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Editorial

The finger on the spot

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A television interviewer last week asked Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda what is to be done when a robber enters your home? Is he not to be chased off? The program in which the minister appeared was dealing with the long festering problem of a South Indian fisheries fleet brazenly crossing the International Maritime Boundary (IBM) and entering Sri Lanka waters. These illegal fishermen are not just poaching in our waters. They engage in bottom trawling, using large vessels with powerful engines, destroying the marine environment and seriously eroding the replenishment capacity of this country’s fish stock, a process affecting the livelihood of our fishermen in the short, medium and long term.

The minister responded with a question of his own. What do you do when the robber is armed?, he countered. Devananda put his finger on the spot; perhaps not literally in that the Indian fishing fleet routinely crossing the IBM is not armed to its teeth though its quite probable that there are a gun or two in individual trawlers or boats. What he was in effect saying is that the poachers are backed by the might of India and there is very little that we can do about it. What the minister said evoked painful memories of Operation Vadamarachchi of May and June 1987 when the Sri Lankan forces were on the verge of defeating the Tamil Tigers waging war on the Lankan state.

What did India do? Alleging that the people living in the war-wracked area were starving, several Hercules transport planes escorted by Mirage jet fighters intruded into this country’s sovereign airspace for a claimed “humanitarian operation” – the infamous parippu drop as we came to know it. The signal was unmistakably clear. Either halt the military operation or face the consequences. That would be an Indian invasion of this country. Then President J.R. Jayewardene, fighting an insurrection in the South and a civil war in the North was in a tight bind from which there was no escape. The rest is history. The Indo – Lanka Agreement between Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi of India was signed and the so-called Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) followed. But there was no disarming of the LTTE as promised. Thanks to what India did then, the civil war raged till 2009 when the Tigers were eventually defeated.

This country’s predicament over the rape of our marine resources, grievously affecting the livelihoods of our fishermen eking out a precarious livelihood, and also endangering the very existence of the fisheries industry in the North of this country, is very similar to the parippu drop of not so long ago.

During the decades of the war, the imperatives of fighting the separatist-terrorists required long periods where our fishermen were banned from venturing out to deep sea. They were confined to a coastal fishery and this left expanses of our territorial waters wide open to Indian fishermen to exploit. Those years and what happened then deeply ingrained in the Indians the conviction that they could fish as they like, wherever they would, regardless of the International Maritime Boundary and the Law of the Sea. There were rich picking to be had and the opportunity was seized.

After the war ended and normalcy – or at least some semblance of it – was restored, there was no keeping the Indian fishermen, often manning trawlers owned by Tamil Nadu politicians and their patrons, to their side of the IBM. For several long years efforts at resolving this problem have been made. There have been some placatory noises from the Indians but little attempt, leave alone a serious effort, to tackle this issue. Contacts have been made at the highest levels of government and all they have produced are platitudes about adopting a “humanitarian approach” to the problem. The humanitarianism is all about allowing Indian fishermen to enhance their livelihood, never mind the super profits made by capitalist politically-backed trawler-owners hiring those fishermen to crew their vessels. Nary a word about our own fishermen, long left to fend for themselves as best as they can while the Indians rob what is rightfully theirs.

No end to this situation is in sight. There are occasional reports of poachers and their vessels taken to custody by the Sri Lanka Navy. More often than not, after a little fuss, bother and diplomatic niceties, the fishermen and (emphasis ours) their craft are returned so that they can poach another day. Earlier this year there was was an incident when an Indian fishing vessel poaching in Lankan waters reacted aggressively to a naval craft attempting to arrest it. This resulted in the sinking of the trawler and the death of one of its crewmen. Predictably there was a blaze of publicity and protest in the Tamil Nadu press about the Sri Lanka Navy killing Indian fishermen. Such incidents are clear indications of the sensitivity of the problem at hand. We have to live with the reality that we cannot wield the big stick to protect what is ours. But the government is under pressure from fishermen North and South to do something about it. Devananda has talked about issuing passes for a limited number of Indian fishing vessels, excluding big trawlers, to enter our waters.

But as one northern politician said in a television program, 500 will come if 50 passes are issued. Indian fishery interests are saying “why exclude the trawlers?” In any case do we have the capacity (or the political will) to effectively police our waters, protect the interests of our fishermen and the sustainability of our marine resources against a monster predator from across the Palk Strait? D we always have to bow down to Big Brother?



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Editorial

Transparency and hypocrisy

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Wednesday 9th July, 2025

The Opposition has been asking the NPP government to release the report of a special committee appointed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to probe an alleged racket where 323 red-flagged freight containers were green-channelled at the Colombo Port in January 2025. Its efforts have been in vain. The government has sought to deflect criticism by saying that the committee report will be presented to Parliament ‘in due course’.

The President’s Office, during previous governments, drew criticism for its reluctance to disclose information about matters of national importance. It was expected to uphold transparency and promptly respond to requests for information after last year’s regime change, but sadly the status quo remains.

President Dissanayake should be able to release the committee report at issue immediately if his government has nothing to hide. Minister of Ports, etc., Bimal Rathnayake, whom the Opposition has blamed for the questionable release of containers, has claimed that the probe committee has rubbished his rivals’ allegation. If so, he, as the Leader of the House, should have the committee report presented to Parliament forthwith.

However, one should not be so naïve as to expect a committee appointed by a President to hold those in his inner circle accountable for a serious transgression and trigger a political storm. One may recall that in 2015, a committee consisting of three lawyers, appointed by the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, to probe the Treasury bond scams, cleared Central Bank Governor Arjuna Mahendran of wrongdoing while recommending further investigation.

Meanwhile, it has been reported that some MPs who shielded the bond scammers are likely to face a probe. Dozens of MPs benefited from the largesse of the Treasury bond racketeers and got off scot-free. Legal action should have been taken against them then. Interestingly, the JVP had no qualms about defending the UNP-led Yahapalana government even after the release of the damning report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry which probed the bond scams. It threw a political lifeline to PM Wickremesinghe in 2018 vis-a-vis the then President Maithripala Sirisena’s efforts to sack him. It helped him muster a parliamentary majority and fought a legal battle, enabling him to stay in power.

President Dissanayake’s predecessors demonstrated a remarkable ability to swallow committee/commission reports, as it were. Those who expected President Dissanayake to make a difference and handle such documents in a transparent manner must be really disappointed.

Time was when Dissanayake, as an Opposition MP, would aggressively call upon the previous governments to present agreements and commission/committee reports to Parliament, and thereby respect the people’s right to information. His calls struck a responsive chord with the public. Today, he is under pressure from the Opposition to release the report of a committee he himself appointed to probe an alleged racket!

The NPP came to power, promising to practise good governance, which the UNDP has defined as “the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”. Transparency is one of the cornerstones of good governance, others being participation, the rule of law, responsiveness, consensus orientation, effectiveness, efficiency and accountability. Good governance without transparency is a contradiction in terms. Lack of transparency creates an ideal breeding ground for corruption, misinformation and arbitrary decision-making—all of which are antithetical to good governance.

It is a supreme irony that the SJB MPs who, as members of the Yahapalana government, prevented the presentation of the first COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises) report on the Treasury bond scams to Parliament, went so far as to dilute the second COPE report on the scandal, with a slew of footnotes, and unashamedly defended that corrupt administration with the help of the JVP are now campaigning for transparency and the people’s right to information.

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Editorial

A classic catch-22

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Tuesday 8th July, 2025

Sri Lanka, which is struggling to put its worst-ever economic crisis behind it, finds itself in another dilemma. It had to ban vehicle imports to rebuild its foreign currency reserves. That method proved effective in the short run. But the adoption of extreme measures, such as import restrictions or bans, to tackle a foreign exchange crisis only provide short-term relief; they are unsustainable and need to be tapered off for the long-term economic health of the country. Vehicles were not imported for nearly two years, and a significant amount of much-needed forex could be saved, but the ban on vehicle imports took its toll on the government’s tax revenue, which has to be increased to resolve the rupee crisis.

Government revenue is expected to reach 15% of GDP in 2025, according to media reports, but this figure is considered relatively low . The government is under IMF pressure to increase its revenue significantly. It must do everything in its power to do so because gone are the days when money could be printed according to the whims and fancies of politicians in power. Direct and indirect taxes are already beyond tolerance levels for many. Further increases therein are bound to spark protests which might even spill over onto the streets. So, the only way the government apparently could think of increasing its revenue was to allow vehicle imports to resume so as to rake in taxes. The Customs revenue has increased as expected, but vehicle imports have led to another problem which was not unexpected.

The ban on vehicle imports was lifted in February 2025, and since then as many as 18,000 vehicles have been imported at a cost of USD 742 million, we are told. The forex limit the government has imposed on vehicle imports for the current year is USD 1 billion. The Customs has earned Rs. 220 billion by way of import duty on vehicles. A sharp increase in imports following the lifting of a ban is something to be expected owing to what is termed pent-up demand. However, at this rate, expenditure on vehicle imports could exceed USD 1 billion in a month or two.

It is highly unlikely that the government will allow the amount of forex spent on vehicle imports to exceed USD 1 billion on any grounds. The country should be able to pay for essential imports and service debt. One may recall that in 2022, there were hundreds of thousands of vehicles waiting in long fuel queues as the country lacked dollars to pay for petroleum imports. Nobody wants to face a similar situation again.

The government’s catch-22 is to manage vehicle imports in such a way that state revenue will not decrease, and it will be possible to keep the country’s forex reserves above the safe threshold. This is a balancing act of the highest order that has to be performed successfully to steer the economy out of both rupee and forex crises. The situation is far too complex for the government to cut the Gordian knot; imposing a ban on vehicle imports again is one of the least desirable options, according to experts, for such a course of action will adversely impact the vehicle market again, and government revenue will drop steeply, making it even more difficult to meet the IMF-prescribed revenue targets.

Since decreasing interest rates have led to an increase in vehicle imports, some economists are of the view that serious thought should be given to adjusting them. The depreciation of the rupee may also bring the demand for vehicle imports down, they have pointed out. But the appreciation of major foreign currencies, especially the US dollar, against the rupee will adversely affect all imports, causing increases in the prices of essentials. Taxes on vehicle imports are also very high, and it may not be possible to increase them further to curtail the growing demand. The challenge before the government is to find a way out, with the help of all other stakeholders.

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Editorial

Tank bund tourism

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Monday 7th July, 2025

Close on the heels of a warning that the UNESCO World Heritage status of Sigiriya is in jeopardy due to unauthorised structures and settlements in the archaeological reserve around the world-famous rock fortress, the government has unveiled a grand plan to use the bund of an ancient irrigation tank, of all places, to promote tourism in Anuradhapura.

An attempt to reopen the road on the Anuradhapura Nuwara Wewa bund, which was closed to vehicular traffic years ago reportedly over structural safety concerns, among other things, has sparked protests. The government insists that the tank bund must be made freely accessible to visitors as part of its tourism development project. Director of Irrigation, Anuradhapura, Jayantha de Silva, has said a scientific study is currently underway to assess the condition of the bund, and based on its findings the Irrigation Department will decide whether to reopen the road on the reservoir embankment to vehicles.

The National Farmers’ Union (NFU) has defended the Irrigation Department, questioning the government’s wisdom of trying to use the ageing tank bund to promote tourism. It has said all farmers in the area have asked the Irrigation Department to ensure the safety of the bund by keeping it closed to vehicles, and they will not allow the government to endanger the tank.

What is of more concern than the dispute over the Nuwara Wewa bund is the government’s tourism development strategy, which apparently lacks focus on sustainability, if some NPP politicians’ statements thereon are any indication. Lamenting that some sections of the Tourism Act stood in the way of developing tourism, Deputy Minister Ruwan Ranasinghe said, at the Anuradhapura meeting, that they would be amended. In the Maldives, hotels jutting into the sea charged as much as USD 500 each for rooms with a stunning view of turquoise waters and the horizon, but such projects were not in the realm of possibility here, he said, making one wonder whether the government was of the view that Sri Lanka should do likewise to earn more forex. Geographically, Sri Lanka and the Maldives have more dissimilarities than similarities and therefore in developing tourism, the former should not necessarily adopt the same strategy as the latter, which is full of uninhabited isles ideal for secluded resorts. It is hoped that the proposed amendments to the Tourism Act will not provide for ill-conceived projects aimed at boosting tourism at the expense of the country’s environmentally sensitive coastline. Encroachment on beaches has already reached unmanageable levels, and it must not be allowed to worsen.

Sustainability must be a cornerstone of any programme to develop tourism, with environmental and ecological protection/conservation being factored in. The safety of ancient structures must not be compromised in the name of promoting tourism. These matters are best left to experts such as engineers, archaeologists, and environmental scientists.

There was a howl of protest when the previous government sought to develop a section of the Polonnaruwa Parakrama Samudraya bund as a walking path. Protesters including prominent Buddhist monks prevented backhoes from disturbing the rip-rap of the tank. They pointed out that the project would weaken the embankment of the ageing tank and ruin its aesthetic appeal. A public debate on the issue ensued, and the project was put on hold. Politicians should have sought expert views and commissioned a thorough study instead of trying to bulldoze their way through.

Deputy Minister Ranasinghe’s inspection tour of the Nuwara Wewa bund and his subsequent statements reminded us of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to a section of the Sinharaja rainforest, affected by a road development project. Gotabaya pooh-poohed environmentalists’ grave concerns, sending the wrong message to politicians, state officials and others bent on environmental destruction. Politicians must not rush in where experts fear to tread.

NFU President Anuradha Tennakoon has revealed that some Irrigation Department officials who are opposing the government’s plan to reopen the tank bund to vehicles have received threats. One can only hope that they will not be victimised for doing what is good for the ancient tank and the people dependent on its water for survival.

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