Features
UN must promote human duties, not only human rights
By Dr Laksiri Fernando
One-sided human rights promotion and advocacy by the UN has come to a crisis point today not only because of the Coronavirus pandemic, but also due to the weakening of the democratic States throughout the world with neoliberal economic and political deviations. Apart from the failures, the culpability of the UN and some of its agencies are very clear under the circumstances.
Since last year, the coronavirus pandemic has hit very hard at countries where people, particularly the youth, have been groomed with unlimited freedoms without any sense of duty. Many young people opted to resist or question lockdowns and other restrictions as invasions on their freedoms. In countries where public health services had been cutdown as part of the dismantling of the ‘welfare state,’ the death tolls were extremely high. America’s death toll exceeded half a million by the end of the last year. Who is responsible for these deaths? No UN Shenanigan has answered this question.
Britain, Italy, France, and other EU countries were among the next hardest hit. Those are the countries where protest marches and resistance loomed against lockdowns. Of course, some southern countries were not spared. India also was one of worst-affected countries. Brazil at present is experiencing extremely difficult conditions with chaos and lack of appropriate medications and hospital beds. Although some vaccinations have been developed by researchers and pharmaceutical companies, their effectiveness is still not clear.
The idealistic globalization has collapsed with the enforcement of lockdowns and boarder restrictions between and within countries. Now several variants of the virus have emerged while countries are scrambling over limited vaccine supplies. The ‘vaccine nationalism’ among the Western countries is now rampant, the poor countries being virtually left out.
This is the immediate background within which the so far Western promoted human rights notions and approaches of the UN should be scrutinized and critically assessed.
Lopsided UDHR?
It was completely short sighted for the UN to highlight individual freedoms and rights without equally emphasizing human duties and responsibilities in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and in the two International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). With the good intervention of the Soviet Union, there was a possibility of striking some balance between civil and political rights on one hand, and economic, social, and cultural rights on the other. But for some reason, the balance between rights and duties was virtually lost except in some corners of the international conventions.
During the preparations and consultations for the UDHR, then UNESCO Director, Julian Huxley, sent a request to Mahatma Gandhi, among others, to seek his views. In May 1947, while busily travelling in a train, Gandhi wrote back a succinct reply giving his vision. The following was its essential part.
“I learnt from my illiterate but wise mother that all rights to be deserved and preserved came from duty well done.”
Gandhi further exchanged views with H. G. Wells who was also involved in the consultation process for the UDHR and said: “Received your cable. Have carefully read your five articles. You will permit me to say you are on the wrong track. I feel sure that I can draw up a better charter of rights than you have drawn up. But what good will it be? Who will become its guardian? …Begin with a Charter of Duties of Man and I promise the rights will follow as spring follows winter. I write from experience….” he said.
No one needs to accept what Gandhi said as the absolute truth. But it was a strong view particularly in Asia and the Pacific which should not have been neglected. Even today, there is a great divide between the East and the West on this matter, but the Westerners try to ignore and impose their views.
Neglect of Duties
At a UNESCO meeting held in Malta in 1987 on Human Rights Education, I asked one of the main drafters of the UDHR, John Humphrey, whether they had taken Mahatma Gandhi’s views into consideration. He pointed out Article 29 but later admitted to me in Geneva that it might not be what Gandhi completely meant. Article 29 of the UDHR says the following.
(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
The above was not sufficient. It is not only for the ‘full and free development of personality’ that duties should be promoted (2.1). Duties are moral obligations. The other two sections (2.2 & 2.3) have placed duties completely in a negative manner. There is a positive and a dialectical interconnection between human rights and human duties.
If we take what Gandhi said as an Asian or a different view, there was no question that drafters could have found a middle way between, if they wanted. But that was not the case. Although 29 (1) says, ‘everyone has duties to the community’ what are they? The UDHR or the International Covenants never explained them. Why? The predominance of the Western views in the UN drafted human rights.
Let us take the principal article of the UDHR, Article 1. It says, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
Of course, to say, ‘all human beings should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood’ is a good one. But to say, ‘all are born free and equal in dignity and rights’ is bit of a lie! There are so many inequalities and disparities when we are born, and no doubt that we should change them. It is a long struggle. Even in the British royal family these disparities have surfaced today!
In ideal terms, equality should be the case. But it is not the reality. Without such a lie or idealism, it should have been said differently. Gandhi’s views or Asian views should have been taken into proper account in drafting the UDHR. Realism should be our guide in human rights promotion and protection. Otherwise, we easily get into political traps. One formulation could have been the following.
“All human beings are of the same human family (Homo sapiens) and should treat each other with dignity and equality. In a democratic polity, they all should have equal rights, and equal duties to each other and to the community. In exercising and performing both rights and duties, they should act on reason and conscience guided by the rule of law and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
Conclusion
Human rights and human duties are largely interdependent and interrelated. When there is a right (rights holder), there is a corresponding duty (duty bearer). In a democratic society, the state and the government/s are the primary duty bearers. However, the duties go beyond. In respect of child rights, for example, parents are the primary duty bearers. In respect of women’s rights, all men are the primary duty bearers.
There are duties on the part of the rights holders when they exercise their rights, not to abuse them. These are also called responsibilities. People should be educated and trained to exercise their rights in a responsible and a nonviolent manner.
There are duties on the part of human beings independent from rights, or whether they have rights or not. Respect for other human beings, protection of the environment, and caring for other animals are some of them. The disrespect for these duties could be catastrophic for human beings with environmental disasters, global warming, and pandemic diseases.
Human needs and aspirations are the basis of human rights. Human conscience and morality should be the basis of human duties. Both should go hand in hand. The failure of the UN to promote human duties, alongside human rights, appear to be a major reason for the increasing conflicts, violence, chaos, and wars not only in developing countries but increasingly in the developed societies.
A supermoon has lit up the sky across the world coinciding with a rare partial lunar eclipse.
The Moon could be seen to appear brighter and bigger on Tuesday night.
Supermoons happen when the Moon is at its closest point to Earth in its orbit.
A rare partial lunar eclipse – when the Earth’s shadow covers part of the Moon – also happened with about 4% of the Moon’s disc covered in darkness.
Over night from Tuesday into Wednesday, the partial lunar eclipse was visible across the globe – with some of the clearest sightings in the UK and the US.
In the UK it occurred between 01:40 BST and 05:47, reaching its peak at 03:44.
For those in the US, the eclipse is visible between 20:41 EST and 00:47 – or 22:44 at its maximum.
The eclipse was also visible in Latin America, Europe and Africa, as well as small parts of Asia and the Middle East .
This month’s full moon – known as the Harvest moon – is the second of four “supermoons” this year.
The next partial eclipse will be in August 2026, which will be special as around 96% of the Moon will be in shadow.
[BBC]
Ranil’s Theravada Alignment:
The Ranil’s manifesto claims that Sri Lanka became the “granary of the East” by adhering to Theravada economic policies, yet it does not explicitly define these policies. Instead, it contradicts this assertion by pointing out that Vietnam, a Mahayana Buddhist nation, followed Thailand’s lead. Despite Thailand’s traditional association with Theravada Buddhism, it adopted policies that resemble those of Mahayana-influenced countries like Japan. These policies, particularly in the tourism sector, introduced revolutionary changes that seem contrary to Theravada principles, further complicating the argument.
He also emphasized the relevance of Theravada Buddhism in addressing the challenges of a rapidly evolving world, driven by science and technology. Speaking virtually at the State Vesak Ceremony at Dharmaraja Piriven Viharaya, in Matale, on the 23 May 2024, he highlighted the need to preserve the core values of Theravada Buddhism and share its wisdom globally.
Buddhism, beyond its spiritual teachings, has deeply influenced socio-economic life across Asia. Theravada and Mahayana, the two main branches of Buddhism, offer contrasting views not only on religious practice but also on economic principles. Both schools emphasize ethical behaviour, compassion, and non-attachment to material possessions. However, their divergent philosophical outlooks lead to varying interpretations of economic activity, wealth accumulation, and societal roles.
Foundations of Economic Thought in Buddhism
The core teachings of Buddhism focus on the Middle Path, a balance between indulgence and asceticism, with the ultimate goal of reducing suffering (dukkha). These teachings shape both Theravada and Mahayana views on wealth and economics. Central to this framework is the Buddhist view of interdependence and the moral consequences of actions (karma). Economic activities, according to Buddhism, should align with ethical principles that promote collective well-being rather than personal greed.
Ranil cites the Samaññaphala Sutta to assert that in Theravada tradition, loans should be used for investments, not consumption. However, I could not find such a claim in the Samaññaphala Sutta (Fruits of the Contemplative Life, translated by Thanissaro Bhikkhu). Instead, according to the Singalovada Sutta, the Buddha taught that one should allocate only a quarter of their income for consumption, reinvest half of it to accumulate wealth, and reserve the remaining quarter for charity. Moreover, the Buddha emphasized, irrespective of Theravada or Mahayana, that failing to repay debts is a characteristic of an outcast (Wasalaya). This suggests that loans should be used for generating income to ensure repayment, rather than for daily consumption.
Theravada Economic Concepts
Theravada Buddhism, often regarded as more conservative and focused on individual liberation, emphasises personal responsibility in the accumulation and use of wealth. It is dominant in countries like Sri Lanka, Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia, where economic behaviours often reflect the ethical values promoted by the teachings.
However, Ranil claims that Theravada economic policies are more export-oriented, but in reality, countries following Mahayana principles have been more successful in establishing export-driven economies. These Mahayana-influenced nations, such as Japan and China, have achieved greater success in building robust export-oriented systems compared to traditionally Theravada countries.
In Theravada Buddhism, the goal of life is personal enlightenment (Nirvana), and material wealth is seen as a potential obstacle if it leads to attachment. While wealth is not condemned, its mindful use is emphasized. Individuals are encouraged to follow “right livelihood,” engaging in ethical professions that do not harm others. Wealth is valued when used for virtuous purposes, such as supporting family, charity, and religious institutions. Generosity (Dana) is a key practice, believed to purify the mind and aid spiritual growth. Theravada also promotes social stability through wealth distribution, with the laity supporting the monastic community in exchange for spiritual guidance, fostering economic interdependence without excess materialism.
Mahayana Economic Concepts
Mahayana Buddhism, prominent in East Asia (China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam), offers a broader, more inclusive approach to spiritual practice. It emphasizes the Bodhisattva ideal, where individuals work not only for their own enlightenment but also for the liberation of all beings. This collective focus shapes economic views, promoting wealth as a tool for social responsibility and reducing suffering on a societal level. Wealth is seen positively if used altruistically, encouraging large-scale philanthropy, social welfare, and efforts to address inequality. Unlike Theravada’s focus on personal morality, Mahayana stresses compassionate action (karuna) and societal transformation to tackle the root causes of poverty and inequality.
Wealth, Ethics, and Capitalism
In both Theravada and Mahayana, wealth is viewed through an ethical lens, but with distinct approaches. Mahayana, with its broader focus on social responsibility, aligns more easily with modern economic systems like capitalism, viewing wealth creation as an opportunity for the greater good if guided by ethical principles. Theravada, on the other hand, takes a more cautious stance, promoting a simpler lifestyle and warning against excessive material accumulation. In Theravada societies, the monastic community (Sangha) provides a moral check on economic inequality. Mahayana’s emphasis on compassion has also led to socially conscious enterprises in East Asia, prioritizing sustainability, fair labour, and ethical products, reflecting the Bodhisattva ideal of using wealth for humanitarian purposes.
Ranil claims that Theravada economic policies are more export-oriented, but in reality, countries following Mahayana principles have been more successful in establishing export-driven economies. These Mahayana-influenced nations, such as Japan and China, have achieved greater success in building robust export-oriented systems compared to traditionally Theravada countries.
Sri Lanka, as a predominantly Theravada Buddhist country, has a long history of intertwining its religious principles with governance and economic policies. However, a critical examination reveals that the country’s modern economic policies, shaped by globalization and capitalism, increasingly diverge from traditional Theravada Buddhist concepts. While Sri Lankan society continues to emphasize Buddhist values in various aspects of life, its capitalistic economic structure suggests a closer alignment with the broader, more flexible economic interpretations found in Mahayana Buddhism.
Sri Lanka’s Capitalistic Economic Policies
Post-independence Sri Lanka has seen significant shifts in its economic policy, particularly following the liberalization of the economy in 1977. These changes introduced free-market principles, deregulation, and foreign direct investment, which moved the country toward a capitalist economic model. The focus shifted from self-sufficiency and state-controlled economic activities to embracing global trade, privatization, and open markets.
The rise of private enterprise, multinational corporations, and consumer culture indicates a move away from the traditional Theravada ethos of simplicity and non-attachment. In this context, the rapid urbanization, expansion of tourism, and increasing wealth inequality seem more aligned with capitalist values, where material success and profit maximization are prioritized over ethical considerations of wealth distribution
Closer Alignment to Mahayana Economic Principles
Sri Lanka’s capitalist policies reflect this Mahayana-like flexibility. Wealth accumulation, entrepreneurship, and international trade are embraced, but with a growing focus on corporate social responsibility (CSR) and philanthropy. Large corporations and wealthy individuals are often seen contributing to charitable causes, building schools, hospitals, and donating to religious institutions. These actions mirror the Mahayana ideal of using wealth for the greater good, though not necessarily limiting personal accumulation.
He claims that many countries have succeeded by promoting private enterprises and that his Theravada economic system will be a much broader version of this. However, he does not clearly explain how this broader approach—typically associated with Mahayana tradition—aligns with Theravada principles. In fact, most of the economic concepts he references stem from Mahayana traditions. By invoking the term “Theravada,” he seems to be appealing to the Sri Lankan Buddhist community, assuming that people will be swayed by this rhetoric, much like they were with the Kelani River cobra myth and Safi’s allegations, which were sensationalized by certain media outlets.
Consumerism and Buddhist Values
Sri Lanka’s burgeoning consumer culture further highlights the tension between traditional Theravada values and the realities of a capitalist economy. The rise of consumerism, especially in urban centres, encourages material accumulation and status competition, which is antithetical to the Theravada emphasis on contentment and non-attachment. Advertising and media increasingly promote luxury goods and services, feeding a cycle of desire and consumption that stands in contrast to the Middle Path.
This mirrors trends seen in Mahayana Buddhist countries like Japan and China, where consumerism exists alongside Buddhist practice. In these countries, Buddhism has adapted to modern economic realities by focusing on charitable giving and social responsibility rather than strict asceticism.
Social Welfare and Wealth Redistribution
Sri Lanka’s current economic policies diverge from traditional Theravada Buddhism, which emphasizes wealth distribution through support for the Sangha and charitable acts. Instead, Sri Lanka has experienced growing inequality, with urban elites benefiting more from economic growth while rural and marginalized communities remain impoverished. In contrast, Mahayana Buddhism’s Bodhisattva ideal aligns with the state’s sporadic welfare programmes and redistributive policies, such as free education and healthcare. However, these programmes are often hindered by inefficiencies, corruption, and a capitalist system that prioritizes profit over equitable growth.
Conclusion
Ranil’s emphasis on aligning his policies with Theravada tradition appears to be more of a marketing gimmick or salesman’s puff—an overstated claim intended to persuade the predominantly Theravada Buddhist community, which believes that Theravada concepts are original Buddhism. This community has lost faith in his commitment to protecting Buddhism as required by the Constitution. By invoking Theravada values, he likely aims to regain their trust, despite the exaggeration or lack of doctrinal grounding in his statements.
by Lasanda Kurukulasuriya
National People’s Power presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), on Sirasa TV’s Satana programme on Saturday (14) elaborated on aspects of the party’s policy statements that have been the subject of some controversy. Grilled by a panel of four journalists, he revealed details of some of the JVP-led alliance’s policies, and appeared to have somewhat revised others. On the subject of India’s stranglehold on Sri Lanka’s Power and Energy sector through agreements already entered into by government, AKD categorically declared that the Adani group’s controversial wind power projects in the North would be cancelled (Anivaarayenma meka cancel karanawa). This is an interesting development, considering that just seven months ago, in an interview on their return from a visit to India, the party suggested that India should have first call on tenders for major projects. In that interview with Sirasa, the JVP leader once known for an anti-Indian stance argued in a surprising turnaround, that projects would have to be ‘within NPP’s national policy framework’ but “within that, we should go for an agreement with India.” (The Island 15.04.24 – Is the JVP signalling left and turning right?)
In past months the NPP appears to have finetuned its campaign promises on how it proposes to fix a rotten political culture, by balancing an element continuity in policy with changes that would address needs of people hard-hit by the economic crisis. Among the key takeaways from the promised reforms under his presidency if elected, were, to put an end to political appointments, banish political protection of criminals, and remove Value Added Tax (VAT) from food as well as education and health related items. On the IMF agreement, he said their policy was not to exit it, but go forward with discussions on other ways of achieving its targets. There was no point in reaching targets on inflation, increased revenue, ratio of debt to GDP, etc., if the social impact was such that people suffered for lack of basic needs, he argued.
Energy sovereignty
Responding to a journalist’s question on how he proposed to address the threat to energy sovereignty posed by deals entered into with India’s Adani group, the JVP/NPP leader went into some detail on the dubious nature of the agreement. Power generated by Adani’s (500MW) wind power plants in Mannar and Pooneryn would be sold to Sri Lanka for 8.2 US cents per unit (kilo watt hour), while a bid from a local producer for a much smaller 50MW wind power plant in the same vicinity, around the same time, had offered a rate of 4.2 US cents per unit. There is something wrong here and we will definitely cancel this agreement, he said. Going further, he referred to the incongruity of India’s suggestion that Sri Lanka would be able to sell any surplus power that is generated, to India. (This was suggested by Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval in talks with officials during his recent visit to Sri Lanka.) AKD claimed that India (while selling power to Sri Lanka at 8.2 US cents per unit) planned to buy any surplus of that same power, from Sri Lanka, at just 3.8 US cents per unit! Reference was also made to Bangladesh, whose new interim government is questioning the terms under which an Adani owned company in India is selling power to Bangladesh.
Dissanayake said that Indian companies would want an explanation from their government as to why Adani was given preference for the Mannar wind power project. However, he did not refer to Sri Lankan companies’ questioning of government on unsolicited proposals and bidding processes. This is at a time when local renewable energy producers are up in arms over step-motherly treatment. He said power generation could be opened up to the private sector, but that transmission and distribution should be controlled by the state. While the recently passed controversial Electricity (Amendment) Act was not specifically mentioned, it would seem that it would need to be repealed or amended under such a policy.
AKD also commented on the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm, in response to a question relating to ‘something signed by the President,’ on it. (‘Further development of the Oil Tank Farms’ was part of an MoU exchanged last year in India, by President Ranil Wickremesinghe with Indian PM Narendra Modi, on projects in the Trincomalee District.) Dissanayake said his party agreed with some of the conditions but rejected others.
The topic of the oil tanks was not brought up by India he said, but by him, in talks at the Indian High Commission in Colombo. A government under him would use between 8 to 16 tanks for fuel distribution in the North and East, and this would be a big saving when compared to the cost of transporting it from Colombo. The rest could be developed as a joint venture between Sri Lanka and India. He said it was ok to have an oil pipeline connecting Sri Lanka and India (one of the projects agreed on in the MoUs signed in Delhi). He referred to a new refinery to be handled by the Ceylon Petroleum Company (CPC) or a local company, noting that these were complex tasks. “Our location is good for a fuel hub” he said.
Asked about the Indo-Lanka Peace Agreement (of 1987), he said the joint development of the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm became a condition in it against a backdrop of Indian concerns over pro-US moves by the government at the time. Former President J. R. Jayewardene had allowed a Voice of America broadcasting station there, etc. The global balance of power is different now he said, and the US enters the picture having accepted India’s primacy in the region. Dissanayake said they were well aware of geopolitical developments and big power rivalry in the region.
Crime and politics
In relation to crime, a journalist referred to the raft of killings in broad daylight by gunmen using T56 rifles, witnessed in the streets ‘like a movie,’ not long ago. He noted that there was no IGP at present. Since the election was called, there have been no killings and no more talk of the underworld. Was it because politicians were busy with election work, he quipped. AKD in his response went on to list the names of notorious underworld characters, describing the power they wielded during the rule of presidents of the day, from JR to CBK to ‘the Rajapaksas.’ “Is this not political protection?” he asked. When narcotics are seized, the vehicles in which they are being transported are found to belong to politicians. Vowing to bust the nexus between politicians and organised crime, he said under his government no child will become a victim of drugs. We may be ‘small people’ but “we owe nothing, and fear nothing” (Api nayath ne, bayath ne)
No jumbo Cabinet
A JVP/NPP government’s Cabinet would be limited to 25 ministers, Dissanayake said. The number of deputy ministers would probably exceed that number, but there would be no ‘state ministers.’ The current ministers and state ministers enjoyed the same benefits, the only difference being that state ministers did not attend Cabinet meetings, he said. Asked about ‘Advisors to the President’ he said the maximum number of appointments would be 15.
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