helps to keep the economy from sinking, weighed down by debt, a part of which was robbed by politicians and public servants. (In 2024, émigré Indian workers remitted some $135 billion to India. In 1976, the amount was about 500 million.)  All these changes have made the 5th standard scholarship examination superfluous for driving children to school and for making them stay there for some 11 years. Drop-out rates become sharp at the end of grade eleven. These are massive achievements in our society, but I doubt the 5th standard scholarship examination is any longer necessary to sustain the dynamism that will sustain them.

The scholarship examination was part of a broader programme. Until well into the 1960s, secondary schools thrived in ‘urban’ areas. When I was in school, a child wanting to study beyond Grade 5 had to attend a secondary school, sometimes several and often many miles away from home, in a town that required resources for transportation, boarding and lodging near the school. (Martin Wickremasinghe and Gunadasa Amarasekera both wrote about this feature in their novels).

Likewise, parents needed information about these opportunities, which was scarce among poor people. An important part of the free education package was opening 54 good secondary schools in rural areas, each in an electoral district. Between 1944 and 1947, 54 central schools opened, first in Matugama and the last in Kuliyapitiya (Meeghakotuva). In between, schools opened in Weeraketiya and Henegama, Poramadulla and Green Street (Kotahena), Ginigathhena and Neliaddy. (Three months ago, when I was in the neighbourhood, I went up to see Wanduramba  Central School, where the first principal was Sumanasuriya, whom I knew a little.

I expected more imposing infrastructure.) Most of these schools had young men as their first principals, mainly university graduates. Many of these men had been teachers in urban secondary schools: Devendra in Hikkaduva from Trinity College, Kandy; Jayatilleke in Ibbagamuva from St. Peter’s, College, Bambalapitiya; T.C.I. Ekanayake in Pelmadulla from Christian College, Kotte. Young men and women emerging from the new University of Ceylon taught English, European and Indian history, Sinhala/Tamil, and occasionally mathematics and sciences in these schools.

Women had yet to enter these institutions, but when they came from central schools in large numbers, they almost took over the teaching profession. These schools taught in English, the ‘white’ language that once thrived in towns and now sought habitats in ‘brown’ rural areas. Students who won the 5th standard scholarships gained entry to these central schools. Most central schools had hostels for both girls and boys, which enabled students to participate fully in all school activities.

More important, life in hostels was culturally much richer than in the homes of most of those children. There were many bright students at varying stages of schooling and interaction among them was stimulating. There were a few teachers living in the hostel who were a constant source of help. (My novel aluth mathanga has a detailed account of that life.) Now, education from Grade I to university is available in Sinhala and Tamil. Secondary schools are widespread in the countryside, and the 5th standard scholarship examination is no longer required for children to access secondary education.

However, the culture of poverty, especially in disadvantaged homes, remains a serious problem. Some communities have yet to benefit from that feature of ‘free education’: children of families working on plantations. We, as a society, miss out on the contributions these children can make.

The children themselves lose both the material and the cultural wealth that education brings. As the 5th standard scholarship and the free education scheme both left these children and communities behind, any reform of the education system must address their needs seriously and without delay.

Yet, why are parents so keen to see their children score high marks at the 5th standard scholarship examination? Because those high marks have come to serve new purposes. The nature of the examination itself has changed over time, although I have not seen any analytical account of these changes. When I sat the scholarship examination, and many years later, it was a test of intelligence as was understood then.

There were no textbooks, and so far as I knew, nobody worked out answers to old question papers in preparation for the scholarship examination. For the examination itself , students were required to bring with them an HH pencil. They answered questions in simple logic, unencumbered, as far as possible, with differences in cultural backgrounds.  That feature ensured that children from poor homes and affluent families, of equal intellectual ability, had equal chances of scoring roughly equally. The examination, as now administered, is deeply biased against children from underprivileged homes. Casual evidence is that students who are felicitated each year for obtaining high scores are almost invariably from homes where both parents are highly educated, in regular employment and live in homes where a student could work quietly.

(The Consumer Finance Surveys conducted by the Central Bank in the earliest years and the Living Standards Surveys conducted by the Statistics Department latterly, inform you about the quality of housing by locality and income levels.) The whole idea of the 5th standard scholarships was to give a leg up to bright children from disadvantaged homes and not to speed up the progress of students from fairly affluent families. Such intensive study as 5th graders now undertake should not be necessary, if the objective were to test the intellectual ability of children. The present examination tests not only the intelligence of students but also their cultural sophistication, which varies with the income levels of parents.

(I ran around the village in grade 5, as if nothing else mattered. If we had had to answer question papers that students face now, my sister and I would not have had a ghost of a chance of going to secondary school and university.)  A child who runs off the noise and dust on village roads must be able to do as well as one who comes from a home with several rooms, cemented floors and tiled roofs. At least that is my experience.

Evidence is now plentiful that the culture in the home that children come from is a large determinant of how well students perform at higher levels of education. Where data is available, it is possible with knowledge of the zip code in the address of a student’s home, to guess correctly the level of education and the professions of the parents of a student and the probability of that student’s high SAT score and the eventual admission to an elite college. In rich countries, during the last 30 years or so, there has come to perpetuate a sort of a ‘caste system’ where children of brahmins perpetually keep out the rest from learning in elite colleges and universities.

As brahmins exclusively read, learn and pray from the vedas, so do the offspring of highly educated and well-off persons monopolise admission to elite universities and professions. The concern of parents to seek a ‘good school’ for their child is right. But that search must be backed up by the right kind of information. The ‘right kind of information’ is not distributed randomly. The more affluent have connections and the funds to obtain the right information.

The parents may be past pupils of ‘good schools’ and it is known that past pupils work to get elected to senior positions in the past pupils’ association when they need to admit their child to that school.

The 5th standard scholarships, central schools with students’ hostels and the system of ‘free education’ all served a civilising function in this society. Some features of that combination are no longer essential to continue that noble endeavour. There is a special responsibility of our society to integrate children from the plantations with the main society and a good school system can help in that process.  New sources of social stratification are emerging and we need to provide pathways both in and out of such structures. The new minister of education and the new government can be helpful.

by Usvatte-aratchi ✍️



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Opinion

Lure of gambling

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Humans are irresistibly attracted to gambling. Despite moral reservations, many governments conduct or encourage the practice. Our country is no exception, and even has state institutions like the National Lotteries Board to exploit this natural impulse. Our state conducts several more, despite the fact that all of our four major religions expressly forbid all forms of gaming and gambling. Ironically, we even have Ministries to protect all our religions – Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islam. We seem to be undeterred by this flagrant violation of a basic tenet, when It can yield substantial tax revenue.

There is a more insidious aspect to this corruption of society. The fact that those mostly addicted by the lure of an instant bonanza, are naturally those who are least able to afford it – the poorer and less literate sectors. The more affluent and educated know better! Is this any different from the State promoting other forms of vice? This is revenue collection at the price of peoples’ misery.

But there is another matter that des attention before. This is the probability of winning. In private gaming houses, I understand that the laws require that some thirty percent is paid as winnings. How do State Lotteries compare?

I have attempted, with my limited math, to examine a typical lottery. This one requires the top winner to hold a ticket with all six correct numbers surfacing in the draw. Each number is drawn from a pool of sixty numbers. I was staggered by the result of my inexpert calculation. The chance of an all correct draw is, according to my computation, is one in several million. A ticket is bought at Rs. 40 (just fifty cents at the beginning) even at the start, it was still it a massive amount of money! I wish that those persons more comfortable with numbers, may work it out.

The offer of prize money of a few million, with the grand offer of carry- over of money that was not awarded, to the following week, is not as grand as it looks at first glance. I reckon that the chance of a win is one in untold millions! Is my logic at fault, or calculation faulty? However, it is more than justified that a more competent mathematician (or audit), be commissioned to re-work the figures.

It cannot be that the Boards are unaware of them. My deductions are beyond belief- several millionth of one percent! Do the authorities consider this as reasonable? It is possibly illegal as well. Is this not a major rip-off unworthy of any State?

Older readers would remember that the first state involvement in Lotteries was the creation of the Hospital Lottery. The stated and laudable aim, was to help build new hospitals, or to refurbish existing ones.

To my knowledge, nothing of the sort has ever happened. New lotteries were spawned and the frequency increased. They are unashamedly, mere gambling exercise, designed to cheat the unwary.

The amount of money collected has to be enormous. It is true that there are operational costs, such as ticket costs, staff salaries, security, agents and retailers commissions, and the costs normally incurred by any institution. There is still a hefty margin. Where does all this go? One has to assume that foolproof procedures and strict audits are held to prevent pilferage.

The lotteries can be a very productive milch-cow. Is this why there is such an unseemly scramble for it, despite its bizarre /coupling if permitted! Foreign Affairs and Lotteries, Finance and the Government Press, Higher Education and Highways! The surprises are never – ending in this “land truly like no other.”

Dr. Upatissa Pethiyagoda ✍️

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Opinion

Irrefutable evidence of genocide and silence of human rights champions

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A British cannon used to quell the Uva-Wellassa rebellion

At a time when the word genocide is being used with political motive, and defencive war is being misconstrued as genocide and real and most brutal genocide is taking place on a global scale with impunity, one should reflect on genocide committed by those who falsely accusing the Sri Lankan armed forces and the government for such crimes. The British who systematically annihilated people including “babies suckling”, in Uva-Wellassa in 1818 and the LTTE, which carried out numerous massacres to drive away the Sinhalese and Muslims in the so-called border villages are now shamelessly levelling unsubstantiated allegations of genocide against the Sri Lankan military. The British, jointly with the US, massacred about a million people, including children, in Iraq on a fabricated charge of possessing weapons of mass destruction. The British helped the LTTE continue their genocide of the Sinhalese and Muslims in the North and the East in an attempt to drive them away and grab their lands, and such crimes constitute genocide according to 1948 Genocide Convention.

“Slaughter every man, woman, and child (including babes suckling at the breast)” were the orders given by Governor Robert Brownrigg (3rd British Governor of Ceylon from 1813 – 1820) to Maj. Gen. Hay MacDowell in 1818 that left the people in the agriculturally rich grain growing region of Uva-Wellassa of then Ceylon in a state of famine and starvation. The British used a scorched earth policy including mass murder and genocide of innocent Sinhala civilians to crush this rebellion. British human rights campaigners now pointing accusing fingers at Sri Lanka have forgotten the Madulla Massacre that led to razing and annihilating entire villages. In the entire Uva region members of the male population above the age of 18 were killed in revenge for resisting British imperial occupation under Governor Brownrigg.

The LTTE similarly massacred hundreds of civilians in cold blood from in many places, such as Sri Maha Bodhi, Aluth Oya, Aranthalawa (where the victims were Buddhist monks), Kattankudy mosque, Palliyagodella, Eravur, Gonagala and Kebethigollewa. Most of those killings, committed outside the war zone, were aimed at terrorising the ordinary people, and that amounts to genocide according to 1948 Genocide Convention. The LTTE carried out many bomb attacks on civilian targets, such as the Central Bus Station in Fort, the Central Bank, crowded trains and buses. In the eastern villages people were bludgeoned and slashed to death so that ammunition could be saved.

Apart from killing and injuring, the LTTE chased away Muslims and Sinhalese from the Northern province, which amounted to ethnic cleansing, an act of genocide according to the above mentioned Convention. The people who were chased away have still not returned to their homes and property, perhaps because of the memory of terror they had experienced in the North. Aren’t these acts of genocide ? The 1948 Convention defines genocide as any of five “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.” These five acts include killing members of the group, causing them serious bodily or mental harm, imposing living conditions intended to destroy the group, preventing births, and forcibly transferring children out of the group.

Attacks on centres of worship like temples and mosques and killing of priests are unpardonable acts of terror aimed at destroying religious groups. Similarly murdering surrendered police officers is butchery of the worst kind. It was such acts of naked terrorism and insane mass murder that made the FBI label the  LTTE “the most brutal terrorist organization in the world”.

Isn’t the UNHRC seriously interested in seeing justice done for the victims of genocide committed by the LTTE ? Perhaps, we should not make such a request to an organisation that keeps mum while genocide is  rampant in the contemporary world ? Palestinians are being systematically murdered and driven away from their country with the UNHCR doing nothing to protect them. The US president is threatening the countries which support the Palestinians.

The UNHRC must pass a resolution calling for an international investigation into genocide committed by the LTTE. Sri Lanka must call for an international investigation into it.

N. A. de S. Amaratunga ✍️

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Opinion

Asking a donkey to do a dog’s homework – II

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(Continued from Wednesday,July 23, 2025)

One is tempted to ask whether it is on purpose that president Anura Kumara Dissanayake has given the portfolio of Buddha Sasana, Religious and Cultural Affairs to Hiniduma Sunil Senevi instead of to a more acceptable MP with the requisite qualifications for the job, chosen from his massive parliamentary majority.

By appointing such individuals to be in charge of Buddha Sasana affairs, is President Anura Kumara Dissanayake flaunting his secularistic nonchalance towards the pivotal Article 9? Not likely, in my opinion. Having been in continuous parliamentary politics for twenty-five years, thanks exclusively to the support that the voters, the majority of whom are Sinhalese Buddhists, have extended to him to date, he would be the last to cock a snook at the place of special recognition given to Buddhism by the Constitution.

Article 9 is listed under Chapter 2 of the  Constitution which is exclusively devoted to Buddhism. The importance of the area of governance covered by that term (Buddhism) is underscored by the fact that it is placed next to the topics of primordial importance: ‘The People, the State and Sovereignty’ described in Chapter 1. Article 9 (coming under Chapter 2) states: ‘The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place ….” It is not possible that the President wants to openly show contempt for Article 9 because he knows too well that it is totally compatible with secular democracy, and that it does not give Buddhism the status of a state religion that would impinge on the rights of adherents of minority religions.

But what about the novice MPs of his alliance, the NPP, who got swept into Parliament in November 2024 on the crest of a popular wave of electoral support generated by his, realistically speaking, less than unqualified success at the presidential election held hardly two months before, in September? Though the parliament is filled with them, even the ruling party hierarchy look down upon most of them as papisi (door mats) and polleli (dry coconut husks). My personal opinion is that these abysmally ignorant self-styled secularists or so-called niragamikayas of the JVP/NPP, given little significance for policy-making, have  seriously misunderstood the meaning of ‘secular’ as merely niragamika (Sinhala: without any religious affiliation). The Sinhala term is actually derived from Sanskrit; it is a combination of the two elements nir+agamika, which these newly elected parliamentarians might understand, depending on their level of general knowledge, cultural and linguistic sophistication, and common sense, as ‘without any religion’ or ‘rejecting religion altogether’, or ‘non-religious’, or ‘areligious’, or ‘irreligious’, and hence, happily ‘amoral’, or even ‘immoral’! They also seem to labour under the additional misconception that Buddhism is your typical religion with all the inherent negative attributes usually associated with all normal religions such as dogmatic beliefs that must be accepted as incontrovertible truths and followed without questioning, otherworldly attitudes that obstruct a person’s material advancement and that accommodate unconscious antisocial self-centredness.

But Buddhism is essentially a nonreligious, moral ethical philosophy (that is, Buddhist spirituality has no connection with religion). It nevertheless needs to assume the religious cultural form of a conventional religion in order to survive among actual religions. Very much the same thing may be said about Hinduism, in spite of the apparently chaotic and obscurantist (= that which prevents knowledge of facts) nature of its practical popular forms. But here I am taking you towards the deep end. Let’s swim back to the safer side.

Historically speaking, Buddhism emerged in the spiritual matrix of Hinduism. We shouldn’t forget that Siddhartha Gautama, who became the Buddha was born a Hindu. Hinduism and Buddhism are not religions. (Ask the famous Sadhguru/Jagadish Vasudev of Tamil Nadu, founder of the Isha Foundation). Hinduism and Buddhism  professed as religions  by over eighty percent (80%) of the Sri Lankan population are the most secular (liberal democracy) friendly, and, at the same time, mutually compatible  spiritual traditions that together make for  peaceful coexistence among the diverse ethnic/religious communities within multifaith Sri Lanka. Secularism is no threat either to Hindus or to Buddhists. (Actually, solidarity between these two groups is the key to Sri Lanka’s national unity.)

But unfortunately, it is a group of young Buddhist monks who rail against secularism the loudest, believing that it means total rejection of religious values in politics and in general civil society, while their Hindu, Christian, and Muslim counterparts, knowing the truth about secularism in governance, hold their peace.

Nevertheless, we cannot ignore these ‘embattled’ young monks’ patriotic intentions. They must be taught about the importance of secularism (= keeping religion and other matters separate from each other) in governance, civil administration, art, entertainment, in fact, in all spheres of human activity. AI offers the following definition: ‘Secularism is the principle of separating religion from other aspects of life, particularly government and public institutions. It advocates for a society where religious belief is a private matter and the state does not favor or discriminate against any particular religion. Secularism promotes freedom of thought, conscience, and religion for all, ensuring that individuals can hold diverse beliefs without facing coercion or disadvantage’.

However, in the real world, religion does not always manifest itself as a strictly private matter. Religions become socio-political markers that identify separate ideological groups of people. It is a well-known fact that religions promote herd mentality among individuals within a larger group. It makes them conform to beliefs, morals and ethics, and attitudes of the majority (within a community), though they do not privately subscribe to those beliefs, attitudes, etc. So, religions have great political power.  In the world today, for example, Christianity and Islam are both politically powerful in different, sometimes, mutually hostile ways, as in Western and Middle Eastern countries respectively. A common observation is that secular democracy is more prevalent in the Christian West than in the Islamic Middle Eastern states. However, secular democracy is strongest in the Hindu and Buddhist majority countries including India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, etc. Hinduism and Buddhism do not seek world dominance. They only offer a firm moral anchor for individuals and groups based on non-violence, wisdom, and universal compassion.

 A memorable instance that showed the efficacy of this attitude was when Finance Minister J. R. Jayewardene of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) who attended the San Francisco Peace Conference held in 1951 made a powerful speech in which he quoted from the Dhammapada: ‘Hatred is never appeased by hatred in this world – By non-hatred alone is hatred appeased. This is an ancient Truth’, and made a passionate appeal on behalf of Japan, which was struggling after its defeat at World War II; he requested that the demand for war reparations be disclaimed; he said his own country was not going to accept any such compensation money from Japan. Jayewardene’s words were a clarion call for the humane treatment of Japan by the victorious side as well as a morale booster for that country. The grateful Japanese built a statue of Jayewardene in his honour at the Kamakura Temple in Kanagawa in Japan, which is carefully maintained even today.

Though today we tend to look upon secularism as something modern imported from the West, a glance at our own history shows that from the very beginning, even before the advent of Buddhism, our rulers adopted a secular mode of governance that was nevertheless subject to wholesome moral standards where Brahman priests and later  Buddhist  monks played only an advisory role for the king, speaking up in the interest of public good, but never took part in governing. The Dasa Raja Dharma or the Ten Kingly Virtues are the moral and ethical duties of a ruler, which emphasise compassionate governance, social justice, and the well-being of the people. They are relevant not only for political leaders, but also for anyone in a position of authority, including business leaders and managers’, as an AI summary explains. No religion is involved here. These are secular principles of good governance. If only Anura Kumara Dissanayake cared to look at what these ten tenets of righteous government are, he would have improved his performance in no time.

In this article (published in two parts), I dwelt on the misunderstood concept of ‘secularism’ that vitiates the JVP/NPP government’s handling of Article 9 of the Constitution. However, the main thrust of president Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s address at the inauguration of the 74th Upasampada Vinayakarma ceremony of the Ramanna Nikaya was to stress his determination to stamp out the evil of  ‘nationalism’ that he seems to have identified as what has been plaguing independent Sri Lanka in the form of the so-called curse of the past 77 years. He appears to be trying to impress on his avowedly secularist party ranks, as well as the meddling outsiders (with strategic geopolitical designs on our country) who are looking over his shoulder, the strength of that resolve.

But he cannot be unaware of the fact that the Sinhala neologism jaatikavadaya was coined about two decades ago as an equivalent to the English term ‘nationalism’ perceived then (at least among us Sri Lankans) as a positive concept identical with patriotism. His current definition of nationalism as an evil that should be suppressed is in accordance with America’s negative interpretation of the concept of ‘nationalism’ in respect of nations/countries that independently choose to promote their own national interests without shaping their foreign policy to subserve ‘the five vital interests’ of the world’s only superpower. This is an idea that I owe to senior American public intellectual, social activist, and former linguistics professor Noam Chomsky.

Critics have begun to ask whether Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s erroneous substitution of jaativadaya (racism) for jaatikavadaya (nationalism), is a self-conscious ploy to please the Tamil diaspora in the West who secured for him and the alliance he leads the majority of the Tamil votes in the North and the East provinces at the presidential and parliamentary elections held respectively in September and November, 2024, as would be obvious to any unbiased observer.

by  Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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