Features
Violence in Jaffna and my departure from government service
by Sarath Amunugama
Excerpted from volume ii of his autobiography
With the TULF losing support of the youth, politics in the northern peninsula took a violent turn. Frustrated by educational policies of the Government and no longer dependent on the South for employment they looked to militant activity in the Palestine Liberation Organisation as a model for a new phase of anti-Sinhala agitatation. Many years later, Douglas Devananda told me that expatriate Tamils had contacted PLO representatives in London on their behalf and arranged military training in Lebanon.
By this time Indira Gandhi had staged a comeback and was using RAW to make contact with the leaders of the Tamil Militants like Uma Maheshwaran and Pathmanathan. Our intelligence gathering was poor and the Foreign Office under Hameed would not hear of offending his Middle Eastern ‘brothers’ as he called them. All this was compounded by stupid decisions of the JRJ Government.
As mentioned in an earlier chapter several young Sinhala officials posted to Jaffna had won the hearts of Tamil people. Lionel Fernando was a popular Government Agent. When his mother who lived in Jaffna with her son, died the whole city was decked in white and the public gave an emotional farewell. With a network of Peradeniya Tamil graduates and the multi-ethnic composition of the staff and students of Jaffna University Lionel was able to create an ambience of goodwill.
I remember teachers like Regi Siriwardene undertaking weekly train rides to Jaffna in order to promote goodwill even though he was badly ill. The best of Sinhala teachers were attached to the Oriental Faculty of Jaffna – Sucharitha Gamlath, Dharmasena Pathiraja and Sunil Ariyaratne among them. Pathiraja made a feature film entitled ‘Ponmani’ with Tamil actors and actresses. I reviewed for the English newspapers a Sinhala magazine which devoted a whole number to ‘Jaffna Literature’ which carried poems in all three languages.
Then without any explanation Lionel was transferred, overruling the objections of the Tamil MPs. All this was done to accommodate Doraisamy, a son of a former Speaker of the State Council. He was a retired officer of the Foreign Service and an inflexible and inefficient administrator who alienated the Jaffna public with his haughty ‘Diplomatic’ airs.
Even during the regime of Mrs. Bandaranike the popular G.A. Wimal Amarasekere was replaced by a nincompoop who planned to get back to Colombo every weekend to the bosom of his family. As his colleagues in the CAS we watched with mounting horror as he dismantled all the good work done by Wimal his predecessor.
In Trincomalee there was a GA, native to Galle district, who was a captive of the Sinhala mudalalis there. He was determined to sabotage every development project of the Tamil MPs. It came to such a pass that President JRJ had to send me as Ministry Secretary to survey and reserve the lands needed by the Tourist Board for future development and release lands for fisheries development which the GA had sabotaged. Later he was replaced by a more mature GA – Tissa Devendra – who with his long experience in land administration and genial personality managed to win the confidence of all the communities there.
The Home ministry did not appreciate the strategic importance of Trinco and looked on it as just another out station and sent juniors like the aforementioned GA. The country had to pay a heavy price for the negligence of the Secretary DBIPS Siriwardhana for whom these decisions were purely of a bureaucratic nature.
During the civil war the LTTE, conscious of the key strategic value of Trinco, wanted even to make it their capital. With the escalation of the fratricidal war Trincomalee became a garrison town. All the tourist development in Trinco that we had encouraged was washed out and later when on visiting Nilaveli I found only the charred shells of those beautiful hotels. In fact the army bundled us out fast because the LTTE guerillas were operating in the environs of Nilaveli and Uppaveli.
\Jaffna Library May 1981
The burning down of the Jaffna library is an ugly blot in the modern history of our country. It became a milestone in the deteriorating ethnic scenario. In a way, it became a powerful symbol of the irrationality that gripped both sides. Its long term disastrous effects on the image of the Sinhalese was incalculable. If the world opinion was to be turned against a Government no image could be more forceful than that of burning books and libraries.
It was to become a big minus in the propaganda war. I have always been a lover of books and have been lucky to have used several libraries during my life. In Kandy there was the famous Kandy Municipal library under its strict librarian Mr. Bhai. The Peradeniya University library under its librarians Somadasa and Ian Goonetileke was another refuge for us. In Colombo I frequented the Museum Library and Colombo Public Library which was managed by Ishwari Corea.
In Singapore I used the Singapore Museum Library with its collection of Colonial era documents. In Thailand I have researched Thai-Kandyan Kingdom relations in the well run Asia Society Library. I have used the British Museum Library and when in Harvard spent time regularly at the Widener library and the Peabody Museum. Thus the destruction of the Jaffna Library caused me and many of my like minded friends much grief and anguish. My Minister Anandatissa was also quite disturbed though many other so called intellectuals in the Cabinet did not protest. They were too engrossed in teaching the Tamils, with whom they socialized during the day, a lesson.
Why did this happen? For a long time poor Gamini Dissanayake was blamed for this debacle till a senior Police officer Edward Gunawardene gave the correct version in a newspaper article. At a political rally held in Jaffna by the TULF Tamil youth, three Sinhala Police constables who were sent to cover the event were manhandled and killed. Policemen who anyway had a fraught relationship in the peninsula had then gone on the rampage killing and assaulting people at random.
Then in a typical show of frustration they burnt down the Jaffna Library. We knew that the Jaffna Police were a disgruntled lot, many of them being sent to the north on punishment transfer. The Police had targeted the youth even during the time of Mrs. Bandaranaike. When a Tamil solidarity Conference was held the Police shut it down and pulled down a statue erected for ‘martyrs’. Thus Police–public relations had reached its nadir and the disastrous rampage was its result.
It gave a fillip to the armed youth who began by killing Tamil politicians associated with the UNP and the SUP. Even the supporters of the LSSP and the CP were not spared. The left had a strong organization in the peninsula and had contested elections there. P. Kandiah of the CP was returned and became the lone Tamil leftist in the 1956 Parliament. But with the SLFP-LSSP-CP coalition of 1970 the left lost its appeal among the Tamils. The only Tamil in the Cabinet was a nominated MP Kumarasuriyar who was a Colombo based engineer.
From then on things went from bad to worse. We were all shocked when the Sarvodaya leader for the North who tried to bring communities together was brutally killed. JRJ’s response to all this mayhem was to mobilize the army, under his relative ‘Bull’ Weeratunga, with a Churchillian written command to eliminate terrorism from the North at any cost. Cyril Mathew and his followers now brought a new dimension to the conflict by alleging that the Colombo Tamil businessmen in particular were supporting the militants either out of fear for their relatives who lived in the North or because they were sympathetic to their creed. Even when we talked to our Tamil friends they would occasionally refer to `our boys’. Looking back we see that all the ingredients for a conflagration were building up one by one.
The security forces and the Tamil youth were on a collision course. Tamil Parliamentarians were marginalized. Among the members of the TULF leadership, power was shifting to the radicals. Non-national players, particularly India, were being dragged into the fray. Our Foreign Ministry did not read the India factor correctly and were pursuing an anti-Indian approach, even going to the extent of lobbying Prime Minister Premadasa over the head of the President.
Very importantly militant youth in the North were being trained in India in the use of weapons though the Government did not know about it or could not do anything about it. All this came into the open when the reputed Indian Magazine ‘India Today’ broke the news that the Tamil militants were being trained in RAW in camps in Dehra Dun. In addition to the news they also published photographs of young Tamils undergoing weapons training.
All these elements came together in 1983 and with the blowing up of a military and police convoy by a landmine by the militants and the bringing of the bodies of the dead to Kanatte. Unprecedented violence directed at the Tamils erupted in July that year. Even JRJ biographers Wriggins and De Silva are unsure as to who ordered the taking of the bodies to Kanatte and the cause of the delay in dispatching them to the gravesite. The killings in the North and in Colombo marked a watershed in the ethnic conflict. The war that began in earnest lasted for nearly 30 years and blasted the future of the UNP regimes that followed and retarded all chances of spectacular economic growth which earlier seemed to be a distinct possibility.
Cultural Developments
One of the immediate consequences of the ethnic violence was the destruction by the Tamil insurgents of the TV and Radio transmission towers in Kokavil. This meant that we had to strengthen the signal from Colombo which was a second best choice. Equally during both LTTE and JVP insurrections our announcers and popular artistes were threatened and some were killed. But there were strong radio personalities like Mrs. Ratnam and Mrs. Ponmani Kulasingham who defied the terrorists and continued with their professional duties. Mrs. Kulasingham was later killed by the Tigers and Mrs. Ratnam migrated to Malaysia.
The SLBC still remained an important medium because TV was in its infancy. The Minister and I were keen to make it a more attractive medium by introducing new programmes. We made Amaradeva the head of the SLBC oriental music orchestra. New programmes bringing in literati like J.B. Dissanayake, Hemapala Wijewardene, Bandula Jayawardene and Tennekoon Vimalananda were greatly appreciated by the listening public.
We made arrangements to invite famous musicians like Ravi Shankar, Alla Rakkha, Nikhil Bannerjee and Vishnu Govind Jog to SLBC studios for performances. I had listened entranced by Ravi Shankar as a student at Peradeniya when he had a long music session together with Alla Rakkha on the tabla, at Hilda Obeyesekere Hall and was delighted to interact with him again. He had many friends in our country.
Very poignantly I had the opportunity to hear the maestro’s last performance. I was in Washington for an IMF meeting when I read of his farewell concert to be held in the Kennedy Centre. Tickets were sold out but our Ambassador in Washington Jaliya Wickremasuriya managed to get two tickets and we were part of the packed audience which heard Ravi Shankar and his daughter Anoushka play. It was a moving ceremony. He died a few months later but he remains in my memory as a fantastic musician and charming personality.
I had some difficulty with a Director of the SLBC that I had appointed. He was D. Rajendra, a senior SLAS officer who had retired as a Secretary. He was the son of Sir Waitialingam Doraisamy, a member the State Council who had been elected its Speaker. Rajendra was the brother of Doraisamy Junior who was GA Jaffna as I had mentioned earlier. He wanted total control of the Tamil Service of the SLBC much to the resentment of the professionals in the vision who were media specialists.
When as Secretary I warned him to be more conciliatory with the professional staff, he took it amiss and started quoting the SLBC Act to me. D. Rajendra was an argumentative type and was creating difficulties with the staff. I spoke to my Minister and had him removed from the Board. He appealed to the President but JRJ was not willing to interfere on his behalf. Rajendra left for Jaffna in a huff where he met a tragic end. During the Indian occupation of the North to battle the LTTE, he started arguing in his usual cantankerous manner with an Indian Jawan who shot him dead near the Jaffna Hospital. Tamil political leaders who depended on the IPKF for their own safety did not even attend his funeral. His death is only one of the hidden tales of the IPKF operation.
Family Matters
By 1982 I had completed five years as a Secretary. During this period our Ministry had undertaken many new projects including our successful introduction of television to the country. During this busy time I could not give my family the attention they deserved. My elder daughter Ramanika was 17-years old and was a good student in the science stream of Bishop’s College. I remember one prize giving at Bishop’s where she received her prize from Mrs. Elina Jayewardene.
The chief guest was JRJ who had started his schooling at Bishop’s. He introduced himself as the oldest old boy of Bishop’s. My younger daughter Varuni was 15-years old and the winner of the all island oratorical contest organized by the British College of Speech. They were both at an age when they could benefit from foreign schooling which was very much in vogue then as there were no International schools. Their richer classmates had been sent abroad by their parents who could spend lavishly on their progeny.
That option was not open to us public servants in those days. Today corruption is so rampant that politicians and public servants use their ill gotten gains to finance their children’s education abroad. In our time the only possibility was for us to find employment abroad, particularly in an International Agency which paid handsomely, for the education of children. I therefore thought it prudent to think of a spell abroad though I never contemplated the possibility of settling down in another country, as some of my colleagues had done.
Fortunately my parents were fit and healthy and well looked after in our ‘Mul Gedera’ in Nugawela by my sister and younger brother and their spouses. So the chances of a ‘soft landing’ abroad were good in my case. Fortunately two job offers were clearly in my horizon. One was the Secretary-Generalship of AMIC. The other was the post of Director of the newly created International Programme for the Development of Communication [IPDC] in UNESCO headquarters in Paris. I opted for the AMIC job.
I heard later that DBIPS Siriwardhana had been unhappy that I had written direct to the President (about my quitting government service). But since I was appointed Secretary by the President I did not see anything remiss in my sending my resignation letter direct to him. The President agreed and only requested me to see him at home before I left for Singapore. Once my appointment as Secretary General of AMIC was announced many of my friends wrote to congratulate me.
The most heartfelt farewell came from the tough and militant print workers. As I had mentioned earlier in this book, several pressing problems of the working men were solved by me with my Minister’s blessings. They had responded magnificently to the President’s call to print school text books which were issued free to all the school children in the country. The workers had gone all out to print these books on schedule even foregoing their overtime payments.
When following the general strike a large number of printing workers were dismissed I persuaded my Minister to take them back on the argument that we could not get trained workers to replace them. Their leader Wimalasena of the LSSP was very grateful as many other unionists not only lost their jobs but also could not face their members who were left with no income. Many such poor strikers committed suicide. Others lived for the rest of their lives in utter poverty.
When I became Finance Minister many years later I gave them a compensatory payment. But by that time many of them were dead. Colvin and Bernard Soysa visited me and Anandatissa in our office to thank us personally for our humanitarian gesture.
When Lalith Athulathmudali heard of my new assignment he very kindly undertook to write to some Singaporean Ministers who were his students in the Law faculty of Singapore University when he taught there. At this time I had many friends near Flower Road who were neighbours of Lalith.
The Abeywardenes, Lakshman Jayakody and ‘Bull’ Weeratunga’s family lived close to each other. Lalith was a frequent visitor and we got to know each other well. He had respect for CCS officers of my vintage and brought many of them, particularly old Royalists, into his Ministry.
Dharmasiri Pieris, an old Thurstanite and my contemporary at Peradeniya, was his efficient Permanent Secretary. As Secretary of Tourism I was an ex-officio board member of the Lanka Oberoi hotel which had been built by the State Trading Corporation which came under the purview of Lalith who was the Trade Minister. The Chairman of the Hotel Company – Asia Hotels Ltd – Ranjan Wijemanna and Deputy Chairman Razik Zarook were his close confidants.
So I had good relations with Lalith who was considered a stickler for protocol, but was good enough to write on my behalf to his student, Professor Jayakumar – a powerful Singaporean Minister. Lalith’s name opened many doors for me in Singapore. Jayakumar was very helpful and reminded me that we had met earlier in Lalith’s house in Flower Road when he had called on his former teacher. Lalith had impeccable academic qualifications having won degrees in law from Oxford and Harvard. He taught law in Israel and Singapore.
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
-
Sports4 days agoGurusinha’s Boxing Day hundred celebrated in Melbourne
-
News2 days agoLeading the Nation’s Connectivity Recovery Amid Unprecedented Challenges
-
Sports5 days agoTime to close the Dickwella chapter
-
Features3 days agoIt’s all over for Maxi Rozairo
-
News5 days agoEnvironmentalists warn Sri Lanka’s ecological safeguards are failing
-
News3 days agoDr. Bellana: “I was removed as NHSL Deputy Director for exposing Rs. 900 mn fraud”
-
News2 days agoDons on warpath over alleged undue interference in university governance
-
Features5 days agoDigambaram draws a broad brush canvas of SL’s existing political situation
