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Trade union says Energy Ministry has regulatory powers to intervene
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The government’s efforts to provide an uninterrupted fuel supply at CEYPETCO pumping stations has suffered a debilitating setback due to theunprecedented heavy demand caused by sharp differences in prices at the CPC-owned and the Lanka India Oil Company (LIOC) managed service stations.
CPC Chairman Sumith Wijesinha yesterday (28) said that with the latest price increase announced by the LIOC, a litre of petrol and diesel, at LIOC service stations, now costs Rs. 27 and Rs 18, respectively, more than at CEYPETO stations.
Wijesinha acknowledged that the difference in prices is the sharpest ever since the entry of LIOC into the Sri Lanka market. A trade union affiliated to the main Opposition Party, the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) asked the government how the LIOC could increase fuel prices, contrary to the existing agreements.
LIOC entered the Sri Lanka market in 2003 during Chandrika Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. The Indian state enterprise gradually expanded its operations here and now it operated 202 service stations.
In addition to the oil terminal it managed at Trincomalee, the LIOC owned one-third share in the Ceylon Petroleum Storage Terminals Limited (CPSTL) – a joint venture involving the LIOC and the CPC. The CPSTL operated 13 oil terminals.
Wijesinha admitted that the LIOC had the right to decide on fuel prices on its own. LIOC increased the price of petrol and diesel on Feb 6 and Feb 25, 2022, effective midnight on each day. On Feb 6, LIOC increased the price of a litre of petrol by Rs 7 and diesel by Rs 3. On Feb 25, LIOC jacked up the price of a litre of petrol by Rs 20 and diesel by Rs 15.
Managing Director of LIOC Manoj Gupta, in a statement issued on the eve of Feb 25 price increase said that the steep rise in international oil markets compelled them to increase the price of petrol and diesel. Pointing out that the Brent crude oil price was now over USD 100 per barrel, Gupta blamed the Russian invasion of Ukraine along with drop in supply by OPEC countries for the situation.
In the wake of Feb 6 price increase, Energy Minister Udaya Gammanpila said that he was informed of the impending price increase by the LIOC. The Minister said so when The Island sought his response to the fuel price hike.
Minister Gammanpila, too, acknowledged that in line with the agreement between Sri Lanka and India, the latter could decide on the pricing formula.
The third retailer Laugfs Petroleum follows the CEYPETCO’s pricing formula. Laugfs entered the market in 2004 also during the Kumaratunga’s presidency.
In spite of the cash-strapped and debt-ridden CPC taking massive losses, the government has delayed matching LIOC pricing formula, thereby drawing the vast majority of consumers to its service stations. CPC Chairman Wijesinha said that their daily losses went up sharply as the sales volumes grew.
During a recent meeting chaired by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the Presidential Secretariat, Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa emphasized that imported pharmaceuticals were the only items subjected to price controls.
Opposition trade union grouping representing oil, port and electricity sector workers yesterday (28) questioned the failure on the part of the government to prevent LIOC increasing oil prices contrary to the existing agreement between the two parties. Having earned massive profits in 2021, the LIOC seemed determined to further exploit hapless Sri Lanka, convener of Samagi trade union grouping Ananda Palitha emphasized that LIOC couldn’t under any circumstances increase prices without specific approval from the Energy Ministry in the absence of a Regulator as envisaged in the agreement between the two parties.
Asked whether the price increases announced by the LIOC on Feb 6 and 25 were illegal in terms of the existing agreements, Ananda Palitha pointed out that would be the case if the Energy Ministry opposed the move. Responding to LIOC claims that oil markets were jittery in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and other related factors, Ananda Palitha stressed that both the CPC and the LIOC still received stocks ordered 35 days ago.
LIOC MD Gupta has stated that his was the only public limited energy company in business here and was accountable for more than 10,500 local shareholders.
The outspoken trade union leader called for a total review of all agreements between Sri Lanka and India as regards LIOC and Trincomalee oil tank farms. According to him, in the absence of proper energy policy Sri Lanka was at the mercy of India and other foreign powers.
Reference was made to the controversial circumstances under which Sri Lanka has finalized an energy deal with the US-based New Fortress Energy, in September last year. The matter is now before the Supreme Court.
Ananda Palitha said that the government couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for ensuring steady supply of fuel at reasonable prices to the consumers.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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Two arrest warrants issued for Gnanasara thera
The Colombo High Court and Court of Appeal yesterday issued arrest warrants for the Bodu Bala Sena general secretary Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara in a case involving an alleged statement insulting Islam.
The arrest warrants were issued on Tuesday and Wednesday. The Court of Appeal issued an open warrant two weeks after the court rescinded the presidential pardon granted to the thera when he was serving a six-year term for contempt of court.
The Appeals Court also imposed a travel ban on the monk and ordered that the Controller General of Immigration and Emigration be informed of the restriction.
The case was taken up before Colombo High Court Judge Buddhika C. Ragala. Gnanasara Thera was not present when the case was called.
A medical report was submitted stating that Thera was unwell, while his sureties also failed to appear before court. His counsel, Asoka Weerasuriya, told court that his client wished to bring the case to an early conclusion and that representations had been made to the Attorney General in that regard.
However, after considering the submissions, the High Court judge said he was not satisfied with the medical report submitted on behalf of the accused. The court also noted the failure of the sureties to appear.
The judge subsequently ordered that Gnanasara Thera be arrested and produced before court.The Attorney General filed the case under provisions of the Penal Code, alleging that remarks made by Gnanasara Thera concerning the Holy Quran amounted to an insult to Islam.
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