Midweek Review
War against separatist terrorism: Gen. Daya Rathnayake’s narrative
‘Sri Lankawe Bedumwadi Thrasthawadaya 1975-2009’
(Separatist Terrorism in Sri Lanka 1975 to 2009) made reference to major military operations conducted against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). A very interesting point made was the absence of major military operations after the disastrous Agni Keela (Anvil of Fire) offensive launched on April 24, 2001, in the Jaffna peninsula. That offensive had been aimed at regaining Elephant Pass that was abandoned in April 2000. The Agni Keela debacle stunned the military. That was the last major action undertaken by the military before the People’s Alliance defeat at the 2001 general election leading to the signing of the Norwegian arranged one-sided Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) advantageous to the LTTE. The military remained passive until the LTTE initiated offensive action in the second week of August 2006. The 2001-2006 period saw massive expansion of the LTTE as the southern political leadership pulled in different directions, thereby giving the LTTE a sense of certain victory. Resumption of large scale hostilities, simultaneously in both eastern and northern theaters in August 2006, underscored the level of the LTTE preparedness.
The war against separatist terrorism could have been brought to a successful conclusion much earlier if not for utterly irresponsible, foolish, politically motivated and treacherous actions of successive governments.
President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s handling of the war (January 1989-May 1993) is a glaring case in point. Premadasa’s ill-conceived political strategies that had caused so much destruction at the onset of Eelam War IV, in June 1990, demoralised the armed forces and resulted in debilitating setbacks. Premadasa prolonged the war that lasted two decades (From Eelam War II to IV/ 1990 to 2009).
Former Army Commander General Daya Rathnayake, in his recently launched memoirs ‘Sri Lankawe Bedumwadi Thrasthawadaya 1975-2009’ (Separatist Terrorism in Sri Lanka 1975 to 2009) briefly dealt with Premadasa’s handling of the war, after becoming the President on January 02, 1989. Perhaps, Rathnayake should have elaborated on Premadasa’s period, as the LTTE underwent a drastic transformation during Premadasa’s time. Premadasa not only directed the military to fully cooperate with the LTTE, the group was also provided with both arms, ammunition and finance, at the taxpayers’ expense.
Rathnayake, nor the previous ex-military officers who authored books on the conflict, never really bothered to examine this aspect. Premadasa ordered the disbursement of funds to the LTTE, just months after he took office as the President. There is irrefutable evidence that Premadasa had the then Finance Secretary, R. Paskaralingam, release to the Tigers Rs 5 mn each time, on August 09, September 15, 27, November 11, 30, and December 13, 1989. In the following year, again Rs 5 mn each were released to the LTTE on January 08, 30, February 20, March 02, 21, April 19, 20, and June 06 and 08. Premadasa’s decision to release Rs 50 mn on November 05, 1990, is a mystery as, by then, the LTTE had taken the upper hand in the Eelam War II. Why did Premadasa release Rs 50 mn about five months after the resumption of fighting and the strategic loss of the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road, north of Vavuniya? That foolish action had never been explained and no one in authority bothered to examine Premadasa’s action.
The 21st Commander of the Army Rathnayake (August 1, 2013, to February 21, 2015) succeeded General Jagath Jayasuriya (July 15, 2009, to July 31, 2013), the man who earned the wrath of war-winning Army commander, General Sarath Fonseka, for obvious reasons. President Mahinda Rajapaksa brought in Jayasuriya as Fonseka’s successor, amidst developing turmoil over his decision to replace Fonseka.
Dispute between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka
The unprecedented dispute between the Rajapaksas and Fonseka, over the latter’s entry into politics, seeking the highest office in 2010, threw the country into political turmoil as never before. That undermined the post-war defence of armed forces in the face of war crimes accusations, propagated by Western powers. The election of Maithripala Sirisena as President, in January 2015, paved the way for Fonseka to receive the coveted Field Marshal’s appointment in May 2015. In Oct ober, the same year, just two months after the parliamentary polls, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government treacherously co-sponsored an accountability resolution against its own war-winning armed forces. Rathnayake relinquished command a couple of weeks before Fonseka’s appointment as Field Marshal.
One-time Rajapaksa loyalist Rathnayake teamed-up with experienced writer Major Sarath Jayawardena to author a highly readable book that explained the conflict lucidly. The book launch took place amidst the ongoing controversy over the National People’s Power (NPP) government’s handling of the 16th Anniversary of the crushing defeat rendered to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the battlefield. Rathnayake received appointment as Secretary to the Ministry of Industries in July 2021. Previously he served as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA,) but quit amidst controversy. In the run-up to the last presidential election, Rathnayake pledged his support to presidential candidate Sajith Premadasa.
People found fault with the government over President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s decision not to attend the May 19 event. But, the President, who is also the Defence Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces ,at the last moment, fortunately, changed his mind, thereby averting a major blunder.
Let me get back to the work of the two authors.
They dealt with the beginning on a low intensity conflict, the gradual development of hostilities, to a full scale conventional war, the Indian military deployment here (August 1987 to March 1990), resumption of war between the government and the LTTE, in June 1990, on and off peace negotiations, and the collapse of the Norwegian peace initiative, finally leading to the destruction of the group whose military prowess surprised the world. But, as the authors pointed out, Sri Lanka, too, contributed to the enemy’s battlefield success. Rathnayake explained one major blunder caused by Premadasa at the onset of Eelam War II.
The then Major Rathnayake had been at the Joint Operations Headquarters (JOH), Colombo, when fighting raged in the East, in the second week of June 1990. The senior author had been the duty officer at the JOH. Rathnayake is, perhaps, one of the few military personnel to observe the then State Defence Minister, the late Ranjan Wijeratne, Defence Secretary the late General Cyril Ranatunga, and then IGP the late Ernest Perera, issuing orders for the armed forces, and police, to surrender to the LTTE.
Rathnayake names the then Lt. Colonel Hiran Halangoda, the Commanding Officer of the first battalion of Gemunu Watch (1GW), as the one who refused to heed the treacherous directive issued by the JOH. Sri Lanka never bothered to examine the conduct of political and military leadership during the conflict. Even 17 years after the conclusion of the war, no government took tangible measures to conduct a thorough examination of the conflict.
Although several senior retired officers had written about the conflict, in addition to wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who himself served the celebrated Gajaba Regiment, the armed forces hadn’t made a collective effort to record the conflict. Co-author Maj. Jayawardena, in his brief but quite useful narrative, explained the overall shortcomings in the armed forces’ efforts. Jayawardena pointed out how Mahavamsa, too, failed to receive the confidence of all.
In spite of the discrepancy in the number of police deaths, as a result of the treacherous directive issued by the UNP government, the Police Department, according to Rathnayake and Jayawardena, definitely lost more than 600 officers and men.
Pooneryn debacle
Rathnayake and Jayawardena discussed the Pooneryn debacle and the subsequent pullout from the area. The losses suffered by the Army as a result of the multi-pronged attack on the Pooneryn-Nagathevanthurai naval detachment, in early November 1993, underscored the failure on the part of the command structure.
The writer was surprised the authors failed to mention the then Army Commander Cecil Waidyaratne acceptance of responsibility for the Pooneryn debacle and resigned on December 31, 1993. During the 30-year conflict, Waidyaratne was the only service chief to relinquish command following a debacle. The authors also depend on the memoirs of Sivakamy Sivasubramaniyam, alias Thamilini, the LTTE’s Women’s Wing leader whose memoirs were launched after the conclusion of the conflict and attracted much public attention. Thamilini’s THIYUNU ASIPATHAKA SEWANA YATA received appreciation from many, though some of those who still cannot stomach the LTTE’s defeat found fault with her for obvious reasons.
Thamilini died of cancer in October 2015, seven years after she surrendered to the Army on the Vanni east front.
The latest book from an ex-Army commander can influence the Sinhala readers, especially at a time when a concentrated attempt was being made to downplay the bloody conflict, ignoring innumerable sacrifices made by the armed forces to preserve the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Regardless of the strategic political-military blunders and battlefield miscalculations, the armed forces ultimately brought the war to a successful conclusion.
Rathnayake explained the loss of the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road at the onset of the Eelam War II, on June 11, 1990, soon after the LTTE broke the14-month honeymoon with Premadasa. That stretch of road, north of Vavuniya, remained under LTTE control till the armed forces regained the area in the first week of January 2009.
The authors referred to memoirs of several retired officers, including the late Maj. General Sarath Munasinghe, the late Maj. Gen. Cyril Ranatunga (he was one of those shortsighted persons who, at the behest of Premadasa, ordered the police and the military to surrender), Maj General Wasantha Perera, General Gerry de Silva, General Kamal Gunaratne and Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda. However, the authors should have paid attention to Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka’s memoirs ‘The Army Commander’s Promise to the Nation’, as well as Special Forces veteran Dhammi Hewage ‘Fighting on Two Fronts’ and armourd corps veteran Ranjan Wijedasa’s ‘Unburied Man.’
Rathnayake and his co-author also left out wartime Defence Secretary Lt. Colonel Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s autobiography ‘Gota’s War.’ Authored by political analyst and Sri Lanka’s former Permanent Representative in Geneva C.A. Chandraprema. ‘Gota’s War’, whatever the criticism directed at its author, is the most comprehensive post-war work on the conflict.
Post-war failure
All those who authored books on the conflict, so far, failed pathetically to build a strong defence of war-winning armed forces against wild war crimes allegations, especially emanating from the West. Sri Lanka’s failure to counter unsubstantiated war crimes allegations propagated by interested parties, including those represented in Parliament, is a mystery. Seventeen years after the successful conclusion of the conflict, the country is in a deepening political-economic-social crisis. The absence of long queues for essentials, as in 2022, does not mean we are out of the woods. In spite of national elections that paved the way for the NPP to secure both the presidency and 2/3 majority in Parliament, the country is certainly not out of the woods yet.
The current armed forces leadership, in consultation with the NPP government, should at least now establish an expert team, consisting of wartime GoCs of the fighting Divisions and Task Forces, or their senior representatives, and other key officers, now retired, to formulate a strategy that would go beyond memoirs of any particular officer. The inclusion of Gajaba Regiment veteran Chagi Gallage, who played a significant role in military operations that cleared the Eastern theatre of operations (2006-2007), and then contributed immensely to the success in the Vanni theatre (2007-2009). Gallage, who had been the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s original choice to command Task Force 1, subsequently named 58 Division, the celebrated formation that figured prominently in the destruction of the LTTE. General Shavendra Silva, who retired on January 01, 2025, gave unparalleled leadership to that division after Chagi Gallage suffered a sudden heart attack, is credited with causing massive losses on the enemy, both in terms of territory, men and material.
Sri Lanka’s failure to counter unsubstantiated war crimes accusations, even 17 years after the emphatic defeat of the LTTE, cannot be discussed without taking into consideration Sarath Fonseka switching allegiance to the UNP in 2009. Fonseka’s political move wrong-footed the war-winning military. UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe ensnared the Sinha Regiment veteran who had no option but to join an unholy alliance that included the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led Tamil National Alliance (TNA).
The man, who was supposed to lead Sri Lanka’s defence against war crimes accusations, himself contributed to the Geneva plot by alleging Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa ordered the 58 Division to execute those who surrendered on the Vanni east front. Fonseka’s declarations in the run-up to the 2010 presidential election undermined the country in no small measure.
As to why Fonseka got on the same political platform with the TNA that had recognised the LTTE as the sole representative of Tamil speaking people, way back in 2001, is still a mystery. Fonseka’s contentious move divided the war-winning Army and repercussions are still being felt, that being the worst type of treachery. Although retired officer’s right to enter active politics cannot be challenged under any circumstances, Fonseka’s alliance with those who relentlessly pursued hostile campaigns against the military during the conflict, caused immense damage.
The US, the UK and Canada have taken specific punitive measures against selected officers, while the UN held Sri Lanka responsible for over 40,000 civilian deaths out of thin air. But none of them ever sanctioned Fonseka over accusations though the world accepted he spearheaded the successful ground offensive from Colombo as he knew the terrain like the back of his hand.
The ex-top brass must contribute to a collective effort to set the record straight. The country cannot any further delay a cohesive bid to counter the Geneva challenge and action taken by individual countries as part of their overall political strategy to cultivate voters of Sri Lankan origin. There cannot be a better example than Canada that relentlessly pursued Sri Lanka. The appointment of Gary Anandasangaree as their Public Safety Minister recently highlighted the danger the Canadian strategy posed as Sri Lanka still remained ignorant of the developing scenario.
The Tamil Guardian recently declared moves to establish a second Tamil genocide monument, close on the heels of one put up in Brampton, Ontario. Naïve Sri Lankan leadership seems to be struggling to cope up with the Canadian onslaught.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
US paying the price for disregarding military advice
Jayasekera
Sri Lanka recently sought Saudi assistance to introduce advance radar technology, capable of detecting approaching targets and drone capability to meet aerial threats. On behalf of the NPP government, that request was made by Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. (retd) Aruna Jayasekera when he met Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Ghribi, Commander of the Royal Saudi Naval Forces, on the sidelines of the World Defence Show 2026 in Saudi Arabia, in February, this year. They also discussed the possibility of Saudi ships visiting Colombo.
Jayasekera also sought training opportunities for SLAF in Saudi Arabia when he met Lt. Gen. Mazyad bin Sulaiman Al-Amro, Commander of the Royal Saudi Air Defence Forces. Jayasekera discussed with Vice Admiral Fahad Al Ghofaily, Deputy Chief of General Staff, the possibility of securing Saudi assistance to surveillance and deep sea operational capabilities of the Navy.
Saudi Arabia has been repeatedly hit by Iran during its counter offensive. In fact, Iran stepped up attacks in the wake of the US bombing of Kharg Island, a major Iranian oil facility. It would be pertinent to mention that Admiral Steve “Web” Koehler, Commander of the US Pacific Fleet, visited New Delhi and Colombo, less than 10 days before the outbreak of war, and here he met both Minister Jayasekera and Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd) Sampath Thuyakontha. It was Koehler’s second visit after the change of government in Sept. 2024. Don’t forget that it was Koehler’s command that alerted Sri Lanka, on the morning of 4 March, on the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate Dena.
The meticulously planned assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February was meant to bring about a swift regime change and a victorious end to the war. The joint Israeli-US war machine assumed that such a high profile decapitation strike would pave the way for swift public uprising and capitulation of the Iranian government.
The aggressors, quite wrongly, assumed that those who launched the costly protest campaign in Iran, in late December last year, against the unbearable cost of living, would be able to exploit Khamenei’s assassination.
Unpredictable US President Donald Trump was so confident, on the first day of the offensive, that he urged the Iranian military to lay down their arms and its people to take over their government. International media quoted the Republican Chief as having said: “It will be yours to take”.
Trump disregarded his top military adviser, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force General Dan Caine’s warning against attacking Iran. US media reported that Caine, who succeeded Air Force General C.Q. Brown, sacked by Trump in February 2021, warned that war could be risky, potentially drawing the US into a prolonged conflict.
Over two weeks into the war, the Israeli-US assumption seems utterly wrong with those, who genuinely believed in the sure collapse of the Iranian administration following the decapitating strike, are struggling to cope up with the spirited Iranian counter attacks. While enduring a much larger devastating bombing campaign, compared to the 12-day war in June last year, Iran overwhelmed Israel and Gulf countries where powerful US forces were stationed. Their costly missile defences seemed ineffective against Iranian missile and drone salvos that caused unprecedented chaos in the region.
But, what really astonished the Gulf states was Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz – the only maritime passage between the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman and the route for about a quarter of the global liquefied natural gas and seaborne trade from Gulf countries. This stunned the aggressors and those who blindly backed their despicable strategy.
Iran has categorically denied missile and drone attacks on Cyprus, Azerbaijan and Turkey. If Iran didn’t target them, who did? Whoever staged those attacks, their intention is clear. They want to involve NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) in the Israeli-US misadventure by hitting NATO members Cyprus and Turkey. Why would Iran attack Turkey against the backdrop of Ankara’s condemnation of Khamenei’s assassination, and also denied the use of its airspace, territory, and territorial waters to the US armed forces for the ongoing war?
The US announcement on March 12 that curbs on Russian oil would be lifted till April 11 underscored the gravity of the situation. Having failed to achieve a swift ‘regime change,’ their much touted primary objective in Operation ‘Epic Fury,’ the US has no option but to swallow its pride and seek Vladimir Putin’s intervention. The US ended with egg on face. It would be pertinent to mention the US sanctioned Russian oil immediately after the launch of Moscow’s Special Operation against Ukraine in February 2022. That ban had been based on the assumption that oil revenue enabled Russia to prolong the war in Ukraine.
Does the 11 April deadline mean that the Israel-US combine seriously believed that Iran could be defeated by that time? Intense media coverage of the conflict indicated that Israel and US objectives in Iran weren’t the same. Regardless of repeatedly vowing to achieve regime change in Iran, the aggressors ended up examining ways and means of exiting the conflict triggered by them. The way Iran has been responding to Israeli-US attacks, the West cannot fully restore Hormuz by the second week of April. Prolong war may force US to extend waiver on sanctioned Russian oil, thereby further strengtheing Putin.
The US-Israeli strategy has suffered in the absence of an anticipated large scale public uprising, in Iran, immediately after the decapitation strike. When that failed to materialise, as expected, the overall picture of the largest ever combined Israeli-US offensive changed.
Unilateral US decision to lift the ban on Russian oil, even temporarily, divided the western grouping backing Ukraine. In spite of the US being a critical member of that grouping, the Iranian action left Trump with no alternative but to ease pressure on global oil markets at Ukraine’s expense. The Europeans realise that the failure to effect regime change may compel Trump to extend waiver on oil sanctions on Russia.
What really went wrong? President Trump has been so confident of Iranian surrender he mocked British preparations for the deployment of aircraft carriers to the Middle East.
“The United Kingdom, our once Great Ally, maybe the Greatest of them all, is finally giving serious thought to sending two aircraft carriers to the Middle East,” President Trump declared on March 8. The humiliating Truth Social post appeared to be influenced by rash thinking.
“That’s OK, Prime Minister Starmer, we don’t need them any longer — But we will remember. We don’t need people that join Wars after we’ve already won!” President Trump ridiculed the British. Reference to the UK as a ‘once great ally,’ underscored the US-UK rift.
But several days later, Trump sought deployment of other navies, including that of the UK to break the Iranian blockade on Hormuz Strait.
Modi phones Pezeshkian
Had the Israeli-US project achieved its primary objective, namely regime change, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi wouldn’t have had to eat humble pie after declaring solidarity with Israel, just a few days before the unprovoked war. Prime Minister Modi, on March 12, nearly two weeks after the killing of Supreme Leader Khamenei, phoned Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.
Modi had no option but to get in touch with the post Khamenei Iranian leadership amidst growing turmoil in the country over disruption of vital gas and fuel supplies. India made its move as the US declared that New Delhi could turn to Russia for the time being. India desperately needed oil and required them as quickly as possible.
Having elevated India-Israel partnership to the highest level in the wake of Modi’s late February 2026 visit to Tel Aviv, on the eve of the unprovoked attack to decapitate the Iranian leadership, India found itself in an unenviable situation. The two-day visit led to what the two governments called “Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity.” In other words, the Israelis must have been working overtime on war preparations while Modi and Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. Jaishankar were visiting the Jewish State.
Modi’s call and a couple of calls from Dr. Jaishankar to his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi facilitated the passage of fuel carriers. The US must have been deeply upset by the Indian move but that ensured the BJP, in power since 2014, brought the situation under control for the time being. The truth is India had been compelled to negotiate with Iran and the latter wouldn’t have given assurance regarding safe passage for vessels carrying fuel for India without being adequately compensated.
After rushing to Israel to show their servile loyalty on the eve of launching the unprovoked attack on Iranians, the Indian-Iran deal, in the aftermath of that folly, for safe passage for New Delhi’s vessels, proved that there were limits to the world’s solitary superpower. In the run-up to Modi’s call to President Pezeshkian, the Indian leader came under heavy Congress fire over India’s failure to promptly condemn the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader. Initially, the Indian government acted as if Congress criticism were irrelevant but it had to appeal to Iran in the wake of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.
Iran appeared to have exploited India’s difficulties. Having overlooked India-Israel/US partnership and the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate ‘Dena’ on 4 March, Iran’s Ambassador to India, Mohammad Fathali, on 13 March declared their readiness to grant safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz for vessels on their way to India.
Responding to a question from an RT India correspondent, the envoy highlighted that Tehran considered New Delhi as a friend and that there were converging interests between the two countries.
Asked directly whether India would receive safe passage through the Strait, he replied: “Yes, because India is our friend. You will see it within two or three hours.” (RT India is a New Delhi-based, English-language television news channel officially launched in December 2025 by Russian President Vladimir Putin).
At the time Israel-US unleashed war on Iran, India wouldn’t have anticipated such a scenario-direct negotiation with Iran to secure energy supplies and the US having to waive the ban on Russian oil sales. How would India-Iran deal on safe passage for energy carriers impact on India-Israel/US relations?
Sri Lanka, rattled by the developing situation, swiftly followed suit to explore the possibility of securing Russian oil. Russian Ambassador in Colombo Levan Dzhagaryan, on the invitation of the government, met Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, at the Foreign Ministry, and assured the Minister Moscow would be informed. However, whether that meeting would produce results, as desired by Sri Lanka, is not yet known. But, Sri Lanka, trapped in the US Indo-Pacific strategy, seems utterly helpless as President Trump’s unprovoked gangster-type actions roiled the world. Ambassador Dzhagaryan, who had served as Russia’s top envoy in Iran, from 2011 to 2022, during a recent interview with the writer explained how the West sought to defeat Russia in Ukraine and the events leading to the Special Military operation in February 2022.
Gulf States in turmoil

Dzhagaryan
The stepped-up US naval build-up against Iran made it clear that a combined Israel-US offensive was inevitable. Against that background, the significance of an invitation received by the Colombo-based media to meet UAE Ambassador in Colombo, Khaled Nasser Al Ameri, in late February, this year, was realised only after the eruption of the war.
Ambassador Al Ameri, who had been here since February 2022, never called such a meeting before during 25 February dinner meeting at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams discussed issues amidst rising tensions. The writer was among the invited along with Kesara Abeywardena, Editor, Daily News, and Nisthar Cassim, Editor, Daily FT. Perhaps the Ambassador felt the need to comprehend the pulse of the Colombo media due to the presence of a significant Sri Lankan community employed in his country.
The Gulf countries that accommodated US forces arrayed against Iran never expected Tehran to go the whole hog. Both the US and Gulf countries obviously miscalculated Iranian determination in the face of unprovoked aggression. They had to pay a very heavy price but none more so than the UAE. The Iranians shattered the myth of their invincibility due to the deployment of costly US armaments.
Paula Hancocks reported for CNN on 10 March that more than 1,700 missiles and drones had been fired towards the UAE since the war began. Quoting the UAE Defence Ministry, Hancocks said that more than 90% of them had been downed by interceptors, fighter jets and helicopters.
President Trump admitted in an interview with CNN’s Jake Tapper recently that Iran’s willingness to strike its Arab neighbours had been his biggest surprise of the war. But, faced with relentless Israeli-US offensive, Iran couldn’t have endured the pain without inflicting losses on all those arrayed against the country. The Iranian reaction must be examined taking into consideration the killing of the country’s Supreme Leader, some of his family as well as top military leaders.
The US-led coalition will eventually overwhelm Iran but the rapidity with which that country hit back even after losing the top leadership may embolden those opposed to US strategies. That is the undeniable truth. The latest Israeli and US claims of targets taken out in Iran cannot be discussed without taking into account their claims last June. During the 12-day war against Iran, Israel and US launched massive attacks but the retaliatory campaign launched by Iran after 28 February onslaught proved that debilitating losses couldn’t be inflicted by air campaigns alone.
UAE and others had learnt a bitter lesson by being part of Israeli-US strategy meant to overwhelm Iran. They had proved that Iran couldn’t be subdued the way the US succeeded in Venezuela in January this year. Venezuela appeared to have reached a consensus with the US following the abduction of its President Nicolas Maduro. The speed the new Venezuela leadership switched its allegiance to the US is not surprising though disappointing.
“I thank President Donald Trump for the kind willingness of his government to work together,” Rodríguez posted on X on 5 March, in perhaps her most shameless act of kneeling since Maduro’s abduction. But, in Iran, the attempted regime change operation in spite of it being overwhelming with superior firepower had been thwarted by that country. Their retaliation has exposed the weakness in the overall US-led defence of what can be termed Gulf Arab countries.
The recent relocation of a significant part of the US anti-missile system deployed in South Korea, particularly to meet the nuclear armed North Korean threat underscored the inadequacy of overall defence of the region at the time Israel-US attacked Iran. Foreign media reported South Korea protesting against the US move though it couldn’t interfere in the US action.
Status of Iranian proxies
The Lebanese armed group Hezbollah reached a ceasefire agreement with Israel in November 2024, following year-long clashes. In spite of the ceasefire, according to international media, Israel continued military presence in that country and there were numerous ceasefire violations. However, Hezbollah largely abided by the ceasefire until the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader.
Hezbollah resumed large scale attacks on Israel following the 28 February attacks. Combined Iran-Hezbollah attacks on Israel caused significant trouble. Israel launched retaliatory strikes and expanded ground operations in Lebanon where over a million people were displaced amidst massive destruction of infrastructure.
The French offer to arrange direct talks between Israel and Lebanon to find a lasting solution to the developing crisis seems irrelevant as long as Israel-US action continues against Iran. The issue at hand is the Israel’s desire to obliterate Iran with US support. US media, particularly CNN, reported how the American public resented the expanding US role in the conflict, with Trump issuing contradictory statements regarding US objectives.
Hamas, whose October 2023 raid on Israel resulted in the ongoing conflict, appeared to have surprised Iran with its recent plea to Tehran not to attack Gulf Arab countries in retaliation for Israeli-US aggression. Iran simply ignored Hamas appeal.
Iran should be held responsible for pursuing destructive strategy in the region by sponsoring Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Houthis in Yemen. The Israeli military action that followed the unprecedented October 2023 Hamas raid that caused well over 1,000 Israeli deaths weakened all Iran backed groups. Iran, in a way, used these groups as a buffer against the Jewish State. Lebanon, too, is a victim of Iranian strategy that empowered Hezbollah to take on Israel. US backed Israeli actions cannot be discussed under any circumstances turning a blind eye to Iranian funding of Hamas, Hezbollah and Houthis fought back in whatever way possible. People have forgotten President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s ridiculous declaration in late December 2023 that he would deploy an Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) in the Red Sea in support of US-led efforts to counter Houthi attacks on the vital shipping lane.
In spite of reports and claims of the Sri Lanka Navy sending an OPV there, actual deployment never took place. Sri Lankan vessels are not equipped to face possible missile and drone threats and in case of deployment would have been vulnerable to Houthi such attacks.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Digital Transformation in the Global South: Understanding Sri Lanka through India AI Impact Summit 2026
Artificial Intelligence has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies however can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organizations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centered and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.
One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages and smartphones play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.
Transformation
The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalized lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.
Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms or medical images and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.
Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyze rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.
Employment and communication
Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.
Shared conditions
The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.
Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalized digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travelers directly.
However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are therefore essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programs are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.
Beyond economics and services
Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must therefore move beyond memorization toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.
In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.
Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society however transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.
by Milinda Mayadunna
Midweek Review
‘Conversational reading’ with children
Enhancing Sensibility
In our contemporary culture, we have lost our age-old tradition of intergenerational transmission of stories through spoken word, and our children have lost their romance with the printed word. These were the observations made by several learned contributors to this journal in recent times. In this context, I was interested in reading the informative article titled, ‘The Art and Science of Communicating with Your Little Child’ [The Island, March 5, 2026] by senior Paediatrician Dr. B. J. C. Perera, in which he underscores the significance of meaningful communication of children, mostly with their parents, in designing the ‘architecture of their minds’, a task which cannot be served by apps, vocabulary flashcards, or educational television. Dr. Perera, has drawn a consilience between science and sensibility.
While acknowledging the developmental benefits of appropriate social interactions, stories listened to and read by children in their formative years, I wish to address the allied topic of conversational reading [also known as dialogic or interactive reading] which provides a wider area of growth and sensibility. Not pretending it to be a novel idea, I write with the hope of raising the awareness of parents, grandparents and teachers alike, of the wider scope of the topic, in view of recent research of its developmental benefits for children,
Nowadays, children spend countless hours immersed in electronic media [e. g. smart phones, social media, gaming etc.] without guidance from parents who are occupied with busy work schedules. Children have less time for reading outside the school curriculum and to have a meaningful dialogue. While not denying the immense benefits of technological advances, social media mainly provide sensation and impression, offering less depth and complexity of thought. They also provide an escape from a ruthlessly competitive education system with tuition outside school hours and burdensome homework. It is now becoming increasingly evident that overindulgence in social media use has the potential to cause pervasive detrimental effects on children relating to their emotional stability, impulse control, sleep pattern and interpersonal skill.
Before embarking on the subject of Conversational Reading and its developmental benefits, I wish to briefly address the topics of intergenerational storytelling and reading.
Intergenerational Story-telling
The tradition of intergenerational storytelling is a universal exercise, perhaps dating back to the development of language itself. Typically, stories are told for transferring information or education or for entertainment. Early humans such as the Aboriginal People of Australia, who lived before the development of the written word, story-telling by tribal elders [‘knowledge keepers’] was the primary mode of transmission of knowledge, values and life lessons. It was a powerful tool for education, intertwined with art, songs and dances, fostering beliefs about creation, ancestral spirits, and connection to the land. The stories helped to pass down generations, a sense of cultural identity and the need to live in harmony with each other and with the environment.
Story-telling through Printed Word
Following the development of the written word by Sumerians in Mesopotamia around 3500 – 3200 BCE and printing on paper by the Chinese in 868 CE, stories were delivered to some extent through the printed word. The first printed children’s story on paper, ‘Orbis Sensualium Pictus’ [The World of Things Obvious to the Senses drawn in Pictures’] published in 1658 by John Amos Comenius, the Czech educator, was an educational book with illustrations that inspired joyful learning in children. Since then illustrated story books were marketed for pleasure reading. Combining pictures with words became a delightful way to tell a story, as in the fairy tales by Hans Christian Andersen, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll and The Tale of Peter Rabbit by Beatrix Potter. Stories were presented in both prose and verse.
We Sri Lankans are endowed with a wealth of children’s literature pioneered by such literary figures as Kumaratunga Munidasa, Ananda Rajakaruna, Tibetan [Sikkimese] monk Rev. S. Mahinda, V. D. De Lanarolle, Piyadasa Sirisena, G.H. Perera and others. They transformed folk tales into prose and poetry for supplementary reading. Edwin Ranawaka translated children’s stories from English to Sinhala with modifications to suit the local readership. They were men of vision who inspired the young with their literary work aimed at enhancing their creativity, sensitivity and tranquillity to prepare them for the challenges of the future. Our literary icon, Martin Wickremasinghe, was ahead of his time in recognising the importance of children’s literature and its positive impact on their psychosocial and intellectual development. In his book ‘Apey Lama Sahithyaya’ [Our Children’s Literature] in the immediate post-independent era he made the astute observation that a nation without children’s literature rooted in its heritage may face intellectual and moral decline. Wickremasinge regretted that despite the above contributions, we have been slow in developing a children’s literature of our own, although such a literary genre has long been established in the west.
I apologise for not being able to add to the above any Tamil authors of children’s stories due to my lack of knowledge.
Regular exposure to reading books has a long list of benefits for children: reading expands exposure to language and new vocabulary, builds foundational skills such as prediction, sequencing, and summarising, and introduces characters and worlds far beyond a child’s family or neighbourhood. Reading is a powerful technique in broadening social, emotional and cognitive development of children.
Conversational Reading
Recent research in childhood education and psychology has shown that conversational reading with children in their early formative years [in the main the pre-primary and primary school years] can both broaden and deepen the already known developmental benefits of the reading experience.
Conversational reading is the art of reading to and reading with children of an age appropriate piece of prose or verse by an adult, in a two way interactive process, exploring their thoughts and feelings about what is read and helping them to articulate their views within their capacity. It is fundamentally different from simply reading the words in a book to a child. It promotes the use of open-ended questions to create conversations while reading. In this dynamic, the child and the adult [parent, grand-parent, or teacher] contribute to the conversation in equal parts. Conversational reading in the school setting with a group of children offers greater benefits as it encourages discussion amongst them.
Research findings on conversational reading shows a wide range of developmental benefits – cognitive, emotional, and social.
Significant improvements in language development, especially in the areas of expressive vocabulary, word acquisition and sentence structure through modelling and meaningful conversations.
Such meaningful conversations enhance reading comprehension by reflection on characters and events and encourage critical thinking by looking beyond the narrative. Their active participation increases their imagination and creativity and their motivation to read.
Children being active participants, rather than passive listeners, improve their communication skills and encourage respectful discourse and help raise their self-esteem.
It enhances social and emotional understanding through exploration of feelings and relationships, being insightful of others’ perspectives and the development of empathy.
It enables strengthening of emotional bonds with adults through meaningful dialogue.
It is a joyful exercise that facilitates learning.
Reading with children and talking with them about what matters is more important than ever before. Reading fluency, comprehension, and ability to relate the ideas in a story to yourself and the wider world are the building blocks of imagination, empathy, critical thinking, and creativity—all crucial qualities which give children the ability to better understand themselves and others and to find their place in the world.
by Dr Siri Galhenage,
MBBS, DPM, MRCPsych, FRANZCP
Psychiatrist [Retd]
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