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The Trapped Titan: Mahinda at Eighty

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Mahinda Rajapaksa

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa celebrated his eightieth birthday on Nov.18th. Whether we admire or despise his politics, there is no denying that he decisively shaped the destiny of this island for decades, and his imprint will linger for generations. Understanding Mahinda Rajapaksa is crucial not merely as a study of one man, but as a lens through which to examine the interplay of society, religion, and charisma—the forces that both elevated him and ultimately constrained him. To scrutinize his trajectory is to confront the anatomy of a political phenomenon, the philosophical tragedy of a “big man,” and the distortion of institutions when personality eclipses principle.

Mahinda rose to prominence in a moment of decisive national crisis. At the close of a decades-long civil war, he embodied the image of a saviour, a warrior-statesman, echoing Pericles rallying Athens during the Peloponnesian wars or Augustus consolidating Rome after civil chaos. Weber’s concept of charismatic authority is indispensable here: Mahinda commanded not merely office but loyalty, belief, and symbolic legitimacy. “Charisma,” Weber argued, “is a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities.” For Mahinda, the powers were political rather than mystical, yet society projected onto him its anxieties, hopes, and collective identity in identical fashion.

Yet charisma, as Weber warned, is inherently unstable. Unlike Augustus, who transformed personal power into legal and bureaucratic frameworks, or Pericles, who entwined civic virtue with democratic rituals, Mahinda remained essentially a man of personal devotion, surrounded by family and loyalists who reflected his will rather than challenged it. The irony is brutal: the very admiration that elevated him also blinded him. As the populace celebrated him and his inner circle echoed every gesture, he became increasingly incapable of distinguishing genuine strategy from flattery, principle from applause. In the post-war era, Mahinda was more than a politician; he was a symbol, a vessel of hope, and an avatar of nationalist Buddhist identity. Yet symbols do not govern—they are interpreted, projected upon, and inevitably misread.

The post-war period exposed the fragility of personalised power. Charisma, Weber insisted, must either routinise into institutional authority or dissipate. Mahinda’s independence eroded precisely because those around him began to worship the symbol more than the substance. Advisors, loyalists, and even family members treated public exaltation as justification for actions divorced from reasoned governance. Buddhism, historically decentralised and sustained by lay support rather than political authority, was increasingly mobilised to serve personal legitimacy. His rhetoric and gestures drew on a century of nationalist Buddhist revival, echoing the dynamics Prof S. J. Tambiah and Prof Gananath Obeyesekere described: a tradition transformed into a vehicle for political identity and mass mobilisation. The irony is profound: a philosophy rooted in impermanence became instrumentalised in pursuit of permanence for a single human agent.

This manipulation of religious authority was neither accidental nor purely symbolic. Mahinda’s administration drew on multiple religious institutions, including the Catholic Church, each eager to assert its relevance in a post-war state. In doing so, he became dependent upon them. His ideology—once framed in terms of national unity and reconstruction—shifted under the weight of symbolic expectation. Like Augustus leveraging Roman religion to consolidate authority or Pericles entwining civic and religious pride to fortify the polis, Mahinda’s political philosophy became inseparable from the very structures that ultimately constrained him. Ironically, he was pathetically used by the Catholic Church just as the Buddhist clergy, in many instances, deliberately ignored opportunities for much-needed structural reform.

The result was inevitable: a gradual unraveling of independence, first political, then familial. The network that had amplified his authority became the very mechanism of limitation. Loyalty, combined with unexamined adulation, became a cage. Siblings and inner circle, once instruments of his will, transformed into mirrors reflecting public desire, amplifying triumphs and shielding him from critique. Mahinda did not merely lose power externally; he became politically incapacitated within his own household—a tragic inversion of the charismatic logic that had elevated him. In Lacanian terms, the “mirror stage” of collective projection trapped the subject within the desires of the Other, leaving him blindfolded by affection, rejoicing in praise while losing touch with reality.

Mahinda’s trajectory invites reflection on history, power, and social perception. There is a Nietzschean aspect to his rise and fall: a temporary Übermensch, a man transcending conventional norms, becoming the axis of collective aspiration. Yet, like all such figures, he confronts mortality, social expectation, and human frailty. The worship that initially empowered him became the instrument of his constraint. Camus’ notion of absurdity is pertinent: the man who once seemed invincible confronts the absurdity of societal projection—a populace demanding permanence from an impermanent human agent.

The post-war narrative also illustrates the perils of historical contingency and generational expectation. Unlike South Korea or Singapore, where leaders institutionalised authority to endure beyond their lifetimes, Mahinda’s charisma remained personalistic. The “big man” syndrome, familiar in many post-colonial contexts, collided with democratic volatility, economic pressures, and familial rivalry. There was no proceduralisation, no legal-rational scaffolding to transform adulation into sustainable governance. In Weberian terms, Mahinda failed to routinise charisma into institutional power, leaving a paradoxical legacy: national reverence intertwined with political paralysis.

At eighty, Mahinda Rajapaksa stands as both relic and warning. His life embodies the intersection of ambition, social projection, and religious symbolism. The distortion of Buddhist revivalism and the co-option of religious institutions into political legitimacy expose the fragility of governance when entwined with mass adoration. The post-war period, marked by triumph and symbolic sacralisation, mirrors ancient precedents: Augustus employed ritual to consolidate Rome, Pericles entwined civic pride with political control. In both cases, institutionalisation buffered the collapse; Mahinda, by contrast, illustrates the limits of unmediated charisma: the man adored becomes the man trapped, the nation that worshipped becomes constrained by expectation.

History rarely permits the return of such personalities. No successor embodies his post-war symbolic and political capital. Minor attempts to imitate him falter because the phenomenon was both personal and era-specific. Mahinda’s eightieth year is not merely a birthday; it is a prism to examine society, religion, and political psychology. It reminds us that leadership demands not only decisiveness or heroism, but also foresight, management of adulation, and ethical stewardship of symbolic power.

Mahinda Rajapaksa’s life chronicles the collision of human expectation with impermanence. Society elevated him, religious institutions sanctified him, family amplified him—yet each contributed to his political constriction. The charismatic paradox is blunt: the greater the worship, the narrower the freedom; the more profound the symbol, the sharper the distortion. Sri Lanka’s history, and the philosophical lessons of political life, require that we study such figures not only for their deeds, but for the dynamics they expose: the societies that exalt them, the ideologies they embody, and the vulnerabilities inevitable in human aspiration.

by Nilantha Ilangamuwa



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Illegal solar push ravages Hambantota elephant habitat: Environmentalist warns of deepening crisis

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Land earmarked for the project

A large-scale move to establish solar power plants in Hambantota has triggered a major environmental and social crisis, with more than 1,000 acres of forest—identified as critical elephant habitat—cleared in violation of the law, environmental activist Sajeewa Chamikara said.

Chamikara, speaking on behalf of the Movement for Land and Agricultural Reform, said that 17 companies have already begun clearing forest land along the boundaries of the Hambantota Elephant Management Reserve. The affected areas include Sanakku Gala, Orukemgala and Kapapu Wewa, which are known to be key elephant habitats and long-used movement corridors.

He said that what is taking place cannot be described as development, but rather as a large-scale destruction of natural ecosystems carried out under the cover of renewable energy expansion.

According to Chamikara, the clearing of forests has been carried out using heavy machinery, while large sections have also been deliberately set on fire to prepare the land for solar installations. He said that electric fences have been erected across wide stretches of land, effectively blocking elephant movement and fragmenting their natural habitat.

“These forests are not empty lands. They are part of a living system that supports wildlife and nearby communities. Once destroyed, they cannot be easily restored,” he said.

The projects in question include a 50 megawatt solar development undertaken by five companies and a larger 150 megawatt project implemented by 12 companies. The larger project is reported to be valued at around 150 million US dollars.

Chamikara stressed that these projects are being carried out in a coordinated manner and involve extensive land clearing on a scale that raises serious environmental concerns.

He further alleged that certain companies had paid about Rs. 14 million to secure support and move ahead with the projects. He said this points to a troubling failure of oversight by state institutions that are expected to protect forests and wildlife habitats.

“This is not only an environmental issue. It is also a serious governance issue. The institutions responsible for protecting these lands have failed in their duty,” he said.

Chamikara pointed out that under the National Environmental Act, any project of this scale must receive prior approval through a proper Environmental Impact Assessment process.

He said that clearing forest land before obtaining such approval is a direct violation of the law.

He added that legal requirements relating to archaeological assessments had also been ignored. Under existing regulations, large-scale land clearing requires prior evaluation to ensure that sites of historical or cultural value are not damaged.

“The law is very clear. You cannot go ahead with projects of this nature without proper approval. What we are seeing is a complete disregard for legal procedure,” Chamikara said.

The environmental impact of these activities is already becoming visible. With their natural habitats destroyed, elephants are increasingly moving into nearby villages in search of food and shelter. This has led to a sharp rise in human-elephant conflict in several areas.

Areas such as Mayurapura, Gonnooruwa, Meegahajandura and Thanamalvila have reported increasing encounters between humans and elephants. According to Chamikara, more than 5,000 farming families in these areas are now facing growing threats to their safety and livelihoods.

 

He warned that farmers are being forced to abandon their lands due to repeated elephant intrusions, while incidents involving damage to crops and property are rising. There have also been increasing reports of injuries and deaths among both humans and elephants.

“This is turning into a serious social and economic problem. When farmers cannot cultivate their lands, it affects food production, income and rural stability,” he said.

Chamikara also raised concerns about the broader environmental consequences of clearing forests for solar power projects. While renewable energy is promoted as a solution to reduce carbon emissions, he said that destroying forests undermines that goal.

“Forests play a key role in absorbing carbon dioxide. When you clear and burn them, you are increasing emissions, not reducing them. That defeats the purpose of promoting solar energy,” he explained.

He added that large-scale deforestation in dry zone areas such as Hambantota could also affect local weather patterns and reduce rainfall, which would have further negative impacts on agriculture and water resources.

Chamikara called for a shift in policy, urging authorities to focus on more sustainable approaches to solar power development. He said that rooftop solar systems on homes, public buildings and commercial establishments should be given priority, as they do not require clearing large areas of land.

He also recommended that solar projects be located on degraded or abandoned lands, such as areas affected by past mining or other low-value lands, rather than forests or productive agricultural areas.

“Renewable energy development must be done in a way that does not destroy the environment. There are better options available if there is proper planning,” he said.

Chamikara urged the Central Environmental Authority and the Department of Wildlife Conservation to take immediate action to stop ongoing land clearing and investigate the projects. He stressed that all activities carried out without proper approval should be halted until legal requirements are met.

He warned that failure to act now would lead to long-term environmental damage that could not be reversed.

“If this continues, we will lose not only forests and wildlife, but also the balance between people and nature that supports rural life. The consequences will be felt for generations,” he said.

The situation in Hambantota is fast emerging as a critical test of whether development goals can be balanced with environmental protection. As pressure grows, the response of authorities in the coming weeks is likely to determine whether the damage can still be contained or whether it will continue to spread unchecked.

By Ifham Nizam

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Why Mahatma Gandhi’s teachings need to be at the heart of conflict resolution

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Mahatma Gandhi

All credit to the Tamil Nadu government for taking concrete measures to perpetuate the memory of the renowned Mahatma Gandhi of India, who on account of his moral teachings stands on par with the likes of Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Confucius and Jalaluddin Rumi, to name a few such all-time greats. The time is indeed ripe to draw the world’s attention to the Mahatma’s humanistic legacy which has resonated in the hearts of peace-oriented sections the world over down the decades.

Under its mega developmental blueprint titled ‘ Tamil Nadu 2030’, the Tamil Nadu government, among other things, intends transforming villages into centres of economic growth in conformity with the Mahatma’s vision of making the village the fundamental unit of material and spiritual advancement. Thus will come into being the ‘Uttamar Gandhi Model Villages Project’, which will be initially covering 10 village Panchayats. (Please see page 3 of The Island of March 11, 2026).

The timeliness of remembering and appreciating anew the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi resides in the utter lawlessness that has been allowed to overtake the world over the last few decades by none other than those global powers which took it upon themselves to usher in a world political and economic order based on the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Mainly in ‘the dock’ in this regard are the permanent members of the UN Security Council.

As is plain to see, the international law and order situation has veered out of control. Principal priorities for the international community or what’s left of it is to prevent the current mainly regional war in the Middle East from degenerating dangerously into another world war, coupled with the task of eliminating the possibility of another nuclear holocaust.

The most scorching of ironies is that the world’s ‘number one power’, the US, has virtually lost its way in the ‘Global Disorder’ it has been party to letting lose. For instance, instead of making good its boast of militarily neutralizing Iran and paving the way for the constant flow of fuel and gas from the Strait of Hormus by itself and Israel, it is now appealing to the rest of the West to come to its assistance. Not surprisingly, US allies are indicating their unwillingness to help pull the US’ ‘chestnuts out of the fire’.

Oil and gas are the veritable life blood of countries and going ahead it should not come as a surprise if impatience gets the better of the major powers and the nuclear option is resorted to by some of them under the dangerous illusion that it would be a quick-fix to their growing economic ills and frustrations.

All the above and more are within the realms of the possible and the need is pressing for humanistic voices to take centre stage in the present runaway crisis. As pointed out in this column last week, Realpolitik has overtaken the world and unless the latter is convinced of the self-destructive nature of the major powers’ policy of ‘meeting fire with fire’ to resolve their disputes, annihilation could be the lot of a good part of the world.

For far too long the voice of humanity has been muted and silenced in the affairs of the world by the incendiary threats and counter-threats of the big powers and their allies. No quarter has been bold enough in these blood pressure-hiking slanging matches to speak of the need for brotherly love and compassion among nations and countries. But it’s the language of love and understanding that is the most pressing need currently and the Mahatma in his time did just that against mighty odds.

At present the US and Iran are trading threats and accusations over military-related developments in the Gulf and it’s anybody’s guess as to what turn these events will take. However, calming voices of humanity and moderation would help in deescalating tensions and such voices need to go to the assistance of the UN chief and his team.

The Mahatma used the technique of ‘Satyagraha’ or the policy of non-violent resistance to oppose and dis-empower to a degree the British empire in his time and the current major powers would do well to take a leaf from Gandhi. The latter also integrated into the strategy of non-violent resistance the policy of ‘Ahimsa’ or love and understanding which helped greatly in uniting rather than alienating adversaries. The language of love, it has been proved, speaks to the hearts and minds of people and has a profoundly healing impact.

Mahatma Gandhi defined the ideal of ‘Ahimsa’ thus: ‘In its positive form, “Ahimsa” means the largest love, the greatest charity. If I am a follower of “Ahimsa”, I must love my enemy or a stranger to me as I would my wrong-doing father or son. This active “Ahimsa” necessarily includes truth and fearlessness.’ (See; ‘Modern Indian Political Thought; Text and Context’ by Bidyut Chakrabarty and Rajendra Kumar Pandey, Sage Publications India, Pvt. Ltd., www.sagepub.in).

In the latter publication, the authors also defined the essence of ‘satyagraha’ as ‘protest without rancour’ and this is seen as ‘holding the key to his entire campaign’ of non-violent resistance. From these perspectives, the teaching, ‘hatred begets hatred’ acquires more salience and meaning.

Accordingly, the voice of reason and love needs to come centre stage and take charge of current international political discourse. The UN and allied organizations which advocate conflict resolution by peaceful means need to get together and ensure that their voices are clearly heard and understood. The global South could help in this process by seeing to the vibrant rejuvenation of organizations such as the Non-aligned Movement.

An immediate task for the peace-oriented and well meaning is to make the above projects happen fast. In the process they should underscore afresh the profound importance of the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi, who is acclaimed the world over as a uniting and healing political personality and prophet of peace.

If the Mahatma is universally acclaimed, the reason is plain to see. Put simply, he spoke to the hearts and minds of people everywhere, regardless of man-made barriers. The language of peace and brotherhood, that is, is understood by everyone. The world needs more prophets of peace and reconciliation of the likes of the Mahatma to drown out the voices of discord and war-mongering and ensure that the language of humanity prevails.

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Exciting scene awaits them …

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The Future Model Hunt extravaganza, organised by Rukmal Senanayake, and advocacy trainer Tharaka Gurukanda, held in late January 2026, has brought into the limelight four outstanding contestants who will participate, at the international level, this year – Sandeepa Sewmini, Demitha Jayawardhana, Diwyanjana Senevirathna, and Nimesha Premachandra.

Nimesha took the honours as Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka 2026 and was featured in The Island of 05th March,

Sandeepa Sewmini was crowned Miss Supranational 2026 and will represent Sri Lanka at the big event to be held in Poland later in the year.

A Business Management and Human Resources student, she will be competing under the guidance of Rukmal Senanayake from the Model With Ruki – Model Academy & Agency.

The Mister Supranational Sri Lanka crown went to Demitha Jayawardhana, a 20-year-old professional model and motocross rider.

Apart from modelling he is engaged in his family business.

Demitha Jayawardhana: Mister Supranational Sri Lanka 2026

Demitha is also a badminton player with a strong passion for sports, fitness and personal growth.

In fact, he is recognised for his strength, discipline, and passion for fitness.

A past student of Wycherley International School and St Peter’s College, Colombo, Demitha is currently in his second year of Economics Management at the Royal Institute of Colombo.

He will represent Sri Lanka at the 10th edition of the Mister Supranational pageant, in Poland, in August, 2026.

Mister and Miss Supranational are annual international beauty pageants, held in Poland, and are designed to discover new talent for the modelling and television industries and produce instant celebrities.

The competition focuses on elegance, intelligence, and social advocacy, with contestants, representing their countries.

The newly appointed Miss Teen International Sri Lanka 2026 is Diwyanjana Senevirathna.

She was crowned at the Future Model Hunt and will represent Sri Lanka at the Miss Teen International 2026 pageant in India.

Diwyanjana is noted for her grace and dedication to representing the country at this prestigious event that aims to celebrate talent, intelligence, charm, and individuality, and provide a platform for young girls to showcase their skills.

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