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Midweek Review

Westminster event declares support for Canadian action against Rajapaksa brothers

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Foreign Secretary, Aruni Wijewardane, with UK’s Permanent Under Secretary of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), Sir Philip Barton, at the Foreign Ministry, in Colombo, on January 17 (pic courtesy Foreign Ministry)

As a result of sheer negligence, Sri Lanka has ended up being categorized as a perpetrator of war crimes, and those who had fought for the country are mercilessly targeted. There cannot be a better example than Air Marshal Sumangala Dias who suffered due to Sri Lanka’s failure. Canada refused to accept Dias as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner though the former Sri Lanka Air Force Commander has never been under human rights scrutiny. Subsequently, the government proposed Dias as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Italy. That move, too, failed. Italy, as a member state of the EU, pursuing war crimes accusations against Sri Lanka, declined to accept the retired SLAF Chief. The Foreign Ministry should accept responsibility for its failure to brief the inept political leadership of the stand taken by Canada and Italy on this issue. In spite of knowing what would be the outcome, the Foreign Ministry allowed the normal process to go ahead. At the end, both Canada and Italy declined to accept the retired Air Chief.

In fact, the Darusman report could have been used to counter lies. If acknowledged the discrepancy in the number of deaths caused during the final phase of the conflict. Darusman on the basis of unnamed sources alleged 40,000 deaths during Jan-May 2009 whereas the UN mission in Colombo on the basis of records made available by ICRC, hospitals et al reported between 7,000 and 8,000 deaths between August 2008 and May 2009.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Liberal Democrats leader and MP for Surbiton, Edward Jonathan Davey, recently urged British Premier Rishi Sunak’s government to follow Canadian Premier Justin Trudeau on the Sri Lanka war crimes issue. Obviously Davey was referring to the unprecedented unilateral Canadian sanctions, recently imposed on former Presidents, Mahinda Rajapaksa (Nov. 2005-Jan. 2015) and Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2019 – Nov.-2022 July).

The occasion was what the Tamil Guardian called a night of festive celebration, musical performances and classical dance, in Central Hall, in Westminster, to celebrate Thai Pongal and Tamil heritage month. The event was described as a joint effort by the British Tamil community.

The Tamil Guardian quoted Ed Davey as having declared that the Canadian decision to impose sanctions on the Rajapaksa brothers was ‘absolutely right’ and that ‘the time for fine words has gone.’

The World Tamil Historic Society, Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam, Tamils for Labour, Tamil Coordinating Committee, British Tamil Chamber of Commerce, and British Tamil Conservatives, contributed to the event.

There shouldn’t be any issue over the celebration of Thai Pongal, Tamil heritage month, as well as the contribution the Tamil community made to British society, with the participation of British politicians.

British politicians, at such events, reflected the importance of the British Tamils, of Sri Lankan origin, as a significant vote bank.

The Westminster event was attended by several senior representatives of political parties, including Chairman of the Conservative Party, Nadhim Zahawi. The event reiterated commitment of all stakeholders, for justice and accountability.

Labour MP for Eastham, Stephen Timms, too, urged the British government to impose sanctions on individuals who, the British knew, were responsible for war crimes. The MP underscored the need for an ‘independent, international investigation’ in the absence of a domestic reconciliation process in Sri Lanka.

Rishi Sunak and Labour Party leader, Keir Starmer, sent video messages, appreciating the contribution made by the British Tamil community.

In the wake of the UK MPs’ demand for sanctions on Sri Lanka, Foreign Secretary, Aruni Wijewardane, received UK’s Permanent Under Secretary of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO), Sir Philip Barton, at the Foreign Ministry, in Colombo, on January 17. A lengthy statement, issued by the Foreign Ministry, described the discussion as a constructive bilateral engagement in the 75th year of UK-SL diplomatic relations. The visiting official was accompanied by British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, Sarah Hulton.

The media release didn’t indicate whether Sri Lanka will take up the contentious accountability issue, as the UK spearheads the high profile campaign against Sri Lanka. Therefore, the writer rationally ascertained that no other matter had been taken up at the discussion.

With the Canadian declaration that the Rajapaksa brothers, during Eelam War IV (2006-2009), perpetrated ‘gross and systematic violations of human rights,’ the campaign against Sri Lanka has entered a new phase.

The international media quoted Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister, Mélanie Joly, as having said that they took decisive action to end international impunity against violators of international law. The Canadian measures, include travel bans and asset freezes.

The latest action should be examined against the backdrop of the Canadian Parliament recognizing Tamil genocide in Sri Lanka.

Over 14 years, after the successful conclusion of the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Sri Lanka is yet to counter lies. The failure on the part of successive governments to defend wartime political and military leaderships has facilitated the Western agenda. Sri Lanka’s bankruptcy has accelerated their despicable agenda.

Successive inept and treacherous Sri Lankan governments, and its often much compromised diplomatic service, never made a genuine attempt to set the record straight in Geneva, New York or Washington. In fact, they cooperated with those who propagated lies by conveniently failing to properly address issues at hand. Sri Lanka seemed determined not to defend its war against the LTTE, one of the half a dozen terrorist groups, formed by India.

Canada and the UK are not interested in inquiring into the origins of terrorism here. They do not care about the Tamils, who died in the hands of the Indian Army, during its deployment in the then temporarily merged Northern and Eastern Provinces. The loss of 1,300 officers, and men, and injuries suffered by more than double that figure in combat, during the period, 1987-1990, revealed the ferocity of fighting between one-time guardians of Sri Lankan terrorists and their ‘students.’

There had been numerous excesses and reprisals but such strategies were definitely not Indian policy at that time, but what happens in most wars. These Western paragons of virtue, what did their forces do, across the world, during the colonial past, and how do their law enforcers behave to this day, especially against blacks, natives in Canada, Australia and America.

Post-war national reconciliation

hindered

During the war, there had been many excesses. The Sri Lankan military cannot, under any circumstances deny that fact. However, that hadn’t been the government policy. Unfortunately, in the absence of a cohesive strategy, Sri Lanka remains accused of genocide, and the recent Canadian actions meant that the two Presidents were now categorized as war criminals.

But the billion dollar question is where is the justice for far greater war crimes, committed by the West, in places like Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Yemen, etc. Easily, more than a million innocent civilians would have perished by now, in these countries, because of those endless wars, fermented by the West on trumped up, or purely frivolous excuses, like Saddam Hussein is having weapons of mass destruction, or Gaddafi is butchering his own people, while everyone knew that a man like Saddam should be given a prize for keeping a divided nation, like Iraq, in one piece, or that Gaddafi was one of the most benevolent leaders in the entire world.

Foreign Minister, Ali Sabry, PC, in response to a query raised by the writer, at a Foreign Ministry media briefing, last year, said that sanctions had been imposed on entire fighting divisions. That was months before the categorization of the two Presidents as war criminals.

It would be a grave mistake, on the part of the Western community, to believe humiliation of the military would help post-war national reconciliation. On one hand, the Western community wants the Prevention of Terrorism (PTA) abolished, the remaining terror suspects released, and a one-time political arm of the vanquished LTTE, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) political demands met. On the other hand, the grouping wants the military punished on unsubstantiated war crimes allegations. Canadian measures are in line with that despicable strategy.

The Sri Lanka Parliament, as the supreme institution, should be ashamed of its pathetic response to the Western war crimes campaign. Sri Lanka has conveniently failed, at least to remind the Western community how R. Sampanthan’s TNA served the LTTE interests by declaring terrorist leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people.

The TNA bestowed that honour, on the LTTE, in 2001. The Sri Lankan military restored the TNA as the principal political group in the Northern and Eastern provinces, after the elimination of the LTTE, militarily, in May 2009.

Instead of recognizing Sri Lanka’s achievement, the Western community has targeted Sri Lanka, basically for two reasons, namely (1) Colombo’s relationship with China and (11) the Diaspora factor.

Actually, Sri Lanka never had a strategy to counter lies. That is the undeniable truth. Incumbent UN Chief Antonio Guterres’s predecessor, Ban Ki-moon, once compared the Vanni offensive with that of Ruwanda and Serbia genocides in the 1990s. Former UN Secretary General, South Korean Ki-moon played his part to facilitate the Western agenda, in spite of his own mission, in Colombo, contradicting unsubstantiated accusations.

How SL facilitated Western strategy

Sri Lanka never made use of a golden opportunity, given by British Lord Naseby, in Oct. 2017, to prepare a solid defence of the armed forces. His stunning revelation, in the House of Lords, two years after Sri Lanka, under the shameful Yahapalana regime, co-sponsored accountability resolution against our own country, at the Geneva Human Rights Council, exposed the British duplicity.

On the basis of hitherto confidential dispatches from the British High Commission, in Colombo, during the last phase of the war – January-May 2009, the Conservative politician contradicted the very basis of the three-member UN Darusman report. This report, released on March 31, 2011, had been the primary reason for the 2015 accountability resolution that faulted the Sri Lanka Army.

The World War 11 fighter pilot fought a near three-year battle with the British administration to secure the confidential dispatches and was finally able to obtain a highly redacted version, to contradict the lies, in the second week of Oct. 2017. Although the then Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, PC, in his address to the UNHRC, made a reference to Lord Naseby’s revelations, Sri Lanka never requested Geneva to examine the British dispatches.

The author of British dispatches, Lt. Col. Anthony Gash, has never challenged the authenticity of heavily censored dispatches, disclosed by Lord Naseby.

Sri Lanka, in June 2011, squandered a similar opportunity to make a strong case for a revisit of the one-sided Darusman report. The then US Defence Advisor, in Colombo, Lt. Col. Lawrence Smith, quite convincingly defended the Sri Lanka Army, at the 2011 Colombo Defence Seminar. The American contradicted unsubstantiated allegations, raised by a retired Indian Major General Ashok K. Metha, formerly of the infamous IPKF. Lt. Col. Smith must have made that declaration, based on information available to the US Embassy, in Colombo, as well as other dispatches from the war zone. And, most importantly, the American officer made the declaration within three months after the releasing of the Darusman report. Sri Lanka never used British and American dispatches in her defence.

Western powers continue to harass Sri Lanka on the basis of unsubstantiated war crimes

accusations

Geneva moves to further investigate Sri Lanka should be challenged as the previous accusations, that led to the 2015 Geneva resolution, remained uninvestigated.

According to the Darusman report (paragraph 23: Confidentiality of the Panel’s records), the accusations cannot be examined till 2031. This strange stipulation has a further clause stating that the time bar could be extended for a further period. We must be the only country not allowed to examine specific accusations, directed at its armed forces. Successive governments never took the entire gamut of issues, into consideration, before making representations, on behalf of the country.

The incumbent Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa administration is no exception. In spite of repeated vows to defend the armed forces, the previous Gotabaya Rajapaksa-led government pathetically failed in its duty and responsibility.

Sri Lanka’s handling of accusations, relating to the Mannar mass graves, during the Yahapalana administration, revealed how the Foreign and Defence Ministry neglected their responsibilities. But even after the change of government, in the wake of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the 2019 presidential poll, Sri Lanka did nothing to change the strategy.

The Mannar mass grave lie was contradicted by a reputed Miami-based laboratory. It cleared the war-winning Sri Lanka Army of any responsibility for extra-judicial killings there. The independent carbon testing report, from the internationally recognized US laboratory, concluded that the victims likely died up to 615 years ago — predating even the first European colonization of the country by the Portuguese.

Sri Lanka’s Office on Missing Persons (OMP) funded the tests on the remains to determine whether the victims were killed, during the conflict.

But, by then, Geneva has directly blamed Sri Lanka for the Mannar Sathosa ground mass graves. The then Human Rights Commissioner, Michelle Bachelet, audaciously went to the extent of referring to the Mannar mass grave site, in her annual report (section 23), submitted to the UNHRC. The following is the relevant section: “On May 29, 2018, human skeletal remains were discovered at a construction site in Mannar (Northern Province), Excavations conducted in support of the Office on Missing Persons, revealed a mass grave from which more than 300 skeletons were discovered. It was the second mass grave found in Mannar, following the discovery of a site, in 2014. Given that other mass graves might be expected to be found in the future, systematic access to grave sites by the Office, as an observer, is crucial for it to fully discharge its mandate, particularly with regard to the investigation and identification of remains, it is imperative that the proposed reforms on the law relating to inquests, and relevant protocols to operationalize the law be adopted. The capacity of the forensic sector must also be strengthened, including in areas of forensic anthropology, forensic archaeology and genetics, and its coordination with the Office of Missing Persons must be ensured.”

Geneva never expected the US report on Mannar mass graves to go against its strategy. The TNA, too, reacted as expected. The one-time LTTE ally never expected the US report to contradict high profile allegations. Colombo based diplomats, and foreign officials, visited the scene ,as interested parties propagated lies.

On behalf of the TNA, a lawmaker, representing the Vanni region, has called for a fresh testing in another lab in some other country. Our Vavuniya correspondent, Dinasena Ratugamage, quoted Mullaitivu District MP Nirmalanathan Sivamohan as having said: “This is not to say that we do not accept the reports sent by a lab in Florida, US, but given the importance of the Mannar grave site we need to get a second opinion.”

There were many other developments ranging from a spate of WikiLeaks revelations to political decisions that exposed the Western strategy. But, perhaps the irreversible defence of the military was provided by the Tamil community, living in the Northern and Eastern electoral districts, at the 2010 presidential election. The war-winning General Sarath Fonseka, in spite of suffering massive defeat in the hands of Mahinda Rajapaksa, comfortably won all predominately The Tamil speaking electoral districts, in those provinces, despite the TNA and the Tamil Diaspora, having accused him and his Army of committing war crimes. The Tamil community overwhelmingly responded to the TNA’s call to vote for Fonseka, who contested as the common candidate, fielded by the UNP-led alliance that included the JVP.

Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never bothered to officially take up this development to counter propaganda. Even if the TNA asked for the Tamil community to vote for Fonseka, the electorate wouldn’t have overwhelmingly done so unless it was convinced the eradication of the LTTE was a necessity.



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Midweek Review

Bronze statue for P’karan, NPP defeat in the North and 16th anniversary of triumph over terrorism

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Canada unveiled the Tamil Genocide Monument in Chinguacousy Park, Brampton, on May 10. The organisers declared the monument honoured the memory of Tamil victims, between 1983 and 2009. The National Council of Canadians Tamils (NCCT), in partnership with the Brampton Tamil Association, the City of Brampton and many other Tamil community organisations, contributed to the project. The 4.8 metre tall stainless steel monument features an outline of Tamil Eelam. The surrounding pillars feature details about the decades of war and genocide, according to the organisers. The memorial is estimated to have cost $150,000.

As Sri Lanka marks the 26th anniversary of its dream-like triumph over terrorism, some of those who spearheaded the successful war effort remain categorised as war criminals without any hearings into such wild allegations before a PROPERLY CONSTITUTED COURT, while those in the West, who brazenly carry out genocides and other war crimes, go scot free.

Successive governments failed to counter wild war crimes allegations showing fealty to criminal white masters not having the backbone to rise above colonial subject mentality and simply be servile to suit their agenda. They intensified pressure on Sri Lanka over the years to appease the Tamil Diaspora who now exercised their rights as citizens of various foreign countries. Canada is a glaring example of Diaspora politics. Two Canadians of Sri Lankan origin were recently elected to the Canadian parliament. Veteran politician V. Anandasangaree’s son, Garry was among the two.

 

Sri Lanka brought the Eelam War to a successful conclusion in the third week of May 2009. Having crushed the Tigers in the battlefield and restored government control over the entire Northern and Eastern provinces, the armed forces declared the end of the war on May 18, 2009. Within 24 hours of that declaration LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon in a one-time LTTE stronghold in the Mullaitivu district.

The Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body, along with that of others killed in May 18/ 19 confrontations. The then Army Chief General Fonseka is on record as having said that his Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body in the same area and threw the ashes into the Indian Ocean.

The Northern branch of the ruling National People’s Power (NPP), in the run-up to Local Government polls, tried to ‘resurrect’ Prabhakaran in a desperate and shameful bid to win the Northern electorate. The NPP handsomely won the entire Northern region, comprising Jaffna and Vanni electorates, at the parliamentary election and was determined to consolidate its power.

During the LG polls campaign, the NPP declared its intention to build a memorial hall in memory of Prabhakaran and a bronze statue of the terrorist leader, ignoring all the grave crimes he and his terrorist band committed to dismember this country in the name of an Eelam they vowed to achieve. The ruling party obviously disregarded possible consequences as it sought to lure the electorate with catchy slogans that depicted the slain terrorist as their national leader.

The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party (UNP) conveniently remained silent on the delicate issue. None of the political parties in the fray criticised the NPP’s declaration to erect a memorial hall and a bronze statue of Prabhakaran in his hometown of Valvettithurai. The SJB obviously felt that a hostile response to NPP’s offer may adversely affect the party at the LG polls. Therefore, the SJB refrained from questioning the NPP’s despicable move.

The NPP seemed to have believed Prabhakaran can be appropriately used in its own campaign. But the Northern and Eastern electorates obviously believed that separatist agenda cannot be advanced by marketing Prabhakaran. Instead, Jaffna voters once again threw their weight behind the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) that once declared the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people.

What really surprised the NPP was why particularly the Jaffna electorate, having backed President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s party at the general election in Nov. 2024 again switched its allegiance to the ITAK.

Whatever the outcome of the LG polls, the NPP certainly owed an explanation to the country as to why its Northern branch promoted a separatist agenda at the expense of national security interests. In fact, the ITAK never ever promised to put up a memorial hall in Prabhakaran’s memory or build a statue of him. The NPP, in a cheap bid to capitalise on public sentiments, particularly ahead of the so-called Vellamullivaikkal commemoration, sought to exploit Prabhakaran’s death.

Former parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran declared the outcome of the Local Government polls in the Northern and Eastern regions as being significant and decisive. The President’s Counsel emphasised that the results proved the Tamil people’s unwavering commitment to their nationalist aspirations, Sumanthiran said so addressing the media at the Jaffna Press Club. The ITAK contested 58 local councils, across the North-East, and secured administrative control in 40 of them.

The NPP should be mindful of the developing scenario in the North, particularly Jaffna peninsula. Obviously, the outcome at the recently concluded polls would boost the ITAK’s chances at the now long overdue Provincial Council elections expected to be held before the end of this year. Ironically, it was with the ITAK support that Ranil Wickremesinghe put off the PC polls last time.

Against the backdrop of severe setbacks suffered by the NPP in the Northern and Eastern regions, the significant drop in countrywide vote, compared to what the party polled at the parliamentary election, must have compelled the top leadership to discuss ways and means of addressing the developing situation.

NPP presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake polled 5.7 mn votes (this includes 105,264 preferences) in Sept. 2024, the NPP secured 6.8 mn votes at the parliamentary election and now the support recorded a significant drop with the NPP managing just 4.5 mn votes at the recently concluded LG polls. The situation can deteriorate further at the forthcoming Provincial Council polls.

The failure to retain the support of the predominantly Tamil-speaking areas must be a matter of serious concern for the ruling party. Having boasted of uniting the country by bringing both the North and the South under one political banner by winning all electorates, except Batticaloa, at the last general election, the NPP justly suffered a devastating and unexpected setback at the LG polls with its readiness to betray the South.

N&E outcome

President Dissanayake spearheaded the LG polls campaign. Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya threw her full weight behind the campaign. President Dissanayake focused on the Northern and Eastern regions as the ruling party quite clearly understood the pivotal importance in consolidating its hold in the former LTTE strongholds. The NPP’s offer to honour Prabhakaran, who fell with his die-hard inner circle in the last encounter with the security forces, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon, must have surprised even the ITAK as such a sentimental election promise tend to influence the electorate in a big way. But, the electorate ignored that NPP’s offer and reiterated its commitment to the ITAK.

The ITAK obtained 13 seats to secure victory at the Jaffna Municipal Council. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) took the second position with 12 seats whereas the NPP ended up in third place with 10 seats.

The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) won the Valvettithurai Urban Council while the ITAK took the second place. The NPP was pushed to a distant third place though Valvettithurai was the centre of the NPP campaign, literally backing Prabhakaran’s macabre feats. The NPP ended up with just three seats. Jaffna MC, VVT UC and all other Local Government bodies at Point Pedro (UC), Chavakachcheri (UC), Karainagar, Kayts, Delft, Velanai, Walikamam west, Walikamam north, Walikamam south-west, Walikamam south, Walikamam east, Vadamarachchy south-west, Point Pedro (Pradeshiya Sabha), Chavakachcheri (PS) and Nallur were all won by Tamil nationalist parties.

The outcome at the Vavuniya MC was really interesting. The Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA), Sri Lanka Labour Party and the NPP won four seats each in the 21-member council. However, the NPP won Vavuniya south (Tamil) PS and Vavuniya north PS by winning six seats each and Vavuniya south (Sinhala) PS though it couldn’t secure a majority.

Troops carry Velupillai Prabharakan’s body following his death in a chance confrontation with the Army the day after the government declared victory over the LTTE
(pic Army)

 

The bottom line is that the NPP cannot be happy with its performance in the Northern and Eastern regions. The NPP must be really disappointed with the beating it received in the Jaffna peninsula where the ruling party released more land held by the military, lifted restrictions imposed within high security zones by opening a vital section of the Jaffna-Palaly road and generally eased military presence.

The NPP repeatedly pledged to release Tamil political prisoners though such a category didn’t exist. That promise was also made during presidential and parliamentary election campaigns last year. The truth is over 12,000 LTTE cadres, either surrendered or were apprehended during the final phase of the ground offensive in the Vanni east region, had been released over the years. The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government as well as successive administrations didn’t resort to legal action against those who surrendered on the battle field.

Whatever the critics say, Sri Lanka has been credited with carrying out a successful rehabilitation programme that paved the way for former terrorists to reintegrate with the civilian population. The ITAK or other Tamil political parties refrained from backing the government effort. In fact, they did everything possible to undermine the rehabilitation programme. The successful rehabilitation project, spearheaded by the Army, exposed the lies propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on undermining the post-war reconciliation efforts.

Retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran’s allegation had been at the forefront of these destabilisation efforts. During the Yahapalana administration, Wigneswaran caused a furore when he accused the Army in charge of the rehabilitation programme of poisoning 104 detained LTTEers. The declaration that had been made during the US Air Force exercise in the Jaffna peninsula, in August 2016, was meant to attract maximum public attention. Wigneswaran went to the extent of declaring that some of those who survived lethal injections would be examined by the US Air Force.

Having uttered such blatant lies against the war-winning military, in his capacity as the TNA Chief Minister of the Northern Provincial Council ,Wigneswaran successfully contested the 2020 general election from the newly registered party, the Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kootan (TMTK).

A forgotten war victory

Sri Lanka paid a huge price to bring the war to an end, avoiding civilian casualties as much as humanly possible. The result was that the security forces suffered more casualties. In the absence of a cohesive strategy to counter politically motivated unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, the war-winning Army ended-up mired in controversy. The Army, too, must take responsibility for its pathetic failure to address accountability issues over the years. Thr post-war Army never sought to press the government to adopt a holistic approach as the Geneva–based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the Western powers declared humiliating punitive measures against selected officers on hearsay allegations.

Canada went a step further. Ottawa not only categorised former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa as war criminals by blindly accusing them of gross and systematic violations of human rights, without a shred of evidence, and then, in a similar cavalier way, declared that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide. While blacklisting of six persons, including the two Presidents, took place in January 2023, the Canadian Parliament made the declaration, pertaining to genocide, in May 2022.

Unfortunately, the current government, too, is yet to take tangible measures in this regard as it struggles to cope up with political-economic-social developments as its chief Western benefactor itself is now mired in an economic catastrophe of its own making. The government seems simply disinterested in challenging the continuing western campaign against Sri Lanka.

The worrisome situation should be examined taking into consideration the treacherous Yahapalana administration co-sponsoring an accountability resolution against the war-winning armed forces. The despicable 2015 move shook the public conscience. President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe should be held responsible for the great betrayal. Subsequent action taken by the UNHRC, as well as other countries, cannot be discussed leaving out Sirisena-Wickremesinghe betrayal simply to be on the good books of the West.

No political party represented in Parliament, not even the UPFA/SLPP that gave political leadership during the war, bothered to take it up vigorously in Parliament. That is the ugly truth. Harsh reality is that none of the political parties really want to address this issue. Against the backdrop of the Pahalgam massacre in the Indian administered Kashmir, Sri Lanka should have discussed ways and means of reviewing the accountability issues. Instead, the ruling party ended up declaring its intention to honour Prabhakaran responsible for thousands of deaths, including many civilians, and ruining the lives of many more.

Perhaps the NPP should launch an internal inquiry on its northern branch for acting contrary to the policy of the party. However, if the top leadership had been aware of the move to glorify Prabhakaran in a bid to entice the electorate, the party should seriously rethink its treacherous new Northern strategy.

The final phase

In late March this year, the UK imposed sanctions on four persons, including Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda and General Shavendra Silva, wartime commander of celebrated 58 Division. They played an extraordinary role in Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE, often considered invincible on the battlefield, until the experts were proved wrong. The US, too, blacklisted both Karannagoda and Silva during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency. However, the decision on the part of the US and UK not to sanction tough talking Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka whose leadership ensured seemingly undefeatable LTTE collapsed on the northern theatre of operations is a mystery.

Having backed Fonseka’s presidential bid in 2010, the US may find it embarrassing to sanction the Sinha Regiment veteran. For the British, there cannot be any plausible reason whatsoever not to agree with the US in backing Fonseka’s candidature. Could there be anything as ridiculous as the TNA backing the US initiative, having accused Fonseka of putting Tamil civilians to the sword. Similarly, the TNA backing for Fonseka and the mysterious US and British decision to leave Fonseka out of the sanctioned lists has made the whole selective accountability exercise nothing but a farce.

Successive governments, however, failed to utilise all available information, ranging from US dispatches from its missions in Colombo, as well as other parts of the world, British HC missives from Colombo and Norwegian documents, to build a iron clad defence of our valiant security forces. In fact, 17 years after the eradication of the LTTE, Sri Lanka is yet to reach consensus on countering unsubstantiated war crimes allegations. Sometimes we wonder whether we are represented by top diplomats or ‘diplomuts’ at such high cost to the taxpayer.

Both the US and British wartime defence advisors, serving here on the basis of information available to their respective missions, denied uncorroborated war crimes accusations. Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith of the US made his disclosure in support of Sri Lanka in late May 2011, whereas Lord Naseby on the basis of Lt. Colonel Anthony Gashes’s dispatches from Colombo (January to May 2009) countered the main UN accusation pertaining to the massacre of over 40,000 civilians. Lord Naseby made his declaration in mid-October 2017. But the duplicitous Yahapalana government, having betrayed the country at the UNHRC, totally ignored the disclosure made in the House of Lords.

The SLFP, too, fully cooperated with the disgraceful UNP strategy meant to advance the government’s political relationship with the TNA at the expense of the armed forces. When the writer raised the pathetic failure on the part of the government to utilise all available information, particularly Lord Naseby’s disclosure, the then Cabinet spokesman Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera accused The Island of causing unnecessary friction.

Parliament, as the highest institution in the country, never sought to examine the circumstances under which the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the contentious Geneva accountability resolution at the expense of war-winning armed forces. The writer on many occasions referred to the attacking speech made by Maj. Gen. Chagie Gallage at the time of his retirement, but feel the need to mention it again. The Gajaba Regiment veteran, strategist Gallage questioned why he is having to retire as a war criminal after having faithfully and diligently served the country. Successive post-war governments should be ashamed for their failure to mount a proper defence of the armed forces whose sacrifices made Sri Lanka safe for all.

Eradication of the LTTE brought an end to the use of children as cannon fodder. The LTTE indiscriminately used child soldiers in the battlefield, with hundreds thrown into high intensity battles. The LTTE tried forced recruitment of children until the very end as the ground forces approached their remaining crumbling defences in the former Mullaitivu stronghold.

Sri Lanka could have avoided post-war turmoil if retired General Fonseka refrained from being part of the UNP’s 2010 political project. In hindsight, Fonseka’s abortive bid at the presidency caused a crisis and paved the way for western powers targeting Sri Lanka over war crimes accusations.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Storytelling, Fiction and Cinema

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A scene from the movie ‘Animal’ (2023)

Storytelling has been a medium of joy and entertainment since the inception of human history. The art of storytelling has evolved in the form of an expression of human experiences including the escapades they embarked on, the beliefs and the myths passed down through generations while commingling the imaginations of the human mind.

Since time immemorial, the art of storytelling has passed down through orature, encompassing unwritten, spoken form of stories. The subsequent systematised written form of storytelling is considered to be the cornerstone of a ‘great tradition of fictional masterpieces’.

World’s oldest known written fictional story is considered to be the ‘Epic of Gilgamesh’, written in the Akkadian language, which originated in ancient Mesopotamia four thousand years ago. The epic poem is based on five Sumerian poems written about Gilgamesh, the third king of the Uruk dynasty. The Ancient Greek epic poem ‘The Shield of Heracles’ or widely known as ‘Hercules’ written by an unknown Greek poet is another breakthrough in storytelling. Italian mythographer and historian Natale Conti, in a chapter of his book ‘Mythologiae’ (1567) extensively summarised a range of myths concerning the biography of the legend under his Roman name ‘Hercules’. Homer’s ‘Iliad’ and ‘Odyssey’ written in the 8th century BC, Mahabharata (4-3 BC) which is traditionally attributed to Vyasa (Vedas), and the Bhagavad Gita (Songs of God) believed to be dated back to the 2nd or 1st century BC, Valmiki’s ‘Ramayana’, which dates back to 7to 3 BCE are referred to as milestones of a great literary tradition emerged in the world through many epics, myths, legends, historical fiction, as well as religious narratives.

Advancing another step forward, world’s first novel ‘The Tale of Genji’ written by Murasaki Shikibu in the eleventh century, was turning point in the conception of a wide array of fictional genres in subsequent times. The fictional literature has greatly influenced the fictional narrative of cinema. The cinema, as a medium of storytelling marked its inception in the nineteenth century. The first silent film with a narrative was “The Great Train Robbery,” a movie with a twelve minute runtime and directed by Edwin S. Porter in 1903. With the release of American musical film ‘The Jazz Singer’, the first talkie to synchronise sound with dialogues directed by Alan Crosland in 1927, marked the ascendency of a global tradition of great talkies, ending the silent film era.

Compared to literary fiction, the cinematic fiction, due to its profound capacity to influence the audience through emotionally impactful and visually rich storytelling and its immersive and captivating nature of moving images are the contributory factors for its enduring audience appeal. The main reason for this is that the artistic medium of cinema has audio, visual and three-dimensional characteristics. This is due to the fact that the text of cinema consists an array of technical and artistic components such as cinematography, editing, music, casting considering the literary ‘Text’.

Elaborating his ‘Dual-Coding Theory’, Allan Paivio, a former professor in Psychology at University of West Ontario, says human memory stores information in forms of ‘Image Codes’ and ‘Verbal Codes’. When an image code is stored in memory, the both image and the words associated with the image are transmitted and stored simultaneously. A verbal code is stored in the mind merely as a word. Based on the ‘Dual-Coding Theory Paivio establishes the theory of ‘Picture Superiority Effect’ which refers to the fact that images are memorable than words because they have more representation in the memory. Therefore people tend to remember information more effectively through pictorial contents than verbal contents in the process of communication. The popular saying “A picture paints a thousand words” reflects this phenomenon.

The cinematic narratives are unfolded by means of both fictions and non-fictions. There is no clear borderline which distinguishes fiction from non-fiction. The term ‘Fiction’ originates from the Latin word ‘Ficto’, means Making, Fashioning or Molding.

A scene from the movie
‘Get Out’ (2017)

In fictions ‘imagination’ of the author or screenwriter acts as a fundamental aspect of the creative process. Even though standard definitions on ‘What is a fiction’ suggest the fact that ‘ Fictions are not based on true events’, the one who fabricates the story, capitalizes on real events or characters to a greater or lesser extent in addition to ‘Imagination’. Human imagination is not a random or accidental occurrence. The Imagination is a byproduct of human memory.

Personal life experiences, societal movements, educational background, psychological characteristics, and the social and ideological formations upon which the creator is based fundamentally influence the generation of this imaginative power.

Accordingly, it can be said that the content created in fiction is not entirely fabricated. There may be some true facts and events embedded in it. There is no specific yardstick that can distinguish a fiction from a true story or a non-fiction story. A Fiction is often created by combining elements of both reality and imagination. The creative work based on empirical facts, real characters, or events is classified as a non-fiction. The both works of art can be categorised as creative narratives. Autobiographies, Memoirs, Travelogues belong to the category of non-fiction. The filmmakers have creatively adapted them in cinematic productions.

A cinematic narrative can either be realistic or unrealistic. Realistic cinematic portrayals explore stories and characters grounded in reality by means of creative re-production or re-enactment of true incidents taken place in the distant or recent past, or an existing social issue or transformation, as well as a character or group of people who are living or dead in society.

In realistic cinematic narratives much emphasis is given to creative re-production and re-enatment. In this creative endeavour the characters or chain of events are depicted with creative changes in time, space, and personal names, by harnessing the facts and fiction.

The realistic cinematic work are often fall under the tags such as ‘Based on true story’ and ‘Inspired by true events’.

The screenwriter is subjected to ethical considerations in realistic cinematic work when real names of individuals and locations are used for creative purposes. This paves the way for maintaining an accountability to avoid harmful interpretations of such characters and not to present false information about any person living or dead. That is the globally accepted method to present the story honestly, accurately, respectfully and truthfully avoiding sensationalism. This is where the importance of in-depth analytical and explorative research on characters and their mannerism, locations, historic incidents intended to portray, manifests.

 

Professor Stuart Fischoff, a former media psychologist in California State University, emphasising the responsibility of the filmmaker says “Generally the audience assumes the movie is correct. They get their lessons from films and don’t go back to check.so we are cultivating a nation of people who see history through the eyes of a Panaflex movie camera”.

‘Small Things Like These’ (2024), directed by Tim Meilants, based on the novel ‘Small Things Like These’ written by Claire Keegan in 2021 is a clear example for portraying a true historic atmosphere in a movie where its plot focusses on the infamous Magdalene Laundries operational in Ireland between 1922 and 1998. Anthony Maras’ film ‘Hotel Mumbai’ (2018), which revolves around the terrorist attack on Mumbai’s Taj Mahal Palace hotel in 2008 is based on a real-life atrocity inflicted upon hotel residents by terrorists killing approximately hundred and fifty unsuspecting people. Another example for real-time environment of social and economic downturn is ‘Nomadland’ (2020), directed by Chloe Sao, which centers around the lives of senior citizens who chose to live a nomad life by packing their possessions in campervans and set off on the road after becoming homeless during America’s Great Recession in 2008.The movie ‘Nomadland’ was based on the non-fiction book of the same name written by American journalist Jessica Bruder.

On the other hand ‘Unrealistic Cinematic Fiction’ is where the creation is solely based on the imagination and creative grammar of the screenwriter, frequently described as a creative narrative that is imaginatively constructed characters, spaces, events, and objects which are nonexistent in the empirical world. These narratives are based on imaginary spatial and temporal spheres, separated and disconnected from real-life situations. Genres such as science fiction, mystery and horror, animation, fantasy drama fall under this category.

Cinema is a powerful artistic tool that touches the human soul and capable of etching life-long and indelible emotional imprint on human memory, shaping social perception by acting as a mirror reflecting human society. In cinematic creations, the writer’s personal interests, tendencies, and behaviours are transmitted in consciously or unconsciously to society through the characters depicted. Accordingly, various political, religious, and social beliefs, behaviours, ideologies, and trends, particularly those reflected in the personal dynamics and self-expression of the storyteller, can have both positive and negative impacts on society.

In fictional writings, pleasant as well as unpleasant life circumstances the storyteller has encountered are possibly be manifested in their artistic expressions in various ways. After all storytellers are human beings and they possess all the dynamics other humans possess as well. The perspectives and ideologies stemming from their personal beliefs, prejudices they were subjected to, traumatic experiences, marginalisation and alienation they endured, poverty or deprivation they went through, the negative situations such as physical punishment, sexual abuse are permeated in creative work in some way or the other.

A scene from the movie ‘Small Things like This’
(2024)

This is a physiological tendency called ‘Negativity Bias’ which referred to as a cognitive phenomenon where individuals pay more attention to negative information than positive information. The concept of ‘Negativity Bias’ suggests the emotional responses of humans towards negativities are proportionately high compared to positive circumstances of the same magnitude. This tendency is common in cinematic expressions equivalently where both filmmakers and audiences are probably proned to pay more attention to negative stimuli than positive stimuli.

The mystery film ‘Get Out’ (2017), written and directed by Jordan Peele, is a pragmatic example to prove the amplified unpleasant circumstances that individuals undergo have profound impact on the creative work they are engaged in. The plot revolves around an African-American young man who visits his white girlfriend’s family estate during a weekend where he experiences loneliness, isolation, alienation, entrapment and fear.

The director and screenwriter Peele presents the superficially visible ‘Liberal elite’ ideology which overtly states ‘we are not racist’ and covert and subtle conveyance of ‘color matters’ and stigma and body shaming Afro-Americans experience due to their dark skin complexion through creative storytelling.

Jorden Peele in an interview with The New York Times says “This movie is also about how we deal with race. As a black man, sometimes you can’t tell if what you’re seeing has underlying bigotry, or it’s a normal conversation and you’re being paranoid. That dynamic in itself is unsettling. I admit sometimes I see race and racism when it’s not there”.

The film industry is a global business with billions of dollars invested where the investors or producers decide on the creative content which should be transmitted to the audience, with the sole purpose of making money at the end of the day.

Sandeep Reddy Vanga’s 2023 film ‘Animal’ sparked a controversial debate in society due to its extremely violent behavior and harmful toxic masculinity. Javed Akhtar, a renowned Indian lyricist and screenwriter, once said that “commercially successful films with questionable scenes are a dangerous trend. For example, in a certain movie, a man tells a woman to lick his shoe to prove his love for her,” and he says,” if a film communicates the idea that it is okay to slap a woman, it is very dangerous, no matter how popular that film is”. Critics labeled the film ‘Animal’ as misogynistic and extremely violent. Despite severe criticism, the film was well-received by the audience becoming the third highest-grossing Indian film in 2023, grossing 950 million Indian rupees.

Considering the potential negative impact and perpetual harm on society inflicted by such controversial films, the importance of going along with ethical considerations emerges. Cinema ethics referred to moral guidelines and principles that influence the responsible and accountable creation, production, and dissemination of movies. This ensures the cinematic content is respectful of individuals or groups living in society. It helps elevate audience’s trust while refraining from promoting harmful content.

An artist converts a personal experience into universal or common experience in order to make it a shared experience. The artist must be capable of determining how beneficial or appropriate it is to turn that personal experience into common shared experience. On the other hand an artist is equipped with a creative privilege of shaping the society by means of their work of art. The artistic license they bear should be used in a responsible manner for the betterment of society by disseminating humanity, empathy, and compassion through their creations. American filmmaker Martin Scorsese giving much emphasis on the importance of portraying humanity in cinema states “Filmmaking is a journey through the soul of humanity, captured frame by frame”.

The term ‘fiction’ is a tool that provides novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers with freedom for their creativity. But an artist is not licensed to stereotype, misinterpret or misrepresent the characters using freedom of creativity. The responsibility of an author to avoid such matters is brought to attention in the article ‘The Ethics of Writing Novels on True Events’ by American author Joyce Carol Oates. She articulates ‘fiction writer should be as transparent as a glass full of clean water.

When creating works of fiction or non-fiction based on real life stories and real names, the characters should not be harmed, distorted, misrepresented, or ridiculed. Artists must take upon themselves the responsibility of acting in accordance with the principles of natural justice. Ron Hansen, an American Novelist and Professor of Arts and Humanities in University of California, said this with the intention of keeping the criteria of novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers close to humanity.

 

by Bhagya Rajapakse
bhagya8282@gmail.com

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Midweek Review

The Peace of Togetherness

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Sight-seers behold in rapturous wonder,

The ‘Mother-Lantern’ and her ‘offspring’,

Decked out in eye-soothing white attire,

Forming a sedately rotating heavenly cluster,

As they smilingly enjoy their ‘Belimal’ medication,

Freely served by live-wires of the in-gathering,

In another reminder of the inbred spirit of caring,

Wonderfully brought to the fore by Sri Lankans,

Whether in joyous events or in the trauma of tragedy.

 

By Lynn Ockersz

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