Editorial
The ten billion rupee question
Non-partisans with eyes to see and ears to hear are now unanimously of the view that both President Ranil Wickremesinghe and his government of the Rajapaksas’ Pohottuwa party are hellbent on putting off the countrywide local authority that must be held by March. The election, no doubt, has been announced and the process of accepting deposits from prospective candidates is ongoing. The media is full of visuals and images of political hopefuls, accompanied by bigwigs of the various parties going to tender their deposits at the various authorized places. The nomination period has been announced for between Jan. 18 to 21. Mr. Nimal Punchihewa, the Chairman of the National Elections Commission (NEC), is on record saying that an election date can only be announced after the receiving of nominations is completed. The new local councilors must be in office by March 20 and for that to be possible the elections must be held by March 10.
Why then all this sound and fury on whether these elections will or will not be held as required? Having plunged this country into bankruptcy with a popularly elected president and prime minister banished into the wilderness, it is clear to all but the blind that the ruling Establishment needs an election, any election even to the lowliest pradeshiya sabha, like it needs a hole in the head. This holds true for both President Ranil Wickremesinghe who was unable to secure even his own seat at the last parliamentary election in August 2020 and reduced his UNP to zero elected seats, as well as the pohottuwa parliamentary party that elected him to serve out the balance of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s term. Hence all this hurrying and scurrying that Sri Lanka is now being treated to.
While Wickremesinghe himself has been less voluble about the emerging election scenario than some of his minions, apart from saying that funding them will be a formidable task, it is obvious to anybody that whatever UNP Chairman Wajira Abeywardene or the president’s Chief-of-Staff and National Security Advisor Sagala Ratnayake says on the subject has the president’s imprimatur. Abeywardene like some other pohottuwa grandees, has been beating the ‘no money’ drum for some time, Ratnayake accompanying a UNP group on Thursday to file nominations entertained viewers on national television by declaring that he wore two hats: one was that of the UNP’s National Organizer. The other was that of National Security Advisor to the President and his Chief-of-Staff. Wearing the first hat he would say that the UNP was ready for the election. But wearing the second he would also say this was not the time for one.
The people of Sri Lanka do not need Sagala Ratnayake to tell them that the country is today in dire straits. That is too well known to everybody feelings the pangs of hunger by skipping meals or going to the corner boutique to buy the simplest of essentials. Yes, the local elections will cost an estimated Rs. 10 billion with some reports saying that this can perhaps be reduced to eight billion. Nobody will claim that the people are wildly enthusiastic about the scheduled polls except for one reason: that of showing the ruling Establishment what the country thinks of it. Despite being reputed for short memories, they have not forgotten that it was the local elections of Feb. 10, 2018, that gave Yahapalana a clear signal of what was going to happen to it at the elections that followed. The SLPP led by Mahinda Rajapaksa (with Basil as chief organizer) was the clear winner with RW’s UNP and Sirisena’s SLFP trailing. The rulers well know people have got scant service from the various local bodies to which they pay rates. They are well aware that they reek with corruption and paid councilors are fattening on public money. They will cheers the intention of cutting down the number of elected councilors to about half the present 8,000. But they will also ask the question who increased these numbers to their present levels? In our perception the electorate will favour a “show them what we think of them election” rather than not have one for reasons of cost.
We have no illusions on the opposition’s desire to hold this election. It is as much motivated by self interest as the government’s determination to defer them by whatever means possible. Exchanges in parliament last week made this as clear as crystal. The country would also like to know what exactly happened when Public Administration and Local Government Secretary Neil Hapuhinna directed that the acceptance of deposits for the election be stopped forthwith. The order, it was reported, was rescinded within the hour and the nomination process continued. Hapuhinna, who has since apologized to the Elections Commission before which he was summoned, attributed his action to a cabinet decision. But Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardene has told parliament that there was no such decision. If so, what happened? And what follows? That is the 10 billion rupee question to which the people deserve an answer. Will they get it and will the official concerned go unscathed?
The Secretary to the Treasury and Finance Ministry, a portfolio held by the President, has gone to the Supreme Court with an affidavit affirming that the country is reeling from a severe economic crisis, that there was a high likelihood of fiscal slippage this year unless steps are taken to curtail even budgeted expenditure; and that an expenditure for an election adds further pressure on an already stressed public finance system. He has further affirmed that the Treasury would find it extremely difficult to find additional resources for an election at this critical juncture. So the ball is very much in the Supreme Court and a final decision very likely lies there.
Editorial
A very sad day for the rule of law
Tuesday 23rd December, 2025
What’s this world coming to when the police cringe and cower before politicians? The JVP has a history of attacking the police. It even murdered the family members of the police personnel who dared defy its illegal orders during its reign of terror in the late 1980s. Old habits are said to die hard. A policeman attached to the Suriyakanda police station has complained that a gang led by a JVP/NPP MP assaulted him following a raid on a cannabis cultivation in Bulutota in the Suriyakanda area. The victim was first admitted to the Kolonna hospital and thereafter transferred to the District General Hospital, Embilipitiya.
NPP MP Shantha Pathmakumara Subasinghe has denied any involvement in the aforesaid assault incident. He has claimed that the policeman confronted him and there was a heated argument; the assault incident was a total fabrication and part of a conspiracy against him, he has alleged. If so, why was the policeman hospitalised and transferred to a District General Hospital? Another police officer has been transferred over the cannabis cultivation issue, according to media reports.
Worse, the policeman receiving treatment was arrested yesterday while his assailants were moving about freely! Thankfully, he was granted bail.
If the land used for cannabis cultivation in Bulutota had belonged to an Opposition politician, IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya himself would have rushed there and held a press conference. Most of all, if the assailants of the policeman had been political rivals of the ruling JVP/NPP, they would have been arrested immediately.
The JVP/NPP politicians have apparently graduated from roughing up their political rivals to assaulting policemen. Such transgressions brought about the collapse of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, which gave free rein to the likes of Mervyn Silva, who together with his son, reduced the police to a bunch of lackeys. The culture of impunity persists despite last year’s regime change.
The JVP leaders asked for stern action against Mervyn, his son and other goons—and rightly so. They sought a popular mandate to govern the country, break what they called a 76-year curse, eliminate bribery and corruption and political violence and restore the rule of law. But today the ruling party politicians have risen above the law. The police mysteriously ran out of breathalyzers when NPP MP Asoka Ranwala met with an accident. He was subjected to a blood alcohol test more than 12 hours after the crash, and his blood and urine samples were sent to the Government Analyst’s Department. It was a foregone conclusion that those samples would test negative for alcohol. There have been instances where heroin samples sent to the Government Analyst’s Department for testing turned out to be flour! Such is the integrity of that institution.
The police unashamedly sided with a group of JVP cadres who stormed a Frontline Socialist Party office and forcibly occupied it a few months ago. The JVP/NPP members can park their vehicles anywhere on the expressway with impunity. Drunk driving is not a problem for the government MPs, for they can undergo blood alcohol tests leisurely after they become fully sober in case of accidents. When raids happen to expose ruling party politicians’ involvement in drug dealing, police officers who conduct them are transferred or assaulted.
One of the worst things that can happen to a country is for its citizens to lose faith in its legal system. A perquisite for bringing order out of chaos in any society is to restore the rule of law, and this is a task for statespersons and not a bunch of self-righteous politicians posing as messiahs.
Politicians take leave of their senses when power goes to their heads. This may explain why they rough up policemen, subvert the legal process, hold ceremonies to mark the resumption of train services after disasters and dance like clowns at railway stations while the country is mourning hundreds of its citizens who perished in disasters.
Editorial
Danger of weak drug regulation
Monday 22nd December, 2025
Maan Pharmaceuticals Ltd., the manufacturer of Ondansetron, which has been withdrawn from hospitals here pending a probe, is reported to have asked the Sri Lankan health authorities to have the drug tested by an internationally accredited laboratory. The use of nine other Maan products too has been suspended in Sri Lanka over quality concerns. Maan’s reaction has come as no surprise; all companies ardently defend their products. However, its concerns should be heeded. The National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) and the Ministry of Health ought to furnish irrefutable evidence in support of their decision to suspend the use of the drugs at issue. The manner in which the NMRA has carried out its duties and functions, especially granting approval for drugs and investigating complaints of their quality, over the years, does not inspire public trust.
The subtext of what has been reported of the Maan’s letter to the Sri Lankan health authorities is worth taking note of. It can be argued that in corporate newspeak, Maan has questioned the competence of the NMRA to test its products. As Maan would have us believe that its products meet international standards, it should be asked to state whether it has gained access to stringent regulatory destinations, such as the US and EU, and, if not, why.
It is being argued in some quarters that the degradation of pharmaceuticals can happen due to improper storage and transport. Maan’s aforesaid letter reportedly has reference to drug storage here. There are allegations that the Sri Lankan health authorities leave imported drugs in freight containers under inappropriate conditions for extended periods. However, the phials of Ondansetron which were tested at the Kandy National Hospital and found to be affected by microbial contamination had been stored properly and their seals were intact, according to media reports, quoting doctors. Thus, the contamination of the drug points to issues in manufacturing and packaging rather than storage and transport.
Meanwhile, a news item in this newspaper today reveals the pivotal importance the pharmaceutical industry has assumed in the Indian economy; India’s pharmaceutical exports have crossed USD 30 billion. Therefore, some critics of the Indian pharmaceutical products are of the view that India will do everything in its power to protect the interests of its drug companies, including Maan. But the fact remains that India itself has cracked down on some of its pharmaceutical companies involved in scandals. It severely dealt with the Indian companies that manufactured contaminated cough syrups which killed 66 children in Gambia in 2022 and 22 children in India in September 2025.
In the greed-driven corporate world, profits take precedence over human life, and there is hardly anything that Big Pharma spares in pursuing profit maximisation. As we pointed out in a previous comment, the World Health Organization has revealed that at least one in 10 medical products in low-and middle-income countries fails to meet quality standards or is falsified. This shows the enormity of the problem of fake and substandard drugs. Hence the need for robust mechanisms to protect patients.
All issues related to substandard and falsified drugs and their adverse effects in this country boil down to the failure of successive governments to address multiple problems pertaining to drug regulation and testing and find long-term solutions. Flaws in regulatory oversight and the absence of proper testing facilities have helped corrupt politicians and bureaucrats enrich themselves by turning this country into a dumping ground for poor-quality and fake medicines. Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa himself has said that not all drugs approved by the NMRA undergo rigorous testing, and thorough tests are conducted on drugs only when there are complaints about their quality.
Most of all, the NMRA has to be cleansed, as a national priority. Its history is replete with numerous scandals, including allegations of corrupt drug registrations, data manipulation, issues with substandard and fake medicines leading to patient deaths prompting investigations, suspensions, legal action, and internal turmoil with officials resigning amidst claims of threats and cover-ups.
Editorial
Misplaced priorities
Sri Lanka has a very ‘promising’ government and a perennially protesting Opposition. The government makes various promises, which are like piecrusts made to be broken. The Opposition in a perpetual state of agitation bursts into protests at the drop of a hat. The two sides have been clashing in Parliament instead of sinking their political differences and cooperating at least in the aftermath of a disaster.
The Opposition has requested Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne to appoint a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the government’s alleged failure to mitigate the impact of Cyclone Ditwah despite repeated warnings issued by the Meteorology Department and the Irrigation Department. The government is determined to avoid a fate similar to that which befell the Yahapalana government following the Easter Sunday terror attacks, which became the undoing of that dysfunctional regime. It is therefore very unlikely to meet the Opposition’s demand at issue. Even if it agrees to appoint a PSC to probe its own alleged lapses, by any chance, it will not allow an Opposition MP to chair the committee and will go all out to frustrate its rivals’ efforts to ruin its political future.
Interestingly, some of the key Opposition members are former Yahapalana MPs who sought to derail a PSC probe into the 2015 Treasury bond scam. They craftily appointed a member of the JVP, which was a Yahapalana partner in all but name, as the Chairman of that PSC, and incorporated a slew of footnotes into the committee report in a bid to dilute it.
In this country, PSCs rarely help get to the bottom of the issues they probe. The PSC on the Treasury bond scam went out of its way to clear the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s name, and helped the UNP scapegoat former Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran and throw him to the wolves. In 2012, Mahinda Rajapaksa government turned a PSC probe into a witch-hunt against then Chief Justice Dr. Shirani Bandaranayake, who was subsequently wrongfully impeached. The PSC that investigated the Easter Terror attacks (2019) gathered a lot of valuable information but its findings, conclusions and recommendations were tainted by a glaring political bias.
Going by the government’s determined bid to let its MP Asoka Ranwala off the hook, following a road accident, how ruthless the JVP-led NPP will be in warding off threats to its political survival is not difficult to imagine. The Opposition can go on shouting until it is blue in the face but it will not be able to have the government’s alleged failure to heed disaster warnings and save lives investigated properly as long as the JVP/NPP is in power.
What we are witnessing on the political front, especially in Parliament, is like a drunken brawl at a funeral. The government and the Opposition are fighting while the country is mourning those who perished in recent floods and landslides.
What the political parties represented in Parliament ought to do at this juncture is to get their priorities right. They must stop clashing and make a concerted effort to carry out post-disaster rebuilding operations and strengthening the economy. They must not lose sight of the rapid depreciation of the rupee, and the disconcerting forecasts of an economic slowdown. The much-advertised revenue bubble, created by an unprecedented increase in vehicle imports, is about to burst, and the possibility of the country having a rupee crisis to contend with again cannot be ruled out. Foreign reserve targets are far from achieved, and there is a pressing need to boost the forex inflow and ensure that the country will be able to honour its pledge to resume foreign debt repayment in 2028.
All political parties have done precious little for the disaster victims. They have been only visiting the welfare centres and distributing relief materials collected from the considerate public. They ought to engage in post-disaster rebuilding actively. Reconstruction is a labour-intensive task. The self-righteous political leaders should mobilise their community level organisation for post-disaster rebuilding. Sadly, they have not even helped clean flood-hit houses.
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