Editorial
Who will guard the guards?
Tuesday 8th April, 2025
The Opposition has been protesting against what it describes as a veiled threat issued by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, at a recent NPP Local Government (LG) election rally. The United Republican Front led by former Minister Champika Ranawaka has complained to the Election Commission (EC) that President Dissanayake has made a statement, implying that his government will make financial allocations expeditiously only to the local councils the NPP will win in the upcoming LG polls, and others will find it difficult to obtain state funds.
One can argue that it is not legally possible for a government to deprive the local councils controlled by the Opposition of funds, but threats of fund cuts or restrictions, made by the President himself, could demoralise the people who intend to vote for parties other than the NPP in next month’s LG polls. Political power takes precedence over the law, ethics and morals, in this country, and therefore anything is possible.
In politics, words can be as impactful as actions, shaping public opinion and influencing decisions. One may recall that in 2015, the then President Maithripala Sirisena, as the SLFP leader, queered the pitch for his bete noire, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was contesting that year’s general election as the prime ministerial candidate of the SLFP-led UPFA. In the run-up to that crucial election, Sirisena said in a television interview something to the effect that Rajapaksa would not be appointed Prime Minister even if the UPFA won enough seats to form a government. His statement had a devastating impact on the morale of UPFA supporters who wanted to make Rajapaksa Prime Minister. The rest is history. Besides, former Minister S. B. Dissanayake was sentenced to prison for contempt of the Supreme Court over a derogatory remark he made, at a public rally in 2003, about the judiciary and its rulings.
Meanwhile, there are numerous questionable practices pertaining to Sri Lankan elections. Political leaders in power, such as the President, the Prime Minister and Ministers, conduct election campaigns at a substantial cost to the state coffers, as we have argued over the past so many years. When the Presidents and other government leaders stump for their parties, across the country, the public has to bear the cost of their travel, security, etc. The Presidents and Prime Ministers even travelled in the Air Force helicopters for campaign purposes. The state-owned media outfits are misused as propaganda organs of the party in power although they belong to the people who hold diverse political views. A large number of meetings of state officials are held on some pretext or another, ahead of elections, to give a boost to the ruling party’s campaign. These practices are not only unethical but also tantamount to violations of the election laws, as they place the ruling party at an advantage at the expense of its rivals in elections. All Presidents, namely J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, D. B. Wijetunga, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena, Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe unflinchingly used state resources for election campaigns. The public expected a radical departure from the past when they voted the JVP-led NPP into office last year. But what is unfolding on the political front does not offer much hope.
As for presidential statements, it was while speaking at a temple ceremony in the South in 1989 that the then President Premadasa announced his decision to ask India to withdraw the IPKF (Indian Peacekeeping Force) from Sri Lanka. Thus, the Executive Presidents’ statements should not be taken lightly, no matter where they are made.
How can a level playing field be ensured in the upcoming LG polls when the incumbent President himself goes around, issuing a veiled threat that the local councils will face fund cuts or restrictions unless they are controlled by his party––the NPP? It has been revealed in Parliament that at the height of a rice shortage, a few months ago, the NPP government did not supply some popular varieties of rice to the cooperative societies won by its rivals. Such action amounts to collective punishment meted out to the public for defeating the NPP in elections. So, the presidential threat in question, albeit veiled, cannot be dismissed as mere platform rhetoric. The JVP has demonstrated that it is capable of far worse things than fund cuts. The EC therefore must act on the complaints the Opposition has lodged in respect of the presidential statement if it is to arrest the erosion of public trust and confidence in the electoral process. That is also the only way the EC can prevent the public from thinking less of it.
As for President Dissanayake’s statement at issue and the EC’s alleged lukewarm response thereto, Juvenal’s famous question comes to mind: Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? — Who will guard the guards themselves?
Editorial
A very sad day for the rule of law
Tuesday 23rd December, 2025
What’s this world coming to when the police cringe and cower before politicians? The JVP has a history of attacking the police. It even murdered the family members of the police personnel who dared defy its illegal orders during its reign of terror in the late 1980s. Old habits are said to die hard. A policeman attached to the Suriyakanda police station has complained that a gang led by a JVP/NPP MP assaulted him following a raid on a cannabis cultivation in Bulutota in the Suriyakanda area. The victim was first admitted to the Kolonna hospital and thereafter transferred to the District General Hospital, Embilipitiya.
NPP MP Shantha Pathmakumara Subasinghe has denied any involvement in the aforesaid assault incident. He has claimed that the policeman confronted him and there was a heated argument; the assault incident was a total fabrication and part of a conspiracy against him, he has alleged. If so, why was the policeman hospitalised and transferred to a District General Hospital? Another police officer has been transferred over the cannabis cultivation issue, according to media reports.
Worse, the policeman receiving treatment was arrested yesterday while his assailants were moving about freely! Thankfully, he was granted bail.
If the land used for cannabis cultivation in Bulutota had belonged to an Opposition politician, IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya himself would have rushed there and held a press conference. Most of all, if the assailants of the policeman had been political rivals of the ruling JVP/NPP, they would have been arrested immediately.
The JVP/NPP politicians have apparently graduated from roughing up their political rivals to assaulting policemen. Such transgressions brought about the collapse of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, which gave free rein to the likes of Mervyn Silva, who together with his son, reduced the police to a bunch of lackeys. The culture of impunity persists despite last year’s regime change.
The JVP leaders asked for stern action against Mervyn, his son and other goons—and rightly so. They sought a popular mandate to govern the country, break what they called a 76-year curse, eliminate bribery and corruption and political violence and restore the rule of law. But today the ruling party politicians have risen above the law. The police mysteriously ran out of breathalyzers when NPP MP Asoka Ranwala met with an accident. He was subjected to a blood alcohol test more than 12 hours after the crash, and his blood and urine samples were sent to the Government Analyst’s Department. It was a foregone conclusion that those samples would test negative for alcohol. There have been instances where heroin samples sent to the Government Analyst’s Department for testing turned out to be flour! Such is the integrity of that institution.
The police unashamedly sided with a group of JVP cadres who stormed a Frontline Socialist Party office and forcibly occupied it a few months ago. The JVP/NPP members can park their vehicles anywhere on the expressway with impunity. Drunk driving is not a problem for the government MPs, for they can undergo blood alcohol tests leisurely after they become fully sober in case of accidents. When raids happen to expose ruling party politicians’ involvement in drug dealing, police officers who conduct them are transferred or assaulted.
One of the worst things that can happen to a country is for its citizens to lose faith in its legal system. A perquisite for bringing order out of chaos in any society is to restore the rule of law, and this is a task for statespersons and not a bunch of self-righteous politicians posing as messiahs.
Politicians take leave of their senses when power goes to their heads. This may explain why they rough up policemen, subvert the legal process, hold ceremonies to mark the resumption of train services after disasters and dance like clowns at railway stations while the country is mourning hundreds of its citizens who perished in disasters.
Editorial
Danger of weak drug regulation
Monday 22nd December, 2025
Maan Pharmaceuticals Ltd., the manufacturer of Ondansetron, which has been withdrawn from hospitals here pending a probe, is reported to have asked the Sri Lankan health authorities to have the drug tested by an internationally accredited laboratory. The use of nine other Maan products too has been suspended in Sri Lanka over quality concerns. Maan’s reaction has come as no surprise; all companies ardently defend their products. However, its concerns should be heeded. The National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) and the Ministry of Health ought to furnish irrefutable evidence in support of their decision to suspend the use of the drugs at issue. The manner in which the NMRA has carried out its duties and functions, especially granting approval for drugs and investigating complaints of their quality, over the years, does not inspire public trust.
The subtext of what has been reported of the Maan’s letter to the Sri Lankan health authorities is worth taking note of. It can be argued that in corporate newspeak, Maan has questioned the competence of the NMRA to test its products. As Maan would have us believe that its products meet international standards, it should be asked to state whether it has gained access to stringent regulatory destinations, such as the US and EU, and, if not, why.
It is being argued in some quarters that the degradation of pharmaceuticals can happen due to improper storage and transport. Maan’s aforesaid letter reportedly has reference to drug storage here. There are allegations that the Sri Lankan health authorities leave imported drugs in freight containers under inappropriate conditions for extended periods. However, the phials of Ondansetron which were tested at the Kandy National Hospital and found to be affected by microbial contamination had been stored properly and their seals were intact, according to media reports, quoting doctors. Thus, the contamination of the drug points to issues in manufacturing and packaging rather than storage and transport.
Meanwhile, a news item in this newspaper today reveals the pivotal importance the pharmaceutical industry has assumed in the Indian economy; India’s pharmaceutical exports have crossed USD 30 billion. Therefore, some critics of the Indian pharmaceutical products are of the view that India will do everything in its power to protect the interests of its drug companies, including Maan. But the fact remains that India itself has cracked down on some of its pharmaceutical companies involved in scandals. It severely dealt with the Indian companies that manufactured contaminated cough syrups which killed 66 children in Gambia in 2022 and 22 children in India in September 2025.
In the greed-driven corporate world, profits take precedence over human life, and there is hardly anything that Big Pharma spares in pursuing profit maximisation. As we pointed out in a previous comment, the World Health Organization has revealed that at least one in 10 medical products in low-and middle-income countries fails to meet quality standards or is falsified. This shows the enormity of the problem of fake and substandard drugs. Hence the need for robust mechanisms to protect patients.
All issues related to substandard and falsified drugs and their adverse effects in this country boil down to the failure of successive governments to address multiple problems pertaining to drug regulation and testing and find long-term solutions. Flaws in regulatory oversight and the absence of proper testing facilities have helped corrupt politicians and bureaucrats enrich themselves by turning this country into a dumping ground for poor-quality and fake medicines. Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa himself has said that not all drugs approved by the NMRA undergo rigorous testing, and thorough tests are conducted on drugs only when there are complaints about their quality.
Most of all, the NMRA has to be cleansed, as a national priority. Its history is replete with numerous scandals, including allegations of corrupt drug registrations, data manipulation, issues with substandard and fake medicines leading to patient deaths prompting investigations, suspensions, legal action, and internal turmoil with officials resigning amidst claims of threats and cover-ups.
Editorial
Misplaced priorities
Sri Lanka has a very ‘promising’ government and a perennially protesting Opposition. The government makes various promises, which are like piecrusts made to be broken. The Opposition in a perpetual state of agitation bursts into protests at the drop of a hat. The two sides have been clashing in Parliament instead of sinking their political differences and cooperating at least in the aftermath of a disaster.
The Opposition has requested Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne to appoint a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the government’s alleged failure to mitigate the impact of Cyclone Ditwah despite repeated warnings issued by the Meteorology Department and the Irrigation Department. The government is determined to avoid a fate similar to that which befell the Yahapalana government following the Easter Sunday terror attacks, which became the undoing of that dysfunctional regime. It is therefore very unlikely to meet the Opposition’s demand at issue. Even if it agrees to appoint a PSC to probe its own alleged lapses, by any chance, it will not allow an Opposition MP to chair the committee and will go all out to frustrate its rivals’ efforts to ruin its political future.
Interestingly, some of the key Opposition members are former Yahapalana MPs who sought to derail a PSC probe into the 2015 Treasury bond scam. They craftily appointed a member of the JVP, which was a Yahapalana partner in all but name, as the Chairman of that PSC, and incorporated a slew of footnotes into the committee report in a bid to dilute it.
In this country, PSCs rarely help get to the bottom of the issues they probe. The PSC on the Treasury bond scam went out of its way to clear the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s name, and helped the UNP scapegoat former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and throw him to the wolves. In 2012, Mahinda Rajapaksa government turned a PSC probe into a witch-hunt against then Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, who was subsequently wrongfully impeached. The PSC that investigated the Easter Terror attacks (2019) gathered a lot of valuable information but its findings, conclusions and recommendations were tainted by a glaring political bias.
Going by the government’s determined bid to let its MP Asoka Ranwala off the hook, following a road accident, how ruthless the JVP-led NPP will be in warding off threats to its political survival is not difficult to imagine. The Opposition can go on shouting until it is blue in the face but it will not be able to have the government’s alleged failure to heed disaster warnings and save lives investigated properly as long as the JVP/NPP is in power.
What we are witnessing on the political front, especially in Parliament, is like a drunken brawl at a funeral. The government and the Opposition are fighting while the country is mourning those who perished in recent floods and landslides.
What the political parties represented in Parliament ought to do at this juncture is to get their priorities right. They must stop clashing and make a concerted effort to carry out post-disaster rebuilding operations and strengthening the economy. They must not lose sight of the rapid depreciation of the rupee, and the disconcerting forecasts of an economic slowdown. The much-advertised revenue bubble, created by an unprecedented increase in vehicle imports, is about to burst, and the possibility of the country having a rupee crisis to contend with again cannot be ruled out. Foreign reserve targets are far from achieved, and there is a pressing need to boost the forex inflow and ensure that the country will be able to honour its pledge to resume foreign debt repayment in 2028.
All political parties have done precious little for the disaster victims. They have been only visiting the welfare centres and distributing relief materials collected from the considerate public. They ought to engage in post-disaster rebuilding actively. Reconstruction is a labour-intensive task. The self-righteous political leaders should mobilise their community level organisation for post-disaster rebuilding. Sadly, they have not even helped clean flood-hit houses.
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