Features
Ukraine crisis and Sri Lanka, Security Implications
by Sarala Fernando
Before the present crisis engulfed Ukraine most Sri Lankans would have been hard pressed to find Ukraine on the map despite its huge territory and ancient civilization (603,628 km2 , making it the second largest country in Europe after Russia; the territory of modern Ukraine has been inhabited since 32,000 BC according to internet postings). It was the arrival of Ukrainian tourists as the first post-Covid visitors bringing welcome foreign currency that made the headlines in the Sri Lanka press in 2021, despite some scandal that they had also brought a new Covid strain to Sri Lanka. However today since the invasion of Ukraine, security implications override the economic benefits as thousands of Ukrainian and Russian tourists are stranded in Sri Lanka and unable to use even credit cards as international banks withdraw from dealings with Russia.
Yet, lest we forget, Sri Lanka’s relations with Ukraine go back to the time of the armed conflict when the Sri Lankan Airforce had depended heavily on its four Ukraine built AN32 B aircraft to maintain the lifeline with the Palaly complex as described by Dr Gamini Goonetilleke in his book In the Line of Duty on recollections of treating war casualties and armed forces personnel injured in battles in the north. Initially the four purchased aircraft had even been flown by Ukrainian pilots. As I recall one Ukrainian pilot lost his life in a crash. Just recently the remaining planes were refurbished in Ukraine factories and returned to Sri Lanka .
Most of the analysis in the Sri Lanka press and media has been on the economic impact of the Ukraine crisis, the rising oil prices, impact on our exports of tea and garments, impact on tourism, safe return of stranded Sri Lankans etc. Yet we should take cognizance that Russia’s objectives in the invasion of Ukraine are all security related, from dismembering its territory and altering its recognized borders, to its disarmament and neutrality and probably regime-change viz a puppet government to replace the present President elected by 70% of the popular vote. These demands are contrary to the fundamentals of international law and UN resolutions. Yet what has stirred the world to action to support Ukraine is the courage of ordinary people who are resisting the invasion by the aggressor military superpower. Ukraine’s dream of joining NATO is now probably dead as that security organization has firmly stated its goal is “containment”; it will not intervene and risk a larger European war. Did the West give President Zelensky false hopes of support? Several of the Sri Lankan commentaries underline the “hypocrisy” of the US, charging that the military super power had initiated much worse destructive foreign wars and NATO is also blamed for stretching too far east and ignoring Russian concerns.
Quite frequently these analysis refer to the notion of “Finlandization” and neutrality. Yet the thirst for freedom and the power to decide a state’s own strategic path runs deep. As a young foreign service officer sent to the Sri Lankan embassy in Washington D.C. in the late 1970’s, I remember being puzzled by the single line entries for Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the back of the American Diplomatic Directory. Much later, appointed as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Sweden covering also the Baltic States, I learned from those leaders how precarious had been their fight for independence from the Soviet Union and how grateful they were for steadfast American support during those long years of suppression. Ukraine’s resistance will reverberate in these states and others freed from the Soviet Union and now within the EU or NATO security umbrella.
Before Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine on Monday, February 21, some amateur analysts were speculating this was just a war of words between the US and Russia. However it seems on this occasion US intelligence has proved “unerringly accurate” on Russia’s plans to invade Ukraine. Moreover, those diplomatic watchers who had learned the lessons of history were worried all along as to Russia’s real intentions, given what had happened in segments of the former republics subsequent to their emergence as independent nations after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Transnistria in Eastern Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Northern Georgia and Artsakh in Southwestern Azerbaijan all have seen the rise of freedom movements among local Russian populations, resulting in these slivers of territory moving to depend on Russia for financial and arms support.
In Ukraine territory, Crimea was annexed by Russia without a shot being fired in 2014 and the adjoining People’s Republic of Donetsk and People’s Republic of Luhansk were recently proclaimed and recognized by Russia. These newly proclaimed Republics are much larger territories than the area controlled by separatists prior to Russia’s invasion . Now it seems now no one knows the size of the eventual territorial grab from present day Ukraine with Russia demanding in addition that Crimea be recognized as an integral part of Russia.
In sum, Russia is proclaiming its sphere of influence and what is happening in Ukraine is significant because for the first time, it is not just parts of territory but the whole of Ukraine which is under military threat by Russia. President Putin has claimed that Russia built Ukraine and therefore has rights of ownership. President Zelensky who was elected by 70% of popular vote by the Ukrainian people may be under threat of life yet continues to lead the unequal fight with courage in the face of a much superior military adversary. It is a lesson that we in Sri Lanka should learn as we grow more closely integrated in the present time of economic crisis with our Big Neighbour on supply of energy, use of Sri Lanka ports and even provision of essential foods and supplies. Will this result one day in a similar claim to what President Putin is now making, that Russia has historical claims, had “built” modern Ukraine and therefore had rights of ownership?
There is much speculation in the press as to why the rest of Western Europe had not immediately come to the assistance of Ukraine. The outward reason given is that Ukraine is not a member of either the EU or NATO. However the real reason may be that over the years, perhaps fooled by the thought that Russia could be persuaded to more liberal views, the era of globalization and economic integration has been proceeding apace such that Europe had become over- dependent on Russia for energy supplies and also for essential minerals. It is said that currently even more energy supplies than before the Russian invasion of Ukraine are being transported to Europe from Russia. However this state of affairs is about to change. Finally, in the face of the resistance by the Ukrainians, the West is acting, with economic sanctions against Russian leaders, Russian banks and significantly for the first time providing direct supplies of arms and missiles, even jets to Ukraine along with humanitarian aid. EU countries are increasing national defence expenditure in recognition that Russia is an aggressor nation and a re-set of European security architecture seems to be looming which may lead finally to that elusive European independent security force which has been pushed by France.
So the big question is whether Russia has miscalculated the costs of the invasion of Ukraine in the mistaken belief that Europe was sunk in apathy and NATO unable to act? The Russian propaganda spin based on unfounded charges of Nazism and genocide leveled against Ukraine’s Jewish President , seemed destined to bring along the Russian public. If however the provocation was aimed at Germany, it has not restrained that European powerhouse which has halted the certification of Nordstream 2 pipeline which would have brought Russian gas direct to Germany. Citing “the new reality” in Europe with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Chancellor Olaf Scholz has also just announced that Germany is taking the first steps to rearming its military forces with major increases budgeted in national defence spending, overturning its pacifist policies after World War 11.
Germany’s depleted armed forces will receive a €100 billion increase in the defence budget and meet NATO’s spending target of 2two per cent of GDP while Germany will diversify its sources of energy supply. European countries, even the traditionally neutral Scandinavians like Sweden, are taking unprecedented steps in offering to send defensive military supplies, anti tank weapons and missiles to Ukraine. The supply of Stinger missiles to Ukraine brings back memories of the Afghanistan conflict and how Al Quaeda rebels were once trained to push back the superior Russian forces.
Some are asking why Western sanctions have been targeted at President Putin, Foreign Minister Lavrov and the oligarchs? It is tit for tat, in the same way the Russian leaders have targeted the Ukrainian President, trying to create conditions for regime-change by accusing him of being surrounded by “Nazis”. Finally the West appears to have realized that the real threat lies in the aggressive compulsions of the Russian leadership while the economic sanctions against the Russian banks will contribute to weakening their grip on power.
The larger question that the Ukraine crisis poses for Sri Lanka is whether any assessment has been made of the strategic calculations of our Big Neighbour and who are the backroom planners? For example, Sri Lanka has welcomed Indian politicians into its high circles and honored them at academic and other celebrations, yet how many here will acknowledge that at heart India’s leaders work together in support of what they perceive to be India’s national interests? For example, have we taken cognizance of the ramifications of the legal case one leading Indian politician is taking forward to make the whole of Adam’s Bridge a heritage site of India? If this is agreed in Indian courts, what will be the legal ramifications with regard to those islands on the Sri Lanka side which have come under Sri Lanka sovereignty since the bilateral maritime agreements signed in 1974 and 1976?
Is this astute politician counting on his Sri Lanka friends to leverage this quite blatant threat to Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and control of territory? How many in Sri Lanka have taken account of the chains of small islands around our mainland, an essential part of our territorial integrity and the need to protect these islands rather than to offer them for exploitation and sale to foreigners ? For years we have been unable even to reach understandings with India on the sustainable management of the Palk Straits. Surely, it is in the interests of both countries to ensure for example that bottom trawling does not kill off all the marine life in the Palk Straits and joint measures could be agreed between officials concerned with aquatic resources, on fleet size, volumes of catch, no-fishing during breeding seasons etc.
Between Russia and the former territories of the Soviet Union which are now independent states, there exists a similar situation to South Asia in the spill- over of ethnicities, leaving room for separatist movements to take shape with or without the direct intervention or surreptitious support of the Big Neighbour. Sri Lanka’s Jaffna has old historical roots, a proud independent heritage even before the creation of Tamil Nadu in modern day India. At one time prior to independence, Jaffna intellectuals claimed superiority over Madras although today that might be forgotten as Tamil Nadu emerges as an economic power house in India, attracting the largest portion of foreign investment into that country. A key question now in Sri Lanka is how the North’s relations with the rest of the country will develop in the post-conflict era and whether cooperation or conflict will prevail? Ukraine in the throes of the invasion crisis has appealed to the international courts and the UN and it has asked the EU take the extraordinary step of granting Ukraine emergency membership and protection. Whom will Sri Lanka turn to in the event of a crisis with the Big Neighbour?
However one thing we can be happy about and that is the urban renewal in Jaffna post- conflict, which, showcased along with the natural beauty of its white beaches , mangroves and palmyrah groves, makes it such a welcome place to live in and visit, in stark contrast to the environmental pollution and urban chaos in Chennai. But then, that is what people are lamenting today about Ukraine’s capital – they say that Kiev is a beautiful city – which is being bombed into submission. It seems these matters touching the people are of no consequence in the strategic calculations of the Big Powers. In Ukraine, the people are standing up for their values and freedom to chose their way of life despite the unbelievable cost of resistance in winter conditions, in human lives, displacement and destruction of critical infrastructure and buildings.
Sri Lanka’s official statement expresses deep concern about the recent “escalation of violence” in Ukraine , calling upon all parties concerned to exercise “maximum restraint” and work towards the “immediate cessation of hostilities” and to resolve the crisis through “diplomacy and sincere dialogue.” The Sri Lanka Foreign Secretary has been quoted as saying we want to be “neutral” – however this word has uneasy connotations now as Russia had sought guarantees from Ukraine of “neutrality” and has not hesitated to embark on military invasion for lack of such guarantee. For some of us who remember 1987, the “parippu drop” and subsequent signing of the Sri Lanka- India Accord which paved the way for the arrival of the IPKF, the present crisis in Ukraine recalls the vulnerability of small states situated near Big Powers and the difficulty of pursuing their dreams of independence.
Sri Lanka’s lukewarm diplomatic response today even its abstention in the UNGA resolution condemning Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, is understandable given the island’s current precarious economic situation. Yet how prudent is it to turn to Russia for loans today at a time when Western sanctions have been imposed on Russian banks and we may be targeted as a sanctions-breaker? Our shot-gun reactive diplomacy today is a far cry from the early days when Sri Lanka made a principled stand for Japan (in San Francisco), China (despite US congressional sanctions) and even Vietnam during its war with the US.
(Sarala Fernando, retired from the Foreign Ministry as Additional Secretary and her last Ambassadorial appointment was as Permanent Representative to the UN and International Organizations in Geneva . Her Ph.D was on India-Sri Lanka relations and she writes now on foreign policy, diplomacy and protection of heritage).
Features
Why ‘Southasianness’ should continue to matter for the ‘SAARC Eight’
At a time when Sri Lanka’s foreign policy is coming under intense scrutiny by some local sections it is only right that impartial and independent commentators shed some clarity on what fundamental foreign policy directions Sri Lanka ought to take. The extremely fluid and complex nature of current international politics renders such an understanding crucially important.
Given its vulnerabilities in a number of spheres Sri Lanka has no choice but to persist in broadly following the path of Non-alignment. That is, it should be ‘a friend of all and an enemy of none’, to the extent possible. However, it does not follow that in the process it could compromise what is seen as its national interest.
The latter point needs stressing against the backdrop of the criticisms the Sri Lankan government has been attracting from some quarters over what is made out to be some opaqueness in security and defence cooperation agreements it has entered into with India. It remains advisable for the Sri Lankan government to enter into pacts of this nature with India, but the government is obliged to disclose the contents of these agreements to the Sri Lankan people without undue delay in consideration of the uncompromisable sovereign rights of a people in a democracy.
However, there is no denying that the government should make it a central foreign policy premise to always work in cooperation with India. A consideration of what it cost Sri Lanka in the past to be in a disharmonious relationship with India and how such policy missteps worked against Sri Lanka’s best interests ought to dictate to Sri Lanka the advisability of maintaining uninterrupted cordial ties with India. Moreover, common sense ought to drive home to a country the costs of being at loggerheads with one’s closest neighbour who has also proved a ‘ready friend in deed.’
That said, it is the bounden duty of Sri Lanka’s diplomatic community or establishment to ensure that such cooperation does not degenerate into a policy of subservience towards India. That is, finesse and farsightedness in local diplomacy become prime requirements.
While India’s geographical location and physical size, besides her other strengths, contribute towards her centrality in regional and world affairs, her neighbours would be thinking and acting far-sightedly if they not only focus on India and her legitimate interests but also ensure continuous friction-free intra-South Asian relations. That is, for them collective South Asian well being should be of fundamental importance.
Much more than for India perhaps, such harmonious ties are of inestimable importance to India’s neigbours who are up against multiple vulnerabilities which are to a great extent regionally rooted. The latter could never, that is, afford to take their minds off the region’s collective development prospects.
The above are some of the reasons why it could prove highly counter-productive and self-defeating for the ‘South Asian Eight’ to render dormant and ineffective the historic SAARC organization. Rather than ‘dead’ SAARC has been allowed to drift into the ‘Limbo of Forgotten Things.’
The growing inter-dependence of the ‘SAARC Eight’ ought to impress on the collectivity the need to step-up regional cooperation in multiple areas which impinge on its members’ legitimate interests. For instance, the youth-led ‘Cockroach’ revolts, first in India and subsequently outside, should convince South Asia that it is continuing to be plagued in a major way by poverty and equity-linked issues. That is, West-inspired, largely market economics-dictated ways to see an end to poverty are simply not working completely.
Likewise climate-related questions are ravaging South Asia in unimaginable ways; Nepal being just one case in point. The rationale for regional cooperation remains valid and undefeated. It is time for revived and stepped-up SAARC cooperation. That is, the solutions to the region’s development dilemmas need to be found in mainly the region.
This amounts to making a case for a continued sense of ‘Southasianness’ among the SAARC countries. That is the conviction should be firm that they know their developmental challenges best and that answers to these issues must be primarily evolved by the grouping itself in cooperation with concerned sections.
From the above viewpoints the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo did very well to tie-up with the South Asian University (SAU), India, to increase public awareness on the developmental problems affecting South Asia and for initiating a number collaborative measures that aim at ameliorating them. The relevant agreement was formalized in early September at the RCSS. The sealing of the pact took place under the aegis of SAU President Prof. K.K. Aggarwal and RCSS Executive Director Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha.
A press release issued by the organizations said the collaboration aims ‘to foster research networks, partnerships and collaborations for transformative change across South Asia.’ It also mentioned that the partnership marked the first agreement to be signed by SAU with an independent think tank in Sri Lanka.
Among other things, pacts such as the above are bold moves in the direction of fostering a spirit of intellectual independence in those areas of the South facing some of the stiffest developmental challenges. Rather than ‘import’ solutions to these challenges from outside the region, the SAU-RCSS initiative aims at fostering fresh approaches to evolving solutions to problems that are uniquely South Asian.
It is hoped that the SAU and RCSS initiative while leading a to a greater degree of Southern intellectual independence in the area of development thinking would also help in kick-starting the SAARC process all over again in a major way.
What ought to lend fresh urgency to the latter undertakings are fast-breaking current developments in international politics. It ought to be perceived by the most underdeveloped regions of the South that going forward their well being would matter least or not at all to the major powers of both East and West.
For example at the time of writing the foremost among US and Chinese political leaders are meeting in the US in what is made out to be a historic coming together of sorts to address issues of common concern. It is highly unlikely that the parties would be addressing the economic preoccupations of the least developed countries. The same goes for other states that matter from the East and West.
Essentially, the US and China would be looking at ways of strengthening business ties that matter majorly for them. The South and its issues would prove to be of peripheral interest, if at all they happen to matter to the protagonists. Such developments ought to be fresh reminders to the South and their collaborative organizations that there is no escaping self-help and joint solidarity.
Features
Is Sri Lanka prepared for global literacy crisis?
by Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva
Adult literacy has for a long time been one of Sri Lanka’s greatest sources of pride, serving as a social indicator that has set the country apart from several of its neighbours in the region. For many years Sri Lanka has been recognised for keeping its literacy rates at a level like those of middle-income countries and even some high-income ones, even though it has faced economic difficulties and political instability. However, since new global research has now shown an unexpected and concerning decline in adult literacy in several high-income countries, it is important to consider what this means for Sri Lanka.
The phenomenon described by Jishnu Das, Yash Dhuldhoya and Ethan Sager, the unexplained fall in functional literacy among adults in wealthy nations. calls for a more thorough examination of the nature of literacy, the pressures exerted by the modern information environment, and the vulnerabilities that Sri Lanka might encounter as it moves towards a more digital, ageing and complex society. Even though Sri Lanka’s basic literacy rates remain high and steady, the global trend acts as a warning that literacy is not a fixed accomplishment but a dynamic capability which must be continually fostered, safeguarded and adapted to changing circumstances.
Decline in functional literacy
The drop in literacy rate in high-income countries is not due to people losing the ability to read or write in the ordinary way. On the contrary, it reflects a decline in functional literacy, which is the capacity to deal with, understand, and apply information in real-life situations. This kind of literacy involves following instructions, comprehending official documents, using digital interfaces, interpreting medical information, and making sense of complicated texts that demand continuous attention.
Researchers stress that the decline cannot be attributed merely to disruptions caused by COVID-19 or the increasing use of smartphones; instead, there is going on something more fundamental: a weakening of the cognitive and informational bases that adults need to function properly in modern society. In countries such as the United States, the percentage of adults regarded as functionally illiterate has increased significantly, indicating that even highly educated societies are having difficulty in keeping up the skills required to handle ever more complex streams of information.
Sri Lanka immune?
At first sight, Sri Lanka seems to be immune from this trend. The country’s adult literacy rate is still above 92 per cent and youth literacy is even higher. According to the 2024 Census, literacy rates exceed 97 per cent among people aged ten and over, with nearly equal levels between the sexes. These figures show the continued strength of Sri Lanka’s system of free education, a system which in the past has guaranteed widespread access to school and has produced generation after generation of citizens who could read and write at a basic level.
There has also been a steady improvement in educational attainment, with an increasing number of adults finishing secondary education and a larger proportion going on to tertiary institutions. Unlike the mysterious drops observed in rich countries, Sri Lanka’s literacy figures demonstrate stability and even a slight improvement.
However, although the surface appearance is reassuring, an even more complicated reality exists. The literacy figures for Sri Lanka only record basic literacy, that is, the ability to read and write simple sentences, and they do not include measures of functional literacy. It is impossible to tell from these statistics whether adults can interpret a bank statement, understand a medical prescription, use an online government portal, or critically assess information that is spreading on social media. As is shown by the global trend, having a high level of basic literacy does not ensure a strong degree of functional literacy. On the contrary, functional literacy can fall even if basic literacy stays the same. This difference is important for Sri Lanka, particularly since the country is currently experiencing rapid digitalization, demographic ageing, and social change.
Major risk factor
A major risk factor is the move towards digital information environments. In high-income countries, researchers believe that the prevalence of smartphones and short-form digital content may be diminishing people’s ability to engage in deep reading. Nowadays, individuals take in information in short, rapid segments by scrolling through social media feeds, quickly reading headlines, and viewing short videos. Such behaviour decreases the opportunity for sustained reading, which is necessary for keeping comprehension, critical thinking, and the capacity to deal with complex information intact.
Sri Lanka is going through a comparable change. There has been a sharp increase in the number of people using smartphones, and social media sites have become the main sources of news, leisure, and communication. Although there are many advantages to having digital access, it also results in a situation where superficial reading becomes the standard approach and could therefore lead to a decline in functional literacy over time.
Demographic ageing as challenge
A further challenge that is coming up is demographic ageing. Sri Lanka is rapidly moving towards becoming an ageing society, with an increasing number of older people who might experience cognitive decline, have less exposure to new information, and enjoy few opportunities for further learning. In high-income countries, ageing populations have led to a fall in functional literacy since older individuals have had difficulty adapting to digital systems and complicated bureaucratic procedures.
The older generation in Sri Lanka, many whom were educated many decades ago under different curriculum standards, could end up becoming increasingly vulnerable in a world in which essential services, such as banking and healthcare, are being moved online. If appropriate support is not provided, the country may witness a growing gap between basic literacy and functional literacy among older adults.
In Sri Lanka, the way in which administration and the workplace are organised has in the past placed greater trust in personal communication and on basic forms of documentation. What in high-income countries would require complex reading is instead carried out through face-to-face contact in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, this situation is now changing. Government services are becoming available online, banks are introducing digital systems, and in workplaces there is an increasing need for employees to use electronic systems. Since these changes are happening at a faster rate, the demand for functional literacy will increase. Should adults not be able to meet these new demands, Sri Lanka might start to see the kind of decline in literacy that has been seen in other places.
Misinformation and disinformation
Another worry is the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Sri Lanka, there has already been the quick dissemination of false information via social media, with this having an impact on public health, politics, and social cohesion. Since functional literacy is essential for allowing people to assess sources, doubt the claims made, and tell the difference between reliable information and falsehoods, a lack of functional literacy causes societies to be more open to manipulation, polarisation, and confusion.
The fact that there has been a global drop in functional literacy at the same time as misinformation has increased points to a dangerous feedback cycle: when literacy is low people become more prone to misinformation, and the misinformation in turn damages their ability to think critically about information. Given that the country has a high level of social media use and a lack of digital literacy training, Sri Lanka should take this risk seriously.
Even though there are these risks, Sri Lanka has several advantages which can assist in avoiding a drop in functional literacy. The country’s system of basic education is still strong, showing high enrolment figures and good results in basic literacy.
Families in Sri Lanka still place a great deal of importance on education and reading is still a respected cultural activity. Furthermore, because of its relatively small size and the fact that it has a centralized form of government, it is more efficient than in bigger countries to carry out nationwide literacy campaigns. These strengths offer a firm basis for developing new strategies for protecting and improving functional literacy.
Literacy a process
It should be realised by Sri Lanka that attaining literacy is not a single accomplishment achieved in childhood. In the modern world, literacy must be a skill that is constantly put into practice, kept up to date and adapted to changing circumstances. The fact that adult literacy is declining worldwide shows that even in wealthy countries with well-developed education systems deterioration can occur if adults are not supported in keeping their cognitive and informational abilities. Sri Lanka cannot afford to be careless.
It is necessary for the country to invest in adult education, in programmes concerning digital literacy and in the development of cognitive skills for all age groups. It also needs to establish ways of measuring functional literacy rather than just basic literacy so that policymakers can detect emerging weaknesses and act in advance.
A vital measure is to increase the opportunities for adult learning. Although Sri Lanka has effective literacy programmes based in schools, the country’s infrastructure for adult education is limited. Community centres, libraries, universities, and vocational institutes should take on a more significant role by providing courses, workshops, and reading programmes which are tailored for adults. The programmes should place an emphasis not just on reading and writing but also on digital navigation, critical thinking, and information processing. Adults should be given the chance to practise the skills that are necessary for them to function effectively in a rapidly changing world.
Importance of digital literacy programmes
It is just as important to have digital literacy programmes. Since an increasing number of services are being offered online, adults need to learn how to use digital tools with confidence and in a safe manner. This involves knowing how to fill out online forms, moving around on government websites, using banking apps, and being able to spot misinformation. The digital literacy courses available should be accessible, affordable, and adapted to different age groups, especially older adults who might feel put off by technology. Schools can also contribute by incorporating digital literacy into their curriculum so that future generations acquire good functional literacy skills from an early age.
Sri Lanka should also investigate introducing policies which promote cognitive health among older people. Since cognitive decline can lead to a deterioration of functional literacy, it becomes more difficult for older individuals to deal with information. It is possible to help keep cognitive function by setting up programmes that promote reading, social interaction, physical activity, and continued learning. During regular medical visits, healthcare professionals should include cognitive assessments so that any problems affecting literacy-related skills can be picked up early.
Sri Lanka needs to create tools for measuring functional literacy, since the figures available on basic literacy give an incomplete account of the country’s capabilities. By using assessments of functional literacy like those employed in high-income countries, Sri Lanka would be able to monitor how well its adults can apply their literacy skills in real-life situations.
Features
From Colombo to Vegas: Sri Lankan talent shines at WCOPA
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) is known globally as the Olympics of performing arts, but Sri Lankans came to know of it more closely when Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2026, in Las Vegas, earned a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category.
Behind Sri Lanka’s WCOPA journey is Sri Lanka-born Chris Rajendra, who migrated to the United States in 2007, and deserves special congratulations.
Passionate about discovering and promoting talent, Chris has been actively involved in the pageant and performing arts, industry since 2002.
A major milestone came in 2015, when he introduced WCOPA, to Sri Lanka, for the first time, creating an international platform for Sri Lankan performers.
Sachini Ayendra became the very first candidate to represent Sri Lanka at WCOPA, in 2015, marking the beginning of Team Sri Lanka’s journey.
Chris served as National Director for Team Sri Lanka from 2015 to 2018, and has returned to the role for the 2026–2027 term, continuing his commitment to identifying, developing and promoting Sri Lankan talent internationally.
His involvement in pageantry and performing arts includes:
Recruiter, Miss Nevada United States – 2014

Chris Rajendra: National Director – WCOPA Team Sri Lanka
Manager, Miss Colombia Las Vegas – 2013 to 2017
Director for the West Coast and International Divisions of Ms. Latina International and Ms. International World – 2017
National Director for Team Sri Lanka – WCOPA, 2015–2018 and 2026–2027
Co-National Director for Team USA – WCOPA 2026
In the USA, Chris began his career in retail before transitioning into insurance and financial services, where he built extensive experience in sales, marketing, leadership and business development.
He owned and operated a brokerage, affiliated with multiple insurance companies, and later served as Marketing Director with Transamerica and World Financial Group.
As his business expanded across Las Vegas and California, he continued to hone his expertise in sales, marketing and client relations. He now works as a Sales Executive at Hilton Grand Vacations.
Looking ahead, Chris will shortly launch the application process for Team Sri Lanka 2027, giving talented Sri Lankan performers another opportunity to represent the country on the world stage.
The 2027 World Championships of Performing Arts will take place in Las Vegas, USA, in July or August 2027.
Through his work in both the corporate and performing arts worlds, Chris Rajendra continues to combine leadership, networking and talent development — creating opportunities for Sri Lankan performers to showcase their abilities on a global platform.
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