Features
What to do with Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport?

By GUWAN SEEYA
First, there was the China Bay airport nominated as a possible alternative to the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA). The advantage was that since Sri Lanka was mainly affected by two Monsoons namely the South West and the North East, during that time the opposite coast has generally had good weather. For example, when the South-West monsoon was in full swing, the North-East was clear, and vice versa. The Air Ceylon Pilots’ Guild was pushing for that airport to be made an Alternative International Airport for BIA, but their request came too late as the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) in its wisdom had stated that they had no objection to tall silos to be built for the Prima Flour Mill, on the takeoff and landing path of the single runway.
Soon another place was suggested and that was somewhere near Nilaveli, 20 miles north of Trincomalee. In the 1970s, Nilaveli was developing fast into a tourist area. This idea too was dropped, perhaps due to the LTTE problems brewing up. The need for an alternate international airport in the island was felt necessary as all aircraft landing at BIA were required by the Ceylon Air Navigation Regulations (ANRs) to carry fuel for Madras (the nearest alternative international airport to BIA,
that could accept large jets) plus fuel for another half an hour. If a second International Airport was established in Sri Lanka, airlines operating to BIA could arrive with less fuel. The problem was that all aircraft ‘burn fuel to carry fuel’. For example, if an aircraft needed to have 10,000 kilos of fuel when overhead BIA, the crew will have to uplift 12,000 kg at the point of departure! (Depending on the flying time). Therefore, carrying less fuel was a saving.
With the operation of the Lockheed L 1011 TriStars in the Airline, Air Lanka got involved with Air Canada on operational procedures. In the Canadian Operations Manual it was stated that it was not necessary to always have fuel onboard to a designated alternate airport and it permitted the Captain to arrive at the destination with a lesser amount of fuel, provided the destination airport predicted good weather and had at least two runways.
The theory behind the thinking was that even if one runway becomes unusable due to some reason, a second runway was available, as a backup for the landing. Interestingly, even today, when a new airline requests permission from the Civil Aviation Authority of Sri Lanka (CAASL) to operate to BIA, they have to show that they are capable of removing any disabled aircraft as soon as possible, so as not to obstruct and leave the single runway unserviceable for an unnecessarily long time.
The Air Navigation Regulations of the developed countries were all updated with the advance of aviation, while in contrast, Sri Lanka was still using ANRs promulgated in 1955! Unfortunately, even though the Aviation Act was amended in 2014, the supplementary regulations in force are still the 1955 version. But that’s another story. Getting back to our story, in the early eighties, it was felt that the original concrete runway built by the Canadians was now getting too old and a new runway should be built at BIA with Japanese aid. The plan was that the new runway was going to be parallel to and north of the existing one which will be converted (narrowed down) to a taxiway.
It was then that the Air Line Pilots’ Guild of Sri Lanka got activated and approached General S.Attygalle and requested him to retain the old runway as a second runway, so that the concept of carrying extra fuel during times of good weather, was not necessary. Even an International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) expert was called in. He declared that the new tall Air Traffic Control Tower that had already been built was too close to the old runway, making its use illegal. On the other hand, what the Airline pilots wanted was a runway that needed to be used as a ‘one off’ case, in case of an emergency and not on a regular basis. However, the plan fell through. They were back to square one.
The next possible place suggested for an alternative was Hingurakgoda Airport. There was Australian financial aid in the offing. There was a very good possibility of becoming a reality. In fact, Singapore Airlines constructed Boeing 747 performance charts for the proposed runway! However, some decision makers thought that the estimated costs were too high and based on Australian labour rates. Other critics said that the same weather affecting BIA will also affect the Hingurakgoda site. Eventually, that idea too was dropped.
Then the SLAF decided to move its Jet fighter Base to Sigiriya Airport which, after extension, could have also accepted big passenger jets diverting from BIA, due to bad weather or runway unserviceability. The Archeology Department objected to that move as noise and vibration produced by the jet exhaust noise will affect the Sigiriya Rock. At this point the then President Chandrika gave the exclusive use of an SLAF, Bell 412 helicopter to the Director General of Archeology Dr. Roland Silva and Chairman Urban Development Authority, Eng. Gemunu Silva, for two weeks to travel the length and breadth of the Island looking for a suitable site for an Alternate International Airport for BIA. In fact, they found a suitable site (250 Hectares, within the triangle of Kekirawa, Dambulla and Habarana) that consisted mainly of crown land needing no major acquisition from the farmers. A report was submitted to the then President. Sadly, it never saw the light of day. (Money down the drain?)
The Second Runway at BIA
Meanwhile, many experts thought that the best option was to construct a second runway at BIA. I am told that the International Air Transport Association (IATA) and Dayantha Athulathmudali, a former Deputy Director of CAASL, did an extensive study. The Attanagalu Oya, relocating the SLAF Base, the effect on the Free Trade Zone (FTZ) and how the presence of a number of churches and temples in the area may be affected were considerations. The question was whether the new, second Runway would be North or South of the existing one (built with Japanese aid.)
Going Down South
It was then that suddenly a decision was made to go south to the Hambantota District, on the instruction of the then Secretary to Ports and Civil Aviation. Initially, three possible sites were identified. They were Udamaththala, Gannoruwa and Weerawilla. In 2007, an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was done at the behest of the ‘Project Proponent’ Airport and Aviation Services (Sri Lanka) Ltd, on behalf of the ‘Project Approving Agency’, Central Environmental Authority (CEA), by the Central Engineering Consultancy Bureau (CECB). The Report surmised that since there was an Airport already in existence at Weerawilla that, it that was the most cost-effective place to site the 2nd International Airport. According to the report, it was the most preferred site from all three options. Weerawilla was constructed by the Department of Civil Aviation, with the assistance of Banduladasa, a private pilot and the son of ‘Reliable Mudalali’ owner of Reliable Motors of Tissamaharama. That’s another story!
When the government announced that the 2nd International Airport was to be built at Weerawila, many aviation ‘experts’ wrote to the newspapers that priorities were mixed up and that the best option was to build a second runway at BIA and someone even said that Weerawilla was “One of the best examples of an ill-conceived project and chronic waste of tax-payers’ money.” The same sentiments were expressed in 1975, of the Mirabel Airport in Montreal, Canada which was meant to be the largest airport in the world and built to coincide with the summer Olympics of 1976, in Canada. After being built, it existed in a state of disuse for 27 years.
There were many experts who thought that the Weerawila International Airport will go the same way. When the farmers discovered that the Government preferred site was Weerawila airport and that their paddy lands would have to be acquired, their organizations resorted to legal action and the government then was forced to go to the second preference, clearing 800 hectares (almost 2,000 acres) of elephant habitat by cutting 44,000 hardwood trees, and it was just 13 km away from the original Weerawilla site. It was common knowledge that this site was in the middle of an elephant corridor. No one spoke up.
The Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority (CEA), Sri Lanka has gone on record saying “Since there was no objection from any stakeholders, we gave permission to the Mattala project. I refute the allegations leveled against this institution by the Environmentalists. Those allegations are made to mislead the people.” He could have read the whole story in his own CEA Library (Report 98).
The Mattala airport project started in 2009. Sadly, the Airline Pilots, being the end users, were not even consulted. No wind studies in the new site were done. (The International Civil Aviation Organization recommendations are that there has to be a wind study for at least five years with readings taken at least eight times daily at frequent intervals.) The flight conditions in the area in terms of turbulence must also be studied, as recommended by Annex 14 to the ICAO Convention. The officers of CAASL didn’t even know or didn’t care to find out the relative location of the Bundala Bird Sanctuary, Yala Sanctuary and the proposed site.
They didn’t even possess a detailed map! (Yours truly donated a 1: 50,000 map of the area to the CAASL) In March 2007, the Sri Lanka Aeronautical Society (SLAeS) was formed, to be a ‘think tank’ on aviation matters. All aspects of Aviation came under its purview. When the first President of the SLAeS, who was an Airline Captain not working in Sri Lanka, pointed out the embarrassing truth that Mattala was going to be a bad investment and that it was SLAeS’ duty to make it known, it was not received well by the ‘yes men’ of the CAASL, and a parallel Association was formed to take over some of the functions of the SLAeS to deliberately wind down the SLAeS which then died an unnatural death because the ‘Mattala Project’ had to go through at all costs.
Everyone, including the officers of CAASL were afraid to speak up. So much so that the Aviation Minister declared in 2017 to the members of the CAASL “Ogollo apata kewwe na” (You never told us!). There were many other acts of omission. In fairness to CAASL in 2007, its Management was in a fluid state. The CAASL Chairman’s contract wasn’t renewed and the Director General had taken a leave of absence from CAASL as he had had a difference of opinion with the then Chairman of Mihin Lanka. The officials managing the show were all in ‘acting positions’.
Today, there are days that the air is extremely turbulent on the final approach and it is a struggle even for the big Jet Pilots to fly in there. There have been some days when it is so turbulent that lighter aircraft are unable to land. Ironically, today the very same farming organizations which took out an ‘interim injunction’ on the development of the Weerawila airport are affected by the displaced elephants from Mattala. To add insult to injury, trees at the Sooriyawewa Cricket Grounds were also cleared in the name of progress.
That again is in neglect. Director, Environment Conservation Trust, Sajeewa Chamikara is reported to have said, “All attempts to educate the Aviation Ministry of the consequences that have to be faced in future when plans were drawn to construct an international airport at Mattala were ignored. Since this area is populated with migrant birds throughout the year, we told the government to shift the location to a place with less vulnerability, but their failure to listen to us has now brought several consequences,” (as reported by Nirmala Kannangara of the Sunday Leader). During the run up to the project, many frontline professionals also wrote about the dire consequences the aircraft, passengers and crew will have to face in the event of bird strikes.
After building a new airport, the authorities have to continuously maintain it at great expense. It has to meet high safety standards in inspection, servicing, overhaul and repair. Otherwise time will take its toll. Some of the areas that this will apply pertains to maintenance of visual aids, provision of spare parts, providing and implementing a ‘Lights Maintenance Schedule’ for general and basic maintenance for Approach, Runway and Taxiway lighting systems. Aircraft docking systems including light maintenance procedures, cleaning procedures for lights, light intensity measurements, lamp replacement, removal of water (condensation).
Maintaining signs and markings. (Just to paint the Centre line only on the runway over 1,000 gallons of white paint are needed!) Continuous maintenance of Airport Electrical Systems is another area, power cables and distributors in field, transformers and regulators (including standby units), transformer stations for electric power supply relay and switch cabinets (including switch cabinets in substations), control cables, monitoring units, control desk, secondary power supplies (generators), fixed 400 Hz ground power supplies and apron floodlighting. Maintenance of Pavements such as surface repair, cement concrete pavements, bituminous pavements, Repair of joints and cracks.
That is, joints in concrete pavements, joints in bituminous pavements, cracks in concrete pavements and cracks in bituminous pavements. Maintenance of grass and unpaved areas. Maintenance of all buildings inclusive of lighting and electric equipment, communication facilities, air conditioning system, automatic doors, baggage conveyor belts (fixed installations), baggage claim units, passenger boarding bridges, people lifts (elevators), people movers (escalators, etc.), Fixed fire protection installations and logistics of holding of regular safety department meetings. The list goes on.
If the authorities had built a second runway at BIA, there was little or no advantage in having a second International Airport in the island as there are only two or three days per year, when aircraft need to divert to another airport due to bad weather. BIA can also accommodate Airbus 380 aircraft in an emergency, if necessary. Operators are now retiring the A380 anyway! So, did the authorities get their priorities mixed up? MRIA earning money by being there for overflying traffic is a big myth. BIA can satisfy the same requirement. With the advent of a pandemic such as Covid 19, the objective should be to reduce the points of entry to Sri Lanka and have a good Domestic Air Service, for tourists and local passengers. Jaffna, Batticaloa, Ratmalana, Sigiriya, Anuradhapura, Hingurakgoda and Weerawilla could be regional airports, serviced by smaller aircraft. That again is another story.
It has now been a few years since Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport (MRIA) commissioned and it continues bleeding taxpayers’ money. The ‘aviation experts’ of the day have not been able to give an acceptable solution to put MRIA to good/ profitable use. That is the bitter truth. Doesn’t the whole sad scenario sound like the Hans Christian Anderson’s story “The Emperor’s new Clothes”? The country needs to conserve every dollar it spends in continuous maintenance of MRIA.
Even with the electrical fencing, there are more elephants that trespass into the airport premises and the runway, than fare paying passengers. In the seventies, the Canadians were considered the best of the best airport builders. (They even built BIA). Yet it took the Canadian experts twenty-seven long years to realise that the Mirabel Airport project was a failure. It was built on a ‘political whim’ of the Pierre Trudeau Government. All the coaxing and big incentives given to attract the international airlines didn’t work. Every airline preferred the Duval Montreal International Airport. Then in 2012 they admitted their mistake and demolished the terminal buildings at last and gave (sold) the land back to the farmers.
What are we going to do with MRIA? Will the Airport and Aviation Sri Lanka (AASL) and the environmentalists be able to resolve this expensive problem and face the situation squarely? Or, will we have to wait another 20 years like Mirabel International Airport, Montreal. Quebec, Canada?
Features
RIDDHI-MA:

A new Era of Dance in Sri Lanka
Kapila Palihawadana, an internationally renowned dancer and choreographer staged his new dance production, Riddhi-Ma, on 28 March 2025 at the Elphinstone theatre, which was filled with Sri Lankan theatregoers, foreign diplomats and students of dance. Kapila appeared on stage with his charismatic persona signifying the performance to be unravelled on stage. I was anxiously waiting to see nATANDA dancers. He briefly introduced the narrative and the thematic background to the production to be witnessed. According to him, Kapila has been inspired by the Sri Lankan southern traditional dance (Low Country) and the mythologies related to Riddhi Yâgaya (Riddi Ritual) and the black magic to produce a ‘contemporary ballet’.
Riddhi Yâgaya also known as Rata Yakuma is one of the elaborative exorcism rituals performed in the southern dance tradition in Sri Lanka. It is particularly performed in Matara and Bentara areas where this ritual is performed in order to curb the barrenness and the expectation of fertility for young women (Fargnoli & Seneviratne 2021). Kapila’s contemporary ballet production had intermingled both character, Riddi Bisaw (Princes Riddhi) and the story of Kalu Kumaraya (Black Prince), who possesses young women and caught in the evil gaze (yaksa disti) while cursing upon them to be ill (De Munck, 1990).
Kapila weaves a tapestry of ritual dance elements with the ballet movements to create visually stunning images on stage. Over one and a half hours of duration, Kapila’s dancers mesmerized the audience through their virtuosic bodily competencies in Western ballet, Sri Lankan dance, especially the symbolic elements of low country dance and the spontaneity of movements. It is human bodily virtuosity and the rhythmic structures, which galvanised our senses throughout the performance. From very low phases of bodily movements to high speed acceleration, Kapila managed to visualise the human body as an elevated sublimity.
Contemporary Ballet

Figure 2 – (L) Umesha Kapilarathna performs en pointe, and (R) Narmada Nekethani performs with Jeewaka Randeepa, Riddhi-Ma, at Elphinstone Theatre, Maradana, 28th March 2025. Source:
Malshan Witharana
The dance production Riddhi-Ma was choreographed in several segments accompanied by a flow of various music arrangements and sound elements within which the dance narrative was laid through. In other words, Kapila as a choreographer, overcomes the modernist deadlock in his contemporary dance work that the majority of Sri Lankan dance choreographers have very often succumbed to. These images of bodies of female dancers commensurate the narrative of women’s fate and her vulnerability in being possessed by the Black Demon and how she overcomes and emancipates from the oppression. In this sense, Kapila’s dancers have showcased their ability to use the bodies not much as an object which is trained to perform a particular tradition but to present bodily fluidity which can be transformed into any form. Kapila’s performers possess formlessness, fluid fragility through which they break and overcome their bodily regimentations.
It was such a highly sophisticated ‘contemporary ballet’ performed at a Sri Lankan theatre with utmost rigour and precision. Bodies of all male and female dancers were highly trained and refined through classical ballet and contemporary dance. In addition, they demonstrated their abilities in performing other forms of dance. Their bodies were trained to achieve skilful execution of complex ballet movements, especially key elements of traditional ballet namely, improvisation, partnering, interpretation and off-balance and the local dance repertoires. Yet, these key ballet elements are not necessarily a part of contemporary ballet training (Marttinen, 2016). However, it is important for the dance students to learn these key elements of traditional ballet and use them in the contemporary dance settings. In this sense, Kapila’s dancers have achieved such vigour and somatic precision through assiduous practice of the body to create the magic on stage.
Pas de deux
Among others, a particular dance sequence attracted my attention the most. In the traditional ballet lexicon, it is a ‘pas de deux’ which is performed by the ‘same race male and female dancers,’ which can be called ‘a duet’. As Lutts argues, ‘Many contemporary choreographers are challenging social structures and norms within ballet by messing with the structure of the pas de deux (Lutts, 2019). Pas de Deux is a dance typically done by male and female dancers. In this case, Kapila has selected a male and a female dancer whose gender hierarchies appeared to be diminished through the choreographic work. In the traditional pas de deux, the male appears as the backdrop of the female dancer or the main anchorage of the female body, where the female body is presented with the support of the male body. Kapila has consciously been able to change this hierarchical division between the traditional ballet and the contemporary dance by presenting the female dominance in the act of dance.
The sequence was choreographed around a powerful depiction of the possession of the Gara Yakâ over a young woman, whose vulnerability and the powerful resurrection from the possession was performed by two young dancers. The female dancer, a ballerina, was in a leotard and a tight while wearing a pair of pointe shoes (toe shoes). Pointe shoes help the dancers to swirl on one spot (fouettés), on the pointed toes of one leg, which is the indication of the ballet dancer’s ability to perform en pointe (The Kennedy Centre 2020).
The stunning imagery was created throughout this sequence by the female and the male dancers intertwining their flexible bodies upon each other, throwing their bodies vertically and horizontally while maintaining balance and imbalance together. The ballerina’s right leg is bent and her toes are directed towards the floor while performing the en pointe with her ankle. Throughout the sequence she holds the Gara Yakâ mask while performing with the partner.
The male dancer behind the ballerina maintains a posture while depicting low country hand gestures combining and blurring the boundaries between Sri Lankan dance and the Western ballet (see figure 3). In this sequence, the male dancer maintains the balance of the body while lifting the female dancer’s body in the air signifying some classical elements of ballet.
Haptic sense

Figure 3: Narmada Nekathani performs with the Gara Yaka mask while indicating her right leg as en pointe. Male dancer, Jeewaka Randeepa’s hand gestures signify the low country pose. Riddhi-Ma, Dance Theatre at Elphinstone Theatre, 28th March 2025. Source: Malshan Witharana.
One significant element of this contemporary ballet production is the costume design. The selection of colour palette, containing black, red and while combining with other corresponding colours and also the costumes which break the traditional rules and norms are compelling. I have discussed in a recent publication how clothes connect with the performer’s body and operate as an embodied haptic perception to connect with the spectators (Liyanage, 2025). In this production, the costumes operate in two different ways: First it signifies sculpted bodies creating an embodied, empathic experience.
Secondly, designs of costumes work as a mode of three dimensional haptic sense. Kapila gives his dancers fully covered clothing, while they generate classical ballet and Sinhalese ritual dance movements. The covered bodies create another dimension to clothing over bodies. In doing so, Kapila attempts to create sculpted bodies on stage by blurring the boundaries of gender oriented clothing and its usage in Sri Lankan dance.
Sri Lankan female body on stage, particularly in dance has been presented as an object of male desire. I have elsewhere cited that the lâsya or the feminine gestures of the dance repertoire has been the marker of the quality of dance against the tândava tradition (Liyanage, 2025). The theatregoers visit the theatre to appreciate the lâsya bodies of female dancers and if the dancer meets this threshold, then she becomes the versatile dancer. Kandyan dancers such as Vajira and Chithrasena’s dance works are explored and analysed with this lâsya and tândava criteria. Vajira for instance becomes the icon of the lâsya in the Kandyan tradition. It is not my intention here to further discuss the discourse of lâsya and tândava here.
But Kapila’s contemporary ballet overcomes this duality of male-female aesthetic categorization of lâsya and tândava which has been a historical categorization of dance bodies in Sri Lanka (Sanjeewa 2021).

Figure 4: Riddhi-Ma’s costumes creates sculpted bodies combining the performer and the audience through empathic projection. Dancers, Sithija Sithimina and Senuri Nimsara appear in Riddhi-Ma, at Elphinstone Theatre, 28th March 2025, Source, Malshan Witharana.
Conclusion
Dance imagination in the Sri Lankan creative industry exploits the female body as an object. The colonial mind set of the dance body as a histrionic, gendered, exotic and aesthetic object is still embedded in the majority of dance productions produced in the current cultural industry. Moreover, dance is still understood as a ‘language’ similar to music where the narratives are shared in symbolic movements. Yet, Kapila has shown us that dance exists beyond language or lingual structures where it creates humans to experience alternative existence and expression. In this sense, dance is intrinsically a mode of ‘being’, a kinaesthetic connection where its phenomenality operates beyond the rationality of our daily life.
At this juncture, Kapila and his dance ensemble have marked a significant milestone by eradicating the archetypical and stereotypes in Sri Lankan dance. Kapila’s intervention with Riddi Ma is way ahead of our contemporary reality of Sri Lankan dance which will undoubtedly lead to a new era of dance theatre in Sri Lanka.
References
De Munck, V. C. (1990). Choosing metaphor. A case study of Sri Lankan exorcism. Anthropos, 317-328. Fargnoli, A., & Seneviratne, D. (2021). Exploring Rata Yakuma: Weaving dance/movement therapy and a
Sri Lankan healing ritual. Creative Arts in Education and Therapy (CAET), 230-244.
Liyanage, S. 2025. “Arts and Culture in the Post-War Sri Lanka: Body as Protest in Post-Political Aragalaya (Porattam).” In Reflections on the Continuing Crises of Post-War Sri Lanka, edited by Gamini Keerawella and Amal Jayawardane, 245–78. Colombo: Institute for International Studies (IIS) Sri Lanka.
Lutts, A. (2019). Storytelling in Contemporary Ballet.
Samarasinghe, S. G. (1977). A Methodology for the Collection of the Sinhala Ritual. Asian Folklore Studies, 105-130.
Sanjeewa, W. (2021). Historical Perspective of Gender Typed Participation in the Performing Arts in Sri Lanka During the Pre-Colonial, The Colonial Era, and the Post-Colonial Eras. International Journal of Social Science And Human Research, 4(5), 989-997.
The Kennedy Centre. 2020. “Pointe Shoes Dancing on the Tips of the Toes.” Kennedy-Center.org. 2020 https://www.kennedy-center.org/education/resources-for-educators/classroom-resources/media- and-interactives/media/dance/pointe-shoes/..
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for proofreading this article.
About the author:
Saumya Liyanage (PhD) is a film and theatre actor and professor in drama and theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of the Visual and Performing Arts (UVPA), Colombo. He is the former Dean of the Faculty of Graduate Studies and is currently holding the director position of the Social Reconciliation Centre, UVPA Colombo.
Features
Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy amid Geopolitical Transformations: 1990-2024 – Part II

Chinese Naval Entry and End of Post-War Unipolarity
The ascendancy of China as an emerging superpower is one of the most striking shifts in the global distribution of economic and political power in the 21st century. With its strategic rise, China has assumed a more proactive diplomatic and economic role in the Indian Ocean, signalling its emergence as a global superpower. This new leadership role is exemplified by initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The Economist noted that “China’s decision to fund a new multilateral bank rather than give more to existing ones reflects its exasperation with the glacial pace of global economic governance reform” (The Economist, 11 November 2014). Thus far, China’s ascent to global superpower status has been largely peaceful.
In 2025, in terms of Navy fleet strength, China became the world’s largest Navy, with a fleet of 754 ships, thanks to its ambitious naval modernisation programme. In May 2024, the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) further strengthened its capabilities by commissioning the Fujian, its latest aircraft carrier. Equipped with an advanced electromagnetic catapult system, the Fujian can launch larger and heavier aircraft, marking a significant upgrade over its predecessors.
Driven by export-led growth, China sought to reinvest its trade surplus, redefining the Indian Ocean region not just as a market but as a key hub for infrastructure investment. Notably, over 80 percent of China’s oil imports from the Persian Gulf transit to the Straits of Malacca before reaching its industrial centres. These factors underscore the Indian Ocean’s critical role in China’s economic and naval strategic trajectories.
China’s port construction projects along the Indian Ocean littoral, often associated with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), exemplify its deepening geopolitical and economic engagement in the region. These initiatives encompass multipurpose berth development, deep-sea port construction, and supporting infrastructure projects aimed at enhancing maritime connectivity and trade. Key projects include the development of Gwadar Port in Pakistan, a strategic asset for China’s access to the Arabian Sea; Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka, which became a focal point of debt diplomacy concerns; the Payra deep-sea port in Bangladesh; as well as port and road infrastructure development in Myanmar’s Yunnan and Kyaukphyu regions and Cambodia’s Koh Kong.
While these projects were promoted as avenues for economic growth and regional connectivity, they also triggered geopolitical tensions and domestic opposition in several host countries. Concerns over excessive debt burdens, lack of transparency, and potential dual-use (civilian and military) implications of port facilities led to scrutiny from both local and external stakeholders, including India and Western powers. As a result, some projects faced significant pushback, delays, and, in certain cases, suspension or cancellation. This opposition underscores the complex interplay between economic cooperation, strategic interests, and sovereignty concerns in China’s Indian Ocean engagements.
China’s expanding economic, diplomatic, and naval footprint in the Indian Ocean has fundamentally altered the region’s strategic landscape, signalling the end of early post-Cold War unipolarity. Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) initiatives, China has entrenched itself economically, financing. Diplomatically, Beijing has deepened its engagement with littoral states through bilateral agreements, security partnerships, and regional forums, challenging traditional Western and Indian influence.
China’s expanding naval deployments in the Indian Ocean, including its military base in Djibouti, and growing security cooperation with regional states, mark the end of unchallenged US dominance in the region. The Indian Ocean is now a contested space, where China’s presence compels strategic recalibrations by India, the United States, and other regional actors. The evolving security landscape in the Indian Ocean—marked by intensifying competition, shifting alliances, and the rise of a multipolar order—has significant implications for Sri Lanka’s geopolitical future.
India views China’s growing economic, political, and strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region as a key strategic challenge. In response, India has pursued a range of strategic, political, and economic measures to counterbalance Chinese influence, particularly in countries like Sri Lanka through infrastructure investment, defense partnerships, and diplomatic engagements.
Other Extra-Regional powers
Japan and Australia have emerged as significant players in the post-Cold War strategic landscape of the Indian Ocean. During the early phases of the Cold War, Australia played a crucial role in Western ‘Collective Security Alliances’ (ANZUS and (SEATO). However, its direct engagement in Indian Ocean security remained limited, primarily supporting the British Royal Navy under Commonwealth obligations. Japan, meanwhile, refrained from deploying naval forces in the region after World War II, adhering to its pacifist constitution and post-war security policies. In recent decades, shifting strategic conditions have prompted both Japan and Australia to reassess their roles in the Indian Ocean, leading to greater defence cooperation and a more proactive regional presence.
In the post-Cold War era, Australia has progressively expanded its naval engagements in the Indian Ocean, driven by concerns over maritime security, protection of trade routes, and China’s growing influence. Through initiatives, such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and deeper defence partnerships with India and the United States, Australia has bolstered its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region.
Recalibration of Japan’s approach
Japan, too, has recalibrated its approach to Indian Ocean security in response to geopolitical shifts. Recognising the Indian Ocean’s critical importance for its energy security and trade, Japan has strengthened its naval presence through port visits, joint exercises, and maritime security cooperation. The Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) has taken on a more active role in anti-piracy operations, freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS), and strategic partnerships with Indian Ocean littoral states. This shift aligns with Japan’s broader strategy of contributing to regional stability while balancing its constitutional constraints on military force projection.
Japan’s proactive role in the Indian Ocean region is evident in its diplomatic and defence engagements. In January 2019, Japan sent its Foreign Minister, Taro Kono, and Chief of Staff, Joint Staff, Katsutoshi Kawano, to the Raisina Dialogue, a high-profile geopolitical conference in India. Japan’s National Security Strategy, released in December 2022, identifies China’s growing assertiveness as its greatest strategic challenge and underscores the need to deepen bilateral ties and multilateral defence cooperation in the Indian Ocean. It also emphasises the importance of securing stable access to sea-lanes, through which more than 80 percent of Japan’s oil imports pass. In recent years, Japan has expanded its port investment portfolio across the Indian Ocean, with major projects in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. In 2021, Japan participated for the first time in CARAT-Sri Lanka (Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training), a bilateral naval exercise. Japan’s Maritime Self-Defence Force returned for the exercise in January 2023, held at Trincomalee Port and Mullikulam Base.
Japan’s strategic interests in the Indian Ocean have been most evident in its involvement in port infrastructure development projects. Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar are key countries where early Chinese-led port construction faced setbacks. Unlike India, which carries historical and political complexities in its relations with these countries, Japan is better positioned to compete with China. In December 2021, a Japanese company established a ship repair and rebuilding facility in Trincomalee, complementing the already well-established Tokyo Cement factory. When the Sri Lanka Ports Authority announced plans in mid-2022 to develop Trincomalee as an industrial port—inviting expressions of interest from investors to utilise port facilities and up to 2,400 hectares of surrounding land—Trincomalee regained strategic attention.
The Colombo Dockyard, in collaboration with Japan’s Onomichi Dockyard, has established a rapid response afloat service in Trincomalee, marking a significant development in Japan’s engagement with Sri Lanka’s maritime infrastructure. This initiative aligns with Japan’s broader strategic interests in the Bay of Bengal, a region of critical economic and security importance. A key Japanese concern appears to be limiting China’s ability to establish a permanent presence in Trincomalee. This initiative underscores the broader strategic competition in the Indian Ocean. Trincomalee, with its deep-water harbour, has long been regarded as a critical maritime asset. Japan’s involvement reflects its efforts to deepen economic and strategic engagement with Sri Lanka amid growing regional competition. The challenge before Sri Lanka is how to navigate this strategic contest while maximising its national interests.
Other Regional Powers
In analyzing the evolving naval security architecture of the post-Cold War Indian Ocean, particular attention should be given to the naval developments of regional powers such as Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia. In 2012, Pakistan established the Naval Strategic Force Command (NSFC) to strengthen Pakistan’s policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD). The creation of the NSFC suggests a shift toward sea-based deterrence, complementing Pakistan’s broader military strategy. In December 2012, Pakistan conducted a series of cruise missile tests from naval platforms in the Arabian Sea. Given India’s expanding maritime capabilities, which Pakistan views as a significant threat, the Pakistan Navy may consider deploying tactical nuclear weapons on surface ships as part of its evolving deterrence strategy. Sri Lanka’s foreign policy cannot overlook this development.
Indonesia also emerged as a significant player in the evolving naval security landscape of the Indian Ocean. In 2010, it launched a military modernisation programme aimed at achieving a ‘Minimum Essential Force’ (MEF) by 2024. As part of this initiative, Indonesia sought to build a modern Navy with 247 surface vessels and 12 submarines. One of the primary challenges faced by the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) is piracy. To enhance maritime security, Indonesia and Singapore signed the SURPIC Cooperation Arrangement in Bantam in May 2005, enabling real-time sea surveillance in the Singapore Strait for more effective naval patrols. In 2017, Indonesia introduced the Indonesian Ocean Policy (IOP) and subsequently incorporated blue economy strategies into its national development agenda, reinforcing its maritime vision. According to projections from the Global Firepower Index, published in 2025, the Indonesian Navy is ranked fourth in global ranking and second in Asia in terms of Navy fleet strength (Global Firepower, 2025).
In October 2012, the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) announced plans to build a second Scorpène simulator training facility at its base in Kota Kinabalu, in addition to submarine base in Sepanggar, Sabah, constructed in 2002. To enhance its naval capabilities, the RMN planned to procure 18 Littoral Mission Ships (LMS) for maritime surveillance and six Littoral Combat Ships (LCS) between 2019 and 2023. Malaysia and China finalised their first major defence deal during Prime Minister Najib Razak’s visit to Beijing in November 2016. During this visit, Malaysia’s Defence Ministry signed a contract to procure LMS from China, as reported by The Guardian. Despite this agreement, Malaysia continues to maintain amicable relations with both China and India, as does Indonesia.
The increasing presence of major naval powers, the rise of regional stakeholders, and the growing significance of trade routes and maritime security have transformed the Indian Ocean into a central pivot of both regional and global politics, with Sri Lanka positioned at its heart. (To be Continued)
by Gamini Keerawella
Features
More excitement for Andrea Marr…

Sri Lankan Andrea Marr, now based in Australia, is in the spotlight again. She says she has teamed up with a fantastic bunch of Sri Lankan musicians, in Melbourne, and the band is called IntoGroove.
“The band has been going strong for many years and I have been a fan of this outfit for quite a few years; just love these guys, authentic R&B and funk.”
Although Andrea has her original blues band, The McNaMarr Project, and they do have a busy schedule, she went on to say that “when the opportunity came up to join these guys, I simply couldn’t refuse … they are too good.”
IntoGroove is Jude Nicholas (lead vocals), Peter Menezes (bass), Keith Pereira (drums), Blaise De Silva (keyboards) and and Steve Wright (guitar).

Andrea Marr: Powerhouse of the blues
“These guys are a fantastic band and I really want everyone to hear them.”
Andrea is a very talented artiste with many achievements to her credit, and a vocal coach, as well.
In fact, she did her second vocal coaching session at Australian Songwriters Conference early this year.
Her first student showcase for this year took place last Sunday, in Melbourne, and it brought into the spotlight the wonderful acts she has moulded, as teacher and mentor.
What makes Andrea extra special is that she has years of teaching experience and is able to do group vocal coaching for all styles, levels and genres.
In January, this year, she performed at the exclusive ‘Women In Blues’ showcase at Alfred’s On Beale Street (rock venue with live entertainment), in Memphis, in the USA, during the International Blues Challenge when bands from all over the world converge on Memphis for the ‘Olympics of the Blues.’

The McNaMarr Project with Andrea and Lindsay Marr in the
vocal spotlight
This was her fourth performance in the home of the blues; she has represented Australian Blues three times and, on this occasion, she went as ambassador for Blues Music Victoria, and The Melbourne Blues Appreciation Society’s ‘Women In Blues’ Coordinator.
Andrea was inducted into the Blues Music Victoria Hall of Fame in 2022 and released her 10th album which hit #1 on the Australian Blues Charts.
Known as ‘the pint-sized powerhouse of the blues’ for her high energy, soulful, original music, Andrea is also a huge fan of the late Elvis Presley and has checked out Graceland, in Memphis, Tennessee, USA, many times.
In Melbourne, the singer also plays a major role in helping Animal Rescue organisations find homes for abandoned cats.
Andrea Marr’s wish, at the moment, is that the Lankan audience, in Melbourne, would get behind this band, IntoGroove. They are world class, she added.
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