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Towards solving the current crisis in Sri Lanka

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by The Association of Sri Lanka Academics in Japan (SLAcJ)

Sri Lanka is now facing an unprecedented crisis, with island-wide protests going on continuously for several days now. On 12th April, the Central Bank decided to default on debt servicing. Immediate actions are necessary to resolve the political and socio-economic crises, including aggravating social unrest and severe damage to the livelihood and well-being of all corners of society. Parliament members, opposition political parties, many individuals, and civil society recommend many options. So far, none of them are accepted by the country’s political authority.

With great sorrow, dismay, and anger, we, the Sri Lankan Academics in Japan, watch the current state of hardships Sri Lankans are undergoing. It is unfortunate to see how our beloved country has come to this state.

Japan has built a prosperous and peaceful society where people are free from wants and fear of persecution and violence. The vulnerable are protected, and opportunities are made available for all citizens to fulfil their aspirations to their full potential. The foundation of this success is mainly due to the importance placed on public trust. Anyone in power, whether a political leader, a high-level government official, or an industrial leader, either resigns or is removed from power if responsible for committing an act of losing public trust. An independent, accountable bureaucracy appointed, based on merit, ensures the rights of the public and makes sure that the government functions according to regulations, even when there is political instability. Separation of the powers of the legislature, executive and the judiciary has been sacrosanct and this has ensured checks and balances against excesses. Working for the well-being of the country and its citizens whilst respecting the institutions of a parliamentary democracy has enabled these three branches of government to build public trust in Japan. We believe Sri Lanka can learn much from this in overcoming the current crisis.

As a country, Sri Lanka is blessed with natural resources and a work force second to none, if given a chance. All around the world, Sri Lankans have risen to very high levels in Academia and Industries, yet opportunities are not available, and industries are not fostered in our home country. There is a blatant disregard for public trust and the public voice since the public has been made powerless by weakening governance and politicization of critical institutions. The current protests in Sri Lanka are a timely action to restructure, reform, and balance the three pillars of the political economy – the state, markets, and civil society. Expressing the citizens’ genuine grievances, concerns, and desires, is the only way one can save the country for future generations.

To come out of our current predicament, some of the actions we see that need to be taken, though not exhaustive, are as follows:

1. Immediate actions

a. The citizens have lost their trust in the government and respecting citizens’ will, President, Prime Minister, and their family members must apologize to the nation and immediately resign from their political positions. Parliament should select through confidential voting two potential candidates outside the ruling parties for the future President and Prime Minister.

b. Appoint an interim Cabinet of ministers of not more than 15 who are skilled, acceptable to the people, and responsible to the Parliament and the people. Some members can be elected from current parliamentarians through confidential voting, while new members can be selected from the national list. The current national list MPs should be replaced with skilled, responsible, qualified technocrats and administrators. Impose restrictions on corrupt individuals leaving the country. Depending on the interim Cabinet’s performance, they may continue until the next general election; otherwise, the government should hold a general election earlier at a suitable time.

c. The proposed interim government should introduce a new budget for the remainder of the year because the budget approved for 2022 is election-oriented rather than for stimulating economic and business promotion. The allocation of the government’s financial resources must be the responsibility of the Parliament.

d. Immediately appoint independent qualified technocrats (similar to the new Governor of CBSL) to critically important institutions, including the Department of Inland Revenue, Department of Customs, Ports Authority, Ceylon Electricity Board, and Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, Pharmaceutical Corporation, State Banks, and Gas Companies. Similar appointments must be made to non-profit State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) to formulate policies and programmes which are socially acceptable, economically viable, and environmentally friendly.

e. Remove all privileges to elected members of Parliament and make sure that they are answerable to the law, similar to the practice of all other advanced democracies. The documentary on the lifestyle of the Japanese Prime Minister, widely viewed in Sri Lanka recently, is an excellent case in point. There is no justification to provide excessive benefits and privileges at public expense to parliamentarians who are expected to serve the people of the country.

f. Request the international community and Sri Lankan expatriates for possible cooperation through remittances, investments, and know-how (technical support). Reach out to friendly countries who have assisted us in the past. Attention must be paid to Japan, which has provided generous support to many important areas in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka has finally gone to the IMF. We should also turn to Japan for help, where development assistance does not lead to “debt traps.” Similarly, we need to seek assistance from the World Bank, and ADB, where Japan plays an important role.

2. Policies under the interim Cabinet

a. Appoint independent technocrats/bureaucrats as secretaries to the ministries and independent career diplomates as heads of foreign missions. The power vested on ministers over the bureaucracy without proper control mechanisms by the 1978 (s52.2) constitution amendment should be removed immediately, and ensure that elected members of Parliament, as well as government officials, are accountable for the decisions they make and are subject to the laws and regulations of the land. Government officials must be independent and dedicated to the people and maintain professionalism in their duties.

b. Financial and non-financial assets of all the Members of Parliament, elected members of the Subnational Governments, Senior Government Officials, including Head of the Departments, Diplomatic Officials, Judges, Chairman of State-Owned Enterprises, Corporations, and Statutory Bodies, should be declared and audited before assuming duties and after, with appropriate time interval.

c. Formulate national policies for each ministry and establish a research and development division in the ministry to educate policy-makers and the other stakeholders on the best practices.

d. Based on the culture, oriental wisdom, resource endowment, policies of each ministry, and the best practices elsewhere, Sri Lanka should create a homegrown “Long-term Developmental Plan” with visions, missions, and values. These policies must be constructively debated, comprehensively evaluated, and approved by the political parties in the Parliament before making them as “national policies.” Once national policies are established, all political parties must continue the same guidelines to avoid frequent policy backsliding.

e. Sri Lanka is strategically located in the Indian Ocean. Who dominates the Indian Ocean may dominate the world economy in the 21st Century. Indo-Pacific geopolitics is changing drastically due to the confluence of three strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), India’s Act East Policy, and the United States’ Rebalancing Asia. Japan’s articulation of its commitment to a Free and Open Indo Pacific is also relevant to Sri Lanka’s future growth and development strategy. By 2050, China, India, Indonesia, and Japan will be the first, third, fourth, and fifth most significant economies in the world, respectively. Sri Lanka needs stability in all aspects to deal with enormous powers who are interested in Indian Ocean domination. Therefore, Sri Lanka desperately needs to establish a national level independent council on Foreign Policy, Peace and Security Policy, and Economic Policy to formulate well-thought comprehensive policy packages and advise the government when and where it is most needed.

f. Bring necessary policies and constitutional changes to empower independent commissions established under the constitution council, finalise electoral demarcation, reform the election system, minimise the executive powers and functions of the President, and other governance-related issues before the next election. The objective of changes must be to ensure a true representative and participating democracy-friendly parliament, including women and youth and reflecting the diversity of our nation’s peoples.

g. Political parties must introduce internal democracy within the party, and their financing must be audited. Independent commissions are a must to safeguard the constitution so that the parliament members cannot arbitrarily amend it for their short-term benefits.

h. Empower the judiciary and state’s political and economic institutions and make them independent and “inclusive” rather than “extractive.” Introduce reforms to outdated laws, rules, and regulations relating to auditing, accounting, and public administration.

i. Sri Lanka introduced Social Market Economy (SME) in 2015. However, unlike in Germany, Sri Lanka has not gained the full potential of an SME. And the state should introduce “constitutive principle” and “regulatory principles” similar to German with view to ensure that the “free market” yields result near to its theoretical potential. The market is expected to be embedded in the legal and political systems of the country. Under SME, the safeguard of human dignity and citizens’ freedom is guaranteed. The constitutive principles of SME should ensure a competitive economic system. The complementary regulatory principles safeguard the human welfare aspect.

We members of the Association of Sri Lanka Academics in Japan (SLAcJ) stand with the citizens of Sri Lanka in the ongoing struggle to lay the foundation for good governance and economic development so that future generations will have a country they could be proud of, live in peace and harmony, and have the opportunity to pursue their dreams.

We conclude this appeal with an ancient Pali verse which explains sustainable development as follows: Devo vassatu kalena sassasampatti hotu ca phito bhavatu loko ca-raja bhavatu dhammiko. May the rains come on time! May there be bountiful harvest! May the world be contented! May the rulers be righteous!



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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