Midweek Review

The Order of the Rising Sun conferred on former Governor of Central Bank, Sri Lanka

Published

4 years ago

2022/09/7

Governor, CBSL, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, responding to lawmakers. (From left:) Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Dr. Weerasinghe, SLFP MP Angajan Ramanathan and Deputy Secretary General of Parliament, Kushani Rohanadeera, who introduced the Governor, while acknowledging the parliamentary accountability for finance (pic courtsy Parliament)

For the first time in parliamentary history, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka has issued a dire warning to Parliament and political parties therein over the responsibility on their part to ensure financial stability and discipline. Their failure to do so would trigger public protests again, they were told. There hadn’t been such a public warning. The warning was issued by no less a person than Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, Governor of the Central Bank, when he dealt with ‘Sri Lanka’s current economic situation and way forward’ on Aug 31.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Government of Japan, on August 22, conferred ‘The Order of the Rising Sun,’ Gold Rays with Neck Ribbon’ on Deshamanya Prof. Weligamage Don Lakshman, former Governor of the Central Bank (Dec 2019-Sept – 2021). Prof. W.D. Lakshman received the Japanese honour at a ceremony held at the residence of Japanese Ambassador Mizukoshi Hideaki. Kalyani Siriseeli Lakshman, the spouse of the emeritus professor, was conferred ‘The Order of the Rising Sun, Gold Rays with Rosette.’

The Japanese Embassy declared they were honoured for their distinguished contribution in promoting mutual understanding and friendship between Japan and Sri Lanka, through education.

‘The Order of the Rising Sun’ is awarded by the Emperor of Japan to foreign nationals who have made a distinguished contribution to enhancing friendly relations with Japan. The Japanese Embassy statement, dated August 22, also made reference to his tenure as the Governor of the Central Bank.

Before The Island dealt with Prof. Lakshman’s CBSL leadership, it would be pertinent to mention that Sri Lanka’s diplomatic relations with Japan suffered irreparable damage during this tenure when the former unilaterally cancelled the Tokyo-funded Light Rail Transit (LRT) project, after much groundwork had been completed. Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, the then Secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in September 2020, just weeks after the UPFA scored a landslide victory at the last general election, issued instructions to terminate the Japan International Cooperation Agency-funded LRT on the grounds that it was ‘very costly and not the appropriate cost-effective transport solution for the urban Colombo transportation infrastructure.’

Recently, the former Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) Prof. Charitha Herath, MP, asserted, in Parliament, that the cancellation of the LRT project still remained a mystery. The SLPP rebel alleged that even the person (Dr. PBJ) who issued instructions, in that regard, is silent over the circumstances leading to the cancellation of the project. Did President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the Cabinet-of-Ministers, the Finance Ministry, or Dr. PBJ, who functioned as the President’s chief advisor on economic affairs, consult Prof. Lakshman and then Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, before rushing to that decision?

The Governor of the Central Bank heads the five-member Monetary Board. At the time Dr. PBJ issued instructions, as regards the termination of the project, the Monetary Board consisted of Governor Prof. W.D. Lakshman, S.R. Attygalle (both ex-officio), Sanjiva Jayawardena, PC, Dr. Ranee Jayamaha and Samantha Kumarasinghe.

During the COPE proceedings, in May this year, chaired by Prof. Herath, the parliamentary watchdog committee established failure as well as the responsibility on the part of the Monetary Board, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa (he held the finance portfolio at that time), the Cabinet-of-Ministers, and Dr. PBJ, for the current crisis. The incumbent Governor, CBSL didn’t mince his words when he, in response to questions posed by Prof. Herath and opposition SJB lawmakers, Patali Champika Ranawaka and Dr. Harsha de Silva, named those responsible. Soft spoken Dr. Weerasinghe didn’t hesitate at all when he identified Dr. PBJ as the one who blocked an early agreement between the government and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Of course reform medicines, that the Fund prescribes, are very bitter to swallow for those seeking its assistance and it is not short of critics around the world. And many of its patients, especially in Latin America and Africa, are yet in dire straits after swallowing its medicines for years, if not decades. Many of those countries have got some glimmer of hope only after countries like China came forth with generous aid projects, especially in the form of massive infrastructure developments, like railways, housing, etc., often criticized by the West.

Playing politics with a bankrupt economy

Recently some members of Parliament demanded an inquiry into the failure on the part of Dr. Weerasinghe to inform Parliament of the status of the economy. They found fault with him for declaring Sri Lanka’s inability to service foreign debt before bringing it to the notice of the House.

A section of the media reported that Dr. Weerasinghe is in a soup for not duly informing Parliament about the ground situation. Perhaps, the lawmakers had conveniently forgotten that the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had requested Dr. Weerasinghe to take over the leadership of the CBSL after the country became virtually insolvent, even unable to pay for basics from abroad. At the time Dr. Weerasinghe retired, in January 2021, he held the post of Senior Deputy Governor and received the top post on April 08, about a month before a humiliated Mahinda Rajapaksa quit the premiership. Just 72 hours later, the UNP leader succeeded Rajapaksa. Less than two weeks later, Wickremesinghe secured the finance portfolio, too.

In fact, by the time Prof. Lakshman quit, in September 2021, to pave the way for Ajith Nivard Cabraal, who previously served as the Governor CBSL from 2006 to 2015, to return to the same top post, the economy was in tatters. Cabraal’s much publicized six-month roadmap didn’t change a thing. The ruling SLPP continued to engage in silly propaganda as the situation deteriorated, rapidly; by the time President Rajapaksa’s government approached Dr. Weerasinghe in Australia, the crisis was beyond control.

The retired political appointee Prof. Lakshman cannot absolve himself of causing unprecedented destruction and current turmoil though he simply succumbed to political pressure. What Prof. Lakshman actually did was the overseeing of the destruction of the economy in his capacity as the Governor and head of the Monetary Board.

Of course matters were exacerbated by some unforeseen events, beginning with the unprecedented terror attacks by Islamic terrorists here on Easter Sunday 2019, supposedly in retaliation for terror attacks on Muslims, in places like Christchurch, New Zealand, that delivered a body blow to the vital tourism industry here. Then before we could recover from that, there came the pandemic fear from the beginning of the following year with resultant lockdowns that also crippled the entire economy. To the credit of our rulers, we did weather the pandemic storm better than most countries, including India, where unknown numbers perished. We were also hit, like every other country, by the war in Ukraine, which could have been easily defused, like the 1962 Cuban missile crisis involving the then two super powers as now. But in our opinion what reduced us to being international beggars was the almost successful shutting down of our last lucrative foreign exchange earner, the remittances of our expatriate workers by illegal underground money transfer schemes, known as Hawala and Undiyal.

It was also the fault of the authorities, going back to possibly the 1990s, for allowing private foreign exchange traders to operate with hardly any controls that led to the bleeding of vital foreign currencies from the country. It has been a known fact that proceeds from the lucrative drug trade had been easily repatriated abroad by drug dealers, thanks to the free availability of foreign currency with those dealers, where no questions are asked. We wonder whether such anti-national decisions were taken at the behest of economic hitmen at the IMF and the World Bank.

Combination of these situations led to the country being reduced to an international beggar.

Hell-bent on appeasing his political masters, Prof. Lakshman, well past his prime, merely followed instructions. Those who remained as Monetary Board members, under Prof. Lakshman’s leadership, cannot absolve themselves of the responsibility for the current crisis. Had Jayawardena, a highly successful lawyer, and Jayamaha, a retired top Central Banker, and even headed private banks, were so concerned and opposed the conduct of Prof. Lakshman and Treasury Secretary Attygalle, they should have quit the outfit. Instead, they remained. And they continued to do so. Their declarations at the COPE proceedings of their failed bids to influence Prof. Lakshman cannot justify their failure.

Of course, the Japanese Embassy, in Colombo, shouldn’t be faulted for recommending the Order of the Rising Sun for Prof. Lakshman in the evening of his life for services rendered during better days. However, the Japanese Embassy caused quite a stir when Senior Professor Sampath Amaratunga, Chairman of the University Grants Commission (UGC) was conferred ‘The Order of the Rising Sun’ twice.

The academic received the award on 14 October 2021 from the then Japanese Ambassador in Colombo, Akira Sugiyama, at his official residence. For the second time, the UGC Chief received the same at Dharmavijayaloka Vihara in Rukmale in Pannipitiya at an event organized on January 22, 2022. The incumbent Japanese Ambassador Mizukoshi Hideaki and the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa were present on the occasion.

Ali Sabry, PC, had the guts to defend Dr. Weerasinghe in Parliament. In fact, both Dr. Weerasinghe as well as Sabry, in his capacity as the Finance Minister squarely blamed those who had advised President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for the economic meltdown. Having held talks in Washington with the IMF and the World Bank in late May, Sabry, in an exclusive interview with Swarnavahini in early June disclosed how the advisors (Dr.PBJ, Governors of the CBSL, Treasury Secretary et al) deceived the President and the Cabinet-of-Ministers until it was too late.

No one challenged Sabry over his shocking declarations. Actually, Sabry basically repeated what Dr. Weerasinghe told the COPE.

Formidable challenge

Dr. Weerasinghe, obviously has earned the wrath of some lawmakers/political parties for taking an uncompromising stand against irresponsible governance. Addressing the Mps, on the invitation of Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, in Parliament, the day after President Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Finance Minister presented an interim budget, Dr. Weerasinghe warned that the whole exercise, involving the IMF, could collapse if political parties didn’t change their strategies. Dr. Weerasinghe demanded a genuine acceptance of the agreement or warned political parties to prepare to face the consequences. Had the Parliament met its two primary obligations, namely financial responsibility and enactment of laws, the Speaker wouldn’t have found any justifiable reason to invite the Governor who indicated he would not stand any nonsense under any circumstances.

Whatever some unscrupulous politicians say, the vast majority of the public appreciated senior officials taking such a stand. It would be pertinent to mention the circumstances Dr. Weerasinghe received a six-year term on June 30 as the Governor, CBSL. Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy, who succeeded Arjuna Mahendran in June 2016, in the wake of the second far bigger Treasury bond scam, was unceremoniously asked to leave after Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s triumph at the Nov 2019 presidential election. Those who managed the President’s diary almost succeeded in depriving Dr. Coomaraswamy an opportunity to pay a courtesy call on the President before his retirement. Dr. Coomaraswamy’s six-year term was shared by Prof. Lakshman, Cabraal and Dr. Weerasinghe. Now that Dr. Weerasinghe has received a fresh six-year term, the government is not in a position to remove him, unless he left voluntarily.

At last a Governor of the CBSL has dared to take a principled stand vis-a-vis political interference. An utterly corrupt and reckless and irresponsible lot had been told in no uncertain terms that a bankrupt country couldn’t continue the way, those who represented the legislature wanted to exploit the electorate at the expense of the national economy.

The culpability of Cabraal, who represented Finance Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa cannot be disregarded. As the State Finance Minister for Money and Capital Markets and State Enterprise Reform (Aug 2020 to Sept 2021) Cabraal played a significant role in the overall financial management. Dr. Harsha de Silva has repeatedly raised Cabraal’s culpability as regards the current financial turmoil.

Reappraisal of perks and privileges

As the country struggles to come to terms with the growing difficulties, the government in consultation with all political parties represented in Parliament and trade unions representing key sectors should review the national economy. The need to reexamine and take tangible corrective measures cannot be delayed any further. Perks, privileges granted to all sectors, should be reviewed. If they are genuine, the issuance of much abused duty free vehicle permits can be examined as part of the overall measures to save foreign exchange. Thanks to anti-corruption campaigner, controversial Attorney-at-Law Nagananda Kodituwakku, the country got to know how our lawmakers brazenly abused the duty free permits. They had an absolutely wonderful scheme (wonderful to them and their associates) which allowed them to sell the ownership of the duty free vehicles imported by them to those not entitled to that facility the same day the vehicles were registered in their names.

Nagananda Kodituwakku has not been successful in his attempts to move Court against those lawmakers engaged in a lucrative trade/massive scam with the blessings of Parliament whoever won the general election. Only a few declined the offer to obtain a duty free permit for the sole purpose of financially benefiting at the expense of the national economy.

At the onset of the financial crisis in 2020, the Finance Ministry submitted a Cabinet paper to import duty free vehicles for all MPs. The move was later shelved amidst growing public resentment. Over the years, successive governments mercilessly exploited the country until the national economy deteriorated to such an extent, violent public protests erupted on March 31.

Incumbent CBSL Governor warned political parties represented in Parliament that public protests could erupt again if they repeated their habitual political strategies meant to win elections at any cost.

Dr. Weerasinghe quite cleverly used his speech to highlight how all political parties shamelessly undermined the national economy by promising relief in spite of the government whoever was in power lacking the financial strength to do so. The lawmakers were warned against undermining the economy by electioneering based on promises. There had never been such a fiery speech delivered by an outsider to members of Parliament since the shifting of Parliament, from Galle Face to Sri Jayewardenepura, 40 years ago. Members of Parliament, past and present would have been humiliated and ashamed of the way they managed the national economy, especially since 1977.

The Parliament released the link that gave access to Dr. Weerasinghe’s full speech. President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, the Cabinet-of-Ministers, leaders of political parties represented in Parliament, the media and the civil society should pay attention to the Governor’s talk. The Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary should heed the concerns raised by the Governor. There had never been such a straightforward criticism of an utterly corrupt system that thrived at the expense of the public.

Dr. Weerasinghe response to reckless, corrupt and irresponsible system can be examined against the backdrop of advice given by Dr. Coomaraswamy several years ago. In Nov 2018, Coomaraswamy advised the electorate as regards parliamentary elections. Dr. Coomaraswamy made the appeal before the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCol) on irregularities at SriLankan Airlines, SriLankan Catering and Mihin Lanka.

Dr. Coomaraswamy told the PCol almost prophetically that the country was facing a non-virtuous cycle of debt and it was a very fragile situation which could even lead to a debt crisis. “Of course my colleagues in the debt department have plans and capability to manage it. But it’s the duty of every citizen to act responsibly as regards the government policy”, he told the PCol. Dr. Coomaraswamy emphasized that people should elect MPs who were prudent enough to handle fiscal and monetary matters of the country. “I am not referring to any government, but it’s been the case ever since Independence”.

Obviously, the electorate didn’t heed Dr. Coomaraswamy’s call. Those who won the next general election in Aug 2020 simply allowed things to slip out of control. They couldn’t have done so without the support of those who managed the economy. Two of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s successors, Prof. Lakshman and Cabraal are under fire for their role in the current crisis. The Court has been moved against Cabraal.

Dr. Coomaraswamy is on record as having said that the failure on the part of successive governments to manage expenditure since the country gained Independence has caused the current economic instability.

Months later, in response to The Island query, Dr. Coomaraswamy declared Sri Lanka had been plagued by a toxic combination of populist politics and an entrenched entitlement culture among the people.

“Time and again, the electoral calendar has undermined fiscal discipline,” Dr. Coomaraswamy asserted.

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Midweek Review

Overall SLPP failures stressed in new Aragalaya narrative

Published

5 days ago

2026/05/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa receives a copy of Mohan Samaranayake's ‘Regime Change project 2022’ at its launch held at Sri Lanka Foundation recently.

The US has been complicit in the 9 July 2022 assault on the President’s House. A new book, on the regime change project, by renowned political commentator Mohan Samaranayake, examined the then US Ambassador Julie Chung’s role in the operation. Referring to her twitter messages before the final assault, the author pointed out how she warned the government and the military against the advance on the President’s House while reassuring protection for the attacking party.

Throughout the March 31-July 14, 2022 period, Chung blatantly intervened in the government’s response, thereby preventing tangible action being taken to neutralise the growing threat.

Bringing up claims regarding Chung/ Indian High Commissioner Gopal Baglay putting pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to accept the presidency, Samaranayake declared that only Abeywardena could clear the continuing controversy regarding the intervention made by an envoy. Regardless of who visited the Speaker, at his official residenc, as the JVP-led crowds prepared to bring Parliament under their control on 13 May, 2022, what we should keep in mind is that it was a joint US-Indian project. Who definitely met the then Speaker, followed by a delegation consisting of Buddhist and Catholic clergy and civil society, who, too, echoed the foreign instigated agenda, is irrelevant.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Political and foreign affairs commentator Mohan Samaranayake meticulously deals with the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022, in a manner that exposed the failure on the part of the then ruling party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), to recognise the US-Indian plot that was in the making no sooner he assumed office as the President, or even before that. Samaranayake also discusses the pathetic police and armed forces response to the threat (Chapter 7).

Samaranayake dealt with the possibility of at least a section of the Cabinet-of-Ministers, unwittingly contributing to the overall strategy meant to undercut the government and isolate the President.

‘Regime Change project 2022’, authored by one-time UN public communications staffer, at its Colombo office, who also held several government appointments over a period of time, including under Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure, found fault with Ministers Dullas Alahaperuma and Udaya Gammanpila, leader of the SLPP constituent, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya.

Samaranayake shed light on a frightening situation, within the ruling party, that lacked at least a basic plan of action, struggling to cope up with internal strife. He singled out the Basil Rajapaksa-led group as the worst of the offenders. Samaranayake is spot on. The author quite rightly declared that the triumph of the regime change project was nothing but the disintegration of the nationalistic group, within the ruling bloc. Unfortunately, the SLPP seemed to have failed to realise the gravity of that situation.

Pointing out that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa hadn’t been the leader of the ruling party, in one line, the author emphasised how the authoritarian conduct of the Basil Rajapaksa–led section of the parliamentary group caused rapid deterioration. The SLPP secured a near 2/3 majority at the 2020 parliamentary election. Formed in 2016, the SLPP, having won 18 electoral districts, bagged 145 seats. Basil Rajapaksa’s group didn’t tolerate dissent. That group slammed Wimal Weerawansa when he urged the SLFP to create an influential position for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa who ended up sacking Weerawansa and Gammanpila for some other mattter. The author criticised the President’s action.

It would be interesting to ascertain how the conspirators exploited the discord, within the ruling party, as they advanced the anti-Gotabaya strategy. Samaranayake, like others who authored books on overthrowing President Rajapaksa, acknowledged that the economic fallout, caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, and the war in Ukraine, facilitated the operation.

The leader of Jathika Nidahas Peramuna, Wimal Weerawansa, was the first to release a book on the regime change project. “Nine: The Hidden Story,’’ launched in April 2023, caused quite a controversy over claims of direct US intervention. Then US Ambassador Julie Chung denied Weerawansa’s revelation that she asked Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the presidency, regardless of constitutional impediments. Later the then Speaker’s indirect admission of what transpired proved much of Weerawansa’s assertions, though there is till controversy over the identity of the envoy who visited the Speaker at his official residence on 13 July, 2022. Remember the old adage that ambassadors are there to lie abroad for their country.

Weerawansa was followed by the much-respected writer, Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy), ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (The Conspiracy to Oust Me from the Presidency), Maj. Gen. K. B. Egodawela who served on President Rajapaksa’s staff (Aragalaya: From Love to Violence), President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s media chief Prof. Sunanada Madduma Bandara (Aragalaye Balaya), Treasury Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery), and expert current affairs commentator Asanga Abeygunasekera (Winds of Change).

However, Samaranayake obviously has paid extra attention to the SLPP’s inner shortcomings that contributed to the overall success of the regime change operation. At the tail end of the first chapter, Samaranayake raised a spate of questions regarding the terrifying possibility of inside help that enabled the conspirators to carry out the regime change operation. Samaranayake asked whether those within the government caused economic deterioration deliberately, in support of the move against the President.

Referring to economic indicators and comparing the official figures, the author stressed the deterioration of the national economy during the Yahapalana administration (2015 to 2019) contributed to the economic collapse, like borrowing as much as USD12 billion by Wickremesinghe’s regime at high interests, however all that was conveniently put on President Gotabaya Rajapaksa by convenient critics leaving out elements of truth disadvantageous to their agenda. Propagation of false and politically motivated narratives, according to Samaranayake, seemed to have overwhelmed the President and his sharply divided parliamentary group.

On the basis of a disclosure made by the ex-President, Samaranayake highlighted how a far reaching decision to unilaterally suspend debt repayment was taken even without consulting the President.

Swiss Embassy affair

Samaranayake, who served as the Director General of President Gotabaya Rajapaksas’s Media Division, examined the regime change operation, taking into consideration what was dubbed as the Swiss Embassy affair, at the onset of his administration. Having acknowledged President Rajapaksa thwarted a diabolical Swiss plot to tarnish his government, using local Embassy employee Ganiya Bannister Francis (Siriyalatha Perera is her original name/She now lives abroad) from discrediting Sri Lanka, the author asserted that the SLPP’s failure to take the then Swiss Ambassador Hanspeter Mock to task for false flag operation influenced those who planned the regime change to go ahead.

The SLPP should reexamine its response to the Swiss Embassy affair. Perhaps, Sri Lanka should revisit the incident, particularly against the backdrop of accusations that Hanspeter Mock pursued an utterly contemptible agenda targeting Sri Lanka. Among the incidents cited was the Ambassador facilitating Chief Inspector Nishantha de Silva of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) leaving the country without government authorisation.

Samaranayake’s assertion that the 2022 colour revolution was an extension of the 2015 regime change operation seems controversial to some people, though the writer believes the first such project was mounted in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s triumph over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The US backed UNP-JVP-TNA project to field war-winning Army Commander Sarath Fonseka as the common presidential candidate against incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa that exposed the US hand. There cannot be any dispute over that.

The seriousness of Samaranayake’s allegation that ex-parliamentarian Hirunika Premachandra (SJB), on behalf of the regime change operation, tested President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s defences during protest conducted outside the President’s private residence at Pangiriwatta, Mirihana, on 5 March, 2022. The issue at hand is whether the SJB authorised Hirunika’s actions at Pangiriwatta. But, Samaranayake’s criticism of the President and the armed forces, as well as the intelligence services, for failing to take tangible measures against the growing and deepening regime change threat. The author went to the extent of describing them as ,silent onlookers. The accusation that the President refused to believe that he was the target of the regime change operation underscored the SLPP’s pathetic response to the threat.

Samaranayake painted a bleak picture of the situation by quoting Egodawela, who served the Army, like Gotabaya, as having asserted that the March 31, 2022 violent protest was meant to assassinate President Rajapaksa. In post-Aragalaya examination of events/developments, Samaranayake blamed the police and armed forces for not neutralising gangs that unleashed violence in the aftermath of the attack on the Galle Face protesters, on 9 May, 2022. But, unfortunately, Samaranayake failed to pay sufficient attention to the failure on the part of the police and the armed forces to prevent Temple Trees mounting the first attack. There is no doubt that Temple Trees ordered the attack in a desperate bid to break the siege on the Presidential Secretariat, contrary to the instructions issued by President Gotabaya.

Samaranayake, who studied the situation, leading to the overthrowing of President Gotabaya, March 31 to July 14, 2022, period, and subsequent developments for nearly two years, emphasised the alleged bid to kill the President, and several others, and display their bodies on 9 July, 2022, following the storming of the President’s House. Based on social media posts, the author made the shocking claim that a private local and a foreign television channel had been there to telecast the displaying of bodies.

Perhaps, the plot could have succeeded if not for the timely intervention made by the then Navy Commander, Vice Admiral Nishantha Ulugettenne, who deployed SLNS Gajabahu to move the President and First Lady Anoma, who received the appreciation of all for being humble.

Ranil’s role and Yahapalana fault

Wickremesinghe played a crucial role in the project to oust President Rajapaksa. That is the undeniable truth. Beleaguered Gotabaya’s decision to accommodate Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister, in April 2022, and then elevate him as the President, wouldn’t change the ugly truth. The author didn’t mince his words when he explained the swift collapse of the externally backed operation, soon after Gotabaya’s ouster. Those who funded the regime change project, lawyers/BASL involved in it and men and women who pursued political and religious agendas, according to the author, felt satisfied when Gotabaya stepped down. “They knew when to halt the campaign,” declared Samaranayake whose criticism of the President and the SLPP should attract their attention.

Samaranayake asserted that Wickremesinghe’s readiness to swiftly deploy the military and police to chase away those who remained outside the Presidential Secretariat, and other places, too, after Gotabaya’s ouster, contributed to the normalisation of the situation.

Having provided muscle to the protest campaign at the beginning, the UNP and the SJB cannot, under any circumstances, absolve themselves of the responsibility for the violence unleashed by organised gangs. Samaranayake’s clear stand that such violence cannot be justified, on the basis of Temple Trees allowing some staunch supporters to attack the Galle Face protesters out of sheer desperation, should be commended. SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, who sought political mileage out of the rapidly developing situation on 9 May, 2022, following the attack on the Galle Face protesters, was nearly killed when he visited the protest site. If not for the quick response of his bodyguards, Aragalaya activists could have captured him and other SJB lawmakers. Had that happened, the result could have been catastrophic.

One of the most controversial claims made by the author was the Chinese involvement in the regime change project. Although allegations and claims pertaining to the US, European and Indian interventions are in the public domain, the alleged direct Chinese involvement is a matter of grave concern. The author, without hesitation, named China and Russia in a group that included the US, the UK, EU, Japan and India hell-bent on achieving their political, economic and military objectives at the expense of other countries. Citing Sri Lanka as a case in point, the author methodically discussed post-Second WW regime change operations elsewhere while paying attention to the US-China conflict that undermined Sri Lanka’s sovereignty.

Samaranayake mentioned the US backing for retired General Sarath Fonseka at the 2010 presidential election, less than a year after the eradication of the LTTE as an instance that proved the US determination to achieve its objectives at any cost. Had the author been aware Fonseka was categorised alongside the Rajapaksa brothers as war criminals. It is like the way US treats ISIS as good terrorists and bad terrorist depending on whom they back. WikiLeaks released the then US Ambassador Patricia Butenis’s classified missive to Washington in addition to a spate of other documents which revealed directed US involvement in selecting Fonseka as the common candidate.

Samaranayake squarely differed with those who build their narratives on the basis of the actions of the then US Ambassador Julie Chung (2022 to January 2026) and Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland (2021 to 2024). Samaranayake is quite right in his assessment that, like many other US officials, the likes of Chung and Nuland were only tools to achieve overall US objectives. In the case of hapless Sri Lanka, the US strategy was/ is meant to ensure that Colombo remained aligned with the Indo-Pacific doctrine regardless of political changes. The way the US and its partner in crime India embraced and propped up JVP/NPP and again reiterated their approach.

An Act like no other

Samaranayake didn’t even bother to mention Siriwardena’s book that dealt with the developments, essentially with focus on economics leading to President Gotabaya’s ouster. Similarly, there hadn’t been a reference to ‘Winds of Change.’ (https://island.lk/aragalaya-gr-blames-cia-in-asanga-abeyagoonasekeras-explosive-narrative/)

Let me briefly discuss a major difference between Samaranayake’s take on economic crisis and that of Siriwardena who confidently asserted that Gotabaya’s presidency could have been saved if the government secured IMF loan facility. ( https://island.lk/aragalaya-could-have-been-thwarted-and-grs-presidency-saved-mahinda-siriwardana/)

According to Samaranayake’s narrative, the sudden suspension of debt repayment scheme even without consulting President Gotabaya had been a calculated move to entrap Sri Lanka in IMF strategy.

It would be pertinent to mention that President Wickremesinghe, in July, 2024, managed to adopt the Economic Transformation Act without a vote, in line with the overall IMF/other lending agencies’ strategy to ensure Sri Lanka remained aligned with the IMF, regardless of political changes. Having opposed the IMF outwardly over the years, the JVP/NPP pledged its allegiance to the IMF, without any hesitation, once installed in power at the expense of its purported original principles. There had never been such an Act that forbade political parties of pursuing policies contrary to specific IMF dictates.

Samaranayake explained how the JVP/NPP completely changed its approach in the wake of the 2024 national elections. Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who, in his capacity as the leader of the JVP, as well as its parliamentary group, in 2015 October, lashed out in Parliament against unbridled activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) in Jaffna. In April 2025 President Dissanayake entered into seven vital MoUs with Premier Modi. One dealt with defence, and a few months later Sri Lanka allowed Japan to sell controlling interests in the strategic ship builder Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL), once carefully nursed by late National Security Minister Lalith Athulathmudali who was assassinated by the LTTE, to Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) affiliated with the Indian Ministry of Defence.

The way Sri Lanka succumbed to Western powers and India and ended up in their domain, therefore, as Samaranayake predicted, there may never be a comprehensive investigation into the despicable regime change operation. Alleging that Wickremesinghe conveniently allowed those responsible at all levels, including the military and police to go scot-free, the author asserted that Dissanayake, a key beneficiary of that operation, too, may never intervene.

Premier Modi, who sort of gave his blessings to the despicable decapitating operation against Iran, by visiting Tel Aviv, should realise that he is no darling of the West and he, too, will be stabbed in the back as these evil pale faces have done to others if they suspect that his country might be a future threat, both militarily and economically, to them. The US denied visa to Modi in March 2005. The State Department acted in terms of the Immigration and Nationality Act, citing Modi’s alleged responsibility for “particularly severe violations of religious freedom” related to the 2002 Gujarat violence.

Referring to various uprisings and revolutions that shaped the world over the past several centuries and those who propagated lies as they advanced frightening strategy here, the author confidently asserted that the vast majority didn’t realise that they were being used in a high profile regime change project.

Samaranayake’s narrative is a must read, as it is a no holds barred examination of available facts, sometimes ignored by political parties, the judiciary and the media. Having read all books that dealt with regime change projects, except the one by Maj. Gen. Egodawella, the writer is of the view that Samaranayake went to extraordinary lengths to educate the people of the challenges faced by post-war Sri Lanka.

The challenge to the country’s unitary status seems to be growing in the absence of a cohesive strategy regardless of political interests to safeguard national interests. The situation seems so bad and further deteriorating rapidly, the 17tth anniversary of armed forces triumph over separatist Tamil terrorism appears to be irrelevant. Let us hope Samaranayake’s thought-provoking narrative receives public attention and influences the decision-makers to change their direction.

In fact, there had never been such a comprehensive examination of regime change operation, taking into consideration a wide-range of facts/issues to prove the US dominance here, though China still runs many critically important projects. Unassuming Samaranayake, like Thoradeniya, remain among a small group of people who had the strength and courage to tell the truth.

Midweek Review

Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka – part iii

Published

5 days ago

2026/05/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Sirancee Gunawardena, the author of ‘Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka ‘(1977) met J. Pannila of Artigala south, Hanwella when she was researching palm leaf manuscripts. He was then a village elder and was the descendant of a long line of palm leaf manuscript writers.

Pannila had told Sirancee how the palm leaf is prepared as writing material and she has reproduced the information in her book. It is possible to infer from the knowledge shown by Pannila that palm leaf manuscripts writers were also trained in preparing the palm leaf, and in preserving the manuscript as well as writing on it. I think there may have been others who lacked the skill of writing, but who knew to prepare the item and to preserve it.

In Sri Lanka palm leaf manuscripts were made out of the young fronds of the Talipot palm. Talipot was able to resist the tropical climate of Sri Lanka. Pannila said, before the leaf bud opens, rings of bamboo are put 18 inches apart round the main leaf (sic). After 21 days, the branch is cut and brought down carefully, from the crown of the tree which is usually about 60 feet above ground. The mid rib of each leaf is cut off and the leaves become flexible strips.

The leaves are wound up into rolls. These are put into a large clay pot, with layers of pineapple leaves in between. Pot is filled with water and Kappetiya branches are placed on top, the vessels is sealed with a cloth and heated over a fire. The palm leaves were considered sufficiently boiled when the leaves of the Kappetiya fell off. The rolls were then taken out and washed.

The leaves were polished by rubbing them against a rounded pole of Walla wood, till the strips became flat. They were hung on a coir rope, like a clothes line, and kept outdoors for a week or so, get a fine polished texture. They were now ready for writing. The leaf strip was placed on a piece of soft wood and held in the left hand for writing with the right hand.

Writing was done with the Panhinda. This stylus had a steel tipped quill. The end of the quill was like that of an arrow, both sides were sharp and the edge was pointed to obtain sharp outlines. There were different sized quills. Some broader than others. Sharp, small size stylus was used for drawings. Sirancee owned two stylus, one long stylus with an ornate fan shaped top and another with two decorative metal globules.

The ordinary stylus was traditionally hand made by the village blacksmith. But there were elaborate ones with ornate gold, metal, ivory or carved wooden handles. The gold stylus was made of pure gold except for the stylus which was of steel. The gold stylus was a symbol of prestige. The Ananda Coomaraswamy collection has a golden stylus with royal ensign ‘SrI’. It is said to have been originally given by King Narendrasinha to Alagaboda Nilame.

The stylus was treated with respect. Sirancee pointed out that the Maha Lekammitiya and stylus were carried in the Dalada temple procession in the Esala perahera. The Matale Mahadivase Kadainmpota said “Niharepola Alahakoon Mohottala was appointed lekam of Tunkorale and received the ran Panhinda and flag”.

Inscribing a palm leaf was a skilled task. A scribe had to go through a long period of training before he was allowed to write on ola. Only very experienced writers were allowed to inscribe a major work. The handwriting in a manuscript therefore was very beautiful and were works of art, said Sirancee. Letters were uniform and evenly spaced. Palm leaf drawings were fine line drawings, which required great skill. Circles and shapes were drawn free hand.

The manuscript usually starts with the auspicious word ‘Svasti’, with the latter ‘ka’ below it. The text commenced with traditional salute to the Buddha and ended with a colophon which gave the name of the author and promoter and some times the scribe and the date. But most authors were anonymous.

Palm leaf manuscripts were numbered starting from the Sinhala letter Ka according to the Sinhala alphabet. words were written from left to right. There are no punctuation marks and no spaces between words. There were margins and a symbol to demarcate paragraphs. Most manuscripts only had text, but there were many with illustrations.

The words scratched on the ola had to be made visible. Inking was a special art. The process was called Kalumadima. The palm leaf was rubbed with a soft cloth dipped in Dummala oil and powdered charcoal obtained from the Godama tree. The surface of the leaf was then cleaned with rice bran (Dahaiyya).

The dummala used was a resin derived from a fossilised root of a plant called Hal ((vateria acuminata). It was dug out from paddy fields and river beds, on the two auspicious days, Wednesdays and Saturday. The dummala was distilled in an earthen pot with the outside coated in cow dung and clay. The distilling was done between 6 pm and 2 am in the garden. Ten pounds of Dummala produced about 2 bottles of oil.

When palm leaves were gathered together to form a single text, they resembled books. The manuscripts seen by Sirancee averaged 60-65 folios, but there were many which were larger. One manuscript had 311 folios.

Creating this ‘book’ was also a special process. The leaves were cut into the required size, usually two inches wide and between 8 and 18 inches in length. The inscribed leaves were placed one under the other. Holes were punched with a hot rod, and a cord passed through. The punching of holes was done according to rules given as verse. Fold the leaf into three then into four and make the holes in between the creases at the two ends. One manuscript seen by Sirancee was stitched together and opened like an accordion.

Folios were placed between two covers known as Kamba. Most manuscripts had wooden covers, of ebony, jak, milla, calamander and other hard woods. The covers were decorated in lac with flower designs, such as Jasmin, kadupul, lotus, liya wela,creepers,. Some were decorated with geometric designs, or rope design. Some had ivory inlay, others had contrasting wood in marquetry, tortoise shell was also used. One manuscript had ebony cover inlaid with ivory. the button was of tortoise shell. At Katarangala in Halloluwa they found a pirit pota with covers in dainty design.

Highly venerated manuscripts such as those on Buddhism had covers of ivory or silver, and were decorated with gem stones. These are kept safely. Malwatte temple had a palm leaf manuscript on Abhidamma written in Sinhala, with ivory covers, a border of rubies and blue sapphires and a design of flowers set in gold. Malwatte had another manuscript, with cover in silver and gold and a floral design richly encrusted with white sapphires and zircons. Hanguranketa temple had a manuscript with gem studded covers. Pelmadulla Raja maha vihara also had a manuscript with carved ivory cover. Several other manuscripts had gem studded covers. National Museum library had a manuscript on Abhidamma with an ornamented cover in brass. SWRD Bandaranaike collection had a manuscript with silver cover and gems.

The formula for making oil for preserving manuscripts is a heavily guarded secret, said Sirancee. Pannila had a secret formula which was handed down generation to generation and was known only to a few families. Pannila gave Sirancee the formula in appreciation of her interest in the subject. Sirancee has gven the formula and method, with photographs, in her book on pages 38-40.

Pannila had been commissioned by the National Museum library to apply his secret oil to the palm leaf manuscripts which needed preserving. He was also invited to temple libraries and to the Institute of Indigenous medicine at Rajagiriya to clean and restore their manuscripts.

Sirancee stated that palm leaf manuscripts stored on wooden shelves did not deteriorate despite the humid climate. Manuscripts kept in pettagama tended to disintegrate, she said. But Nagolle Raja Maha vihara was a well-known exception. The olas stored in its pettagama remain well preserved.

The National Library of Sri Lanka has a Preservation and Conservation Centre (PAC) which pays special attention to palm leaf manuscripts. The IFLA PAC Centre was inaugurated on 5^th August 2015. The Centre produces “Panhida Herbal Oil”for the conservation of palm leaf manuscripts.

Udaya Cabral, who heads the PAC, with M Ravikumar, and T Ramanan presented a paper titled Developing a strategic program for safeguarding palm-leaf manuscripts in Sri Lanka at IFLA Conference, 2018.In 2021 the National Library issued a report on best practices for the conservation of Palm-Leaf Manuscripts, prepared by Udaya Cabral and R.M Nadeeka Rathnabahu.

Cabraal and Ratnabahu said that a palm leaf manuscript around 200 years old located in National Library of Sri Lanka, regularly treated by Dummala herbal oil was examined under microscope. They found that the traditional oil was not completely effective, some fungus still remained. PAC recommended that after treatment with Dummala oil, the manuscripts be kept in a specially designed ‘fume cupboard ‘made out of neem wood, with a cube of Thymol placed at the bottom.

In my view, it is only in recent times, that ola manuscripts are treated as archival material, to be preserved somehow. My guess is that in ancient times, the original manuscript was kept as long as possible but a copy was made when it was clear that the original was going to perish. This was repeated over and over again. That is how the Mahavamsa came to us. ( continued)

REFERENCES

Sirancee Gunawardana Palm leaf manuscripts of Sri Lanka. 1977 p 14–, 33-. 132, 134, 248-251, 254, 25

https://www.ifla.org/news/pac-sri-lanka-publishes-a-new-report-on-best-practices-for-the-conservation-of-palm-leaf-manuscripts/

http://library.ifla.org/2266/1/124-cabral-en.pdf

https://www.ifla.org/wp-content/uploads/files/assets/pac/Documents/pac_sri_lanka_report_best_practices_for_conservation_of_palm-leaf_manuscripts_.pdf

BY KAMALIKA PIERIS