Midweek Review

The fall of Pohottuwa govt.

Published

4 years ago

2022/07/13

Protesters in the Presidential Swimming Pool

An efficient mechanism is required to guarantee that disclosures made at parliamentary watchdog committees on the basis of Auditor General’s reports are used to further investigate and prosecute wrongdoers. AG’s reports and observations made by watchdog committees underscore the failure on the part of the Parliament to take effective and punitive measures to curb waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement. In spite of revelation of massive corruption at every level of administration, the Parliament is yet to take remedial measures. The storming of government buildings on July 09 reflected the decay in the overall parliamentary system that sort of served members, political parties and those pursuing private agendas.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, 77, should name the corrupt politicians, both retired and those serving the current Parliament without delay.

Having admitted that the developing political-economic-social crisis has been caused by utterly corrupt politicians in high positions in successive governments, Speaker Abeywardena shouldn’t hesitate to name them. The Speaker said so in response to veteran journalist Norman Palihawadana’s query last Friday amidst simmering turmoil over the joint Opposition’s demand for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government to resign. (Speaker blames corrupt politicians in successive govts. for current situation – The Island, July 09, 2022)

The issue is whether Abeywardena can continue as Speaker having alleged that the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), too is tainted.

Abeywardena has castigated political party leaders for offering corrupt politicians key portfolios at the expense of the country. The Matara District MP made no new revelation. However, at the time Speaker Abeywardena directed accusations at members of Parliament and leaders of political parties, he would never have envisaged the possibility of him receiving the opportunity to succeed President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the acting President.

Several hours after the Army vacated the President’s House and the Presidential Secretariat (old Parliament building) on July 09, political parties reached consensus on the Speaker becoming the acting President. The announcement was made by Speaker Abeywardena himself following consultations held with leaders of political parties. This announcement was made on the basis President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s assurance, he would resign on July 13 (today)

At meeting held on July 11, at the parliamentary complex, also chaired by the Speaker, the party leaders decided to elect Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s successor on July 20 in terms of the relevant constitutional provisions. Therefore, Speaker Yapa would receive executive powers for a week. In case, PM Wickremesinghe declined to step down, he would automatically succeed Gotabaya Rajapaksa for a period of 30 days. In terms of the Constitution, the Parliament will have to elect a new President. At that time this edition went to press, Wickremesinghe hasn’t indicated what he intended to do.

Having first entered the Parliament on the UNP ticket, way back in 1983, under the first-past-the post system, the landed proprietor turned politician has served both main parties, the UNP and the SLFP. Abeywardena switched sides on several occasions and was a member of the Cabinet-of-Ministers of the UNP-led yahapalana administration at the time then ruling party perpetrated the first Treasury bond scam in late Feb 2015.

Subsequently, Abeywardena joined the Joint Opposition and was rewarded with the prestigious post of the Speaker in 2020. That paved the way for the Speaker to accommodate several relatives, including his son, Chameera Yapa Abeywardena in his personal staff.

Why did lawmaker Abeywardena wait so long to admit the undeniable truth? Now that Abeywardena has said so, he should name them. However, the ruination of the national economy cannot be blamed only on politicians. The blame should be appropriately shared by the executive, the legislature, the judiciary and the holier than thou private sector that resorts to all types of shenanigans, like stashing export earnings abroad and importing things like corned mutton, chocolate etc., at a time when the country was scraping the barrel for foreign exchange to pay for urgent necessities.

As a person who has served the Cabinet-of-Ministers, Speaker Abeywardena cannot absolve himself of the accountability for the current crisis. He is not in a position to backtrack those home truths.

Had Speaker Abeywardena, as well as the majority, elected and appointed on the SLPP ticket at the August 2020 parliamentary election, took a stand when their colleagues, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila opposed the utterly corrupt Yugadanavi deal, an unprecedented political calamity could have been averted. Unfortunately, the majority solidly stood by the government and the Speaker, too, turned a blind eye to a rapidly deteriorating situation. The Yugadanavi issue reflected the crisis within the ruling coalition with deal-making being the lifeblood of the country’s politics, even against national interest.

The current Parliament is represented by 15 political parties. They are SLPP (145 members), SJB (54), ITAK (10), JJB (03), AITC (02), EPDP (02), UNP, SLFP, OPPP (Our Power of People Party), TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal), MNA (Muslim National Alliance), TMTK (Tamil Makkal Theshiya Kutani), ACMC (All Ceylon Makkal Congress), NC (National Congress) and SLMC (Sri Lanka Muslim Congress) represented by one MP each.

But how the noose was tightened was by virtually shutting off the only remaining foreign currency flow into the country from those generally unappreciated Lankan expatriate workers literally slaving in West Asian countries by a means of Hawala/Undiyal underground money transfer system as never before. Instead of making genuine efforts to tackle the illegal system, then Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa merely joked about it saying he himself had used such means. With the country having stopped servicing its external debt in April, had the cash flow from expatriate workers, not been reduced so drastically the country could have easily managed to finance the day-to-day bare necessities of its people.

Instead of addressing the issues at hand, the SLPP tried to manage the crisis. The SLPP neglected the growing threat until public anger exploded at President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatta, Mirihana, on March 31.

As this piece was being typed last Saturday, July 09, protesters entered the President’s House and the Presidential Secretariat around noon as the Army and police defences quickly collapsed. In spite of coming, under fierce tear gas attack, protesters within hours, overwhelmed the, military. Controversy surrounds the destruction of Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe’s private residence at Flower Road. The Premier has pointed the finger at a section of the media for influencing the attack. A no holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth and those responsible punished.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who played a significant role in Sri Lanka’s triumph over separatist LTTE in May 2009, paid a huge price for a spate of blunders, beginning with the overnight changing of the country’s agriculture policy. The President decided against seeking IMF intervention on the advice of Presidential Secretary Dr. P.B.J, CBSL Governor Prof. W.D. Lakshman, CBSL Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal and Finance Secretary S.R. Atygalle. Obviously, the President didn’t bother to properly consult the Cabinet-of-Ministers or the parliamentary group.

Of course it is easy for us to blame all of the above officials in hindsight, but from experience worldwide, IMF prescription is not the panacea for economic woes plaguing the world. If it was so, then most South American countries, in the backyard of the US, would be one big Shangri-La as they have been religiously taking its medicine since its formation.

Even so-called economic experts in the SJB have been so foolish to claim in the past that economists from prestigious American business schools in Harvard and Yale universities should be brought in to correct economic shortcomings here, little realizing that the snowballing financial crisis, since 2007/08, is yet growing and probably will lead to a worldwide great depression much bigger than that happened with the stock market crash of 1929.

Workshop for journalists

The Parliament on June 28 conducted a special one-day workshop on parliamentary procedure for the parliamentary correspondents. Speaker Abeywardena inaugurated the programme at the Cinnamon Grand.

Abeywardena, in his brief address to the gathering, emphasized the pivotal importance of accurate reporting of parliamentary proceedings. The Speaker stressed the responsibility on the part of those who covered Parliament for both print and electronic media to meet the expected standards.

Unfortunately, the Parliament appeared to have failed to recognize or acknowledge that the country was heading for an unprecedented crisis. The Parliament ignored warnings.

The Parliament failed to make necessary interventions to curb waste, corruption, and irregularities though it was responsible for public finance. Had the House watchdog committees, COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), COPA (Committee on Public Accounts) and COPF (Committee on Public Finance) and the Parliament as the supreme institution responsible for overall public finance took remedial measures, Sri Lanka wouldn’t have ended up bankrupt. That is the undeniable truth.

The top management of the Central Bank and its top decision-making five-member Monetary Board had been always under the influence of those who exercised political power and contributed to the overall deterioration of public finance. The CBSL had been so irresponsible it paid PAYE (pay as you earn) tax of its employees regardless of Inland Revenue Department directives. The Parliament never took up the issue. In fact, the Parliament simply slept on such detrimental disclosures even in other state bodies, made by its own watchdog committees.

By the time the current CBSL top management and the Monetary Board as well as their former officials appeared before the COPE and COPF on May 25 and June 08, the country has been declared bankrupt and the stage set for unprecedented political turmoil. COPE should explain why the previous CBSL administration hadn’t been summoned in the previous year to seek an explanation amidst reports of economic downturn.

President Rajapaksa requested Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe to take over the CBSL leadership after Cabraal unexpectedly quit having repeatedly vowed to save the economy. Cabraal who quit his SLPP parliamentary seat in September last year to succeed Prof. Lakshman gave up the top post under pressure. By then, the economy had suffered irrevocable damage. Cabraal called it a day in March this year.

Focus on LP gas deal

The recent examination of a Litro deal for 100,000 mt of LP gas pointed the finger at the outgoing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Office. The shocking revelation that the Premier’s Office may have had a hand in exploitation of current difficulties to the advantage of certain interested parties underscored the failure on the part of the Parliament to take remedial measures.

COPE Chairman Prof. Charitha Herath queried the top Litro management whether it deliberately sabotaged a Cabinet approved tender for the purchase of 280,000 mt at a cost of USD 96 per mt to pave the way for the procurement of 100,000 mt at a cost of USD 129 per mt.

SLPP National List member Prof. Herath didn’t mince his words when he directly alleged the state enterprise of misappropriating USD 90 mn (of that amount the World Bank provided USD 70 mn) available for the procurement of LP gas. Statements made by Prof. Herath, National Freedom Front MP Jayantha Samaraweera, Samagi Jana Balavegaya MP S.M. Marrikar, Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation Chairman Vijitha Herath and Litro Chairman Muditha Peiris revealed how precious funds were being wasted.

Prof. Herath has called for a report on the transaction from the Auditor General W.P.C. Wickremaratne. Sri Lanka Insurance participated in the process as the parent company of Litro.

COPE also raised hitherto unknown contentious issue of Litro’s failure to utilize USD 160 mn allocated for the procurement of LP gas in terms of USD 1 bn Indian credit line. COPE recommended that Finance Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana inquired into the failure to take advantage of the Indian credit line. It would be pertinent to mention that S.R. Attygalle had been the Secretary to the Treasury at that time Sri Lanka and India finalized the credit line during Basil Rajapaksa’s tenure as the Finance Minister (July 2021-April 2022) Controversial COPE recommendation that the appointment of Board of Directors of Litro through the parent company instead of through the Ministry of Finance is evidence the key ministry didn’t command the respect of the parliamentary watchdog. Muditha Peiris was reappointed as Chairman on June 13, 2022, three days after Vijitha Herath quit that post. In response to one of Prof. Charitha Herath’s queries Vijitha Herath declared that he declined to endorse Oman agreements therefore opted to give up the position of Litro Chairman.

A Parliament statement dealt with the relevant COPE proceedings named Siam Gas Company as the enterprise that secured the original Cabinet approved tender to supply gas at USD 96 per mt whereas the contract finally ended up with an Oman company. Bankrupt Sri Lanka paid USD 129 per mt to the Oman Company. Current Speaker, now expected to be sworn in as the new acting President once Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned on July 13, should ensure investigations into Litro affairs are brought to a successful conclusion.

It would be necessary also to probe the circumstances Anil Koswatta, in his capacity as Litro Chairman halted state auditing of the enterprise and hiring of lawyers, including Romesh de Silva, PC and Sanjiva Jayawardena, PC, at a cost of over 20 mn.

Amidst simmering controversy over the Litro transaction, 24 hours after the public seizure of the President’s House, Presidential Secretariat and Temple Trees, the President’s Media Division (PMD) announced the arrival of a ship carrying 3,700 mt of LP gas. The PMD further announced that a second ship carrying 3,740 mt will also reach Sri Lanka and a third vessel with 3,200 mt scheduled to arrive here on July 15.

Events leading to July 09 fall of govt.

Waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement over the past two decades gradually weakened the national economy. Regardless of shocking disclosures at the parliamentary watchdog committees, the Parliament conveniently failed to take remedial measures. The national economy was in severe difficulty at the time Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the last presidential election in Nov 2019. The government disregarded IMF recommendations, namely formulation of debt restructuring programme and dropping of plans to implement a major tax cut.

The five-member monetary board at the behest of political directives resorted to unbridled printing of local currency and wasted precious foreign reserves in a failed bid to artificially maintain the Rupee’s value at the expense of the overall national economy. CBSL Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe declared before COPE how the then Presidential Secretary Dr. PBJ dismissed the IMF recommendation. A week after UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe received appointment as Premier, Dr. Weerasinghe acknowledged Sri Lanka’s humiliating bankruptcy status.

By then, public anger had exploded at President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatta, Mirihana. Unfortunately, the March 31 protest failed to convince the top government leadership that the public weren’t in a mood to tolerate shoddy governance. There is no point in blaming opposition political elements, particularly those outside the Parliament for taking advantage of the unprecedented crisis that erupted during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure though the rot started over a decade earlier.

The idiotic pohottuwa leadership sought to overcome the crisis by political maneuvering. Between violent protests at Pangiriwatta on March 31 and the collapse of the government on July 09 largely depended on the participation of massive crowds. Political parties both in and outside Parliament never managed to attract such large crowds before. Political parties had no option to provide transport, free food and in some instances liquor to bring in crowds to Colombo or any other venue in the provinces. But, the bankrupt economy created an ideal environment for those awaiting an opportunity to oust the Rajapaksas.

Public anger exploded over the disruption of fuel, gas and the supply of essential goods and services due to Sri Lanka’s inability to pay in foreign currency. As the economy staggered causing turmoil, the then Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa in early January, 2022 declared a Rs 229 bn relief package for the government sector. The announcement was made in the wake of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa sacking State Minister Susil Premjanatha for being publicly critical of handling of the economy. The Finance Minister didn’t even bother to reveal how he intended to allocate the required money. Instead, the government sought to overcome the crisis by deceiving the public.

State controlled media and a select group of print and electronic media (social media included) sought to influence the electorate. Silly but expensive projects continued until the Pangiriwatta explosion sent shock waves through the government. The PMD made high profile efforts to influence the population. The media briefings called by the PMD to justify the controversial Yugadanavi deal and explain the gas explosions backfired. The government for some inexcusable reason refused to review any of its decisions.

Disastrous decision taken in May 2021 prohibiting import of chemical fertiliser along with agrochemicals caused a catastrophic situation. Banning of chemical fertiliser overnight without taking tangible measures to procure required organic fertilizer ruined paddy and other crops. The procurement of carbonic fertiliser from China and liquid fertiliser from India is mired in controversy.

The government never bothered to investigate allegations pertaining to these transactions (the then Presidential Secretary Dr. PBJ and Prime Minister’s Secretary Gamini Senarath denied accusations directed at them. Both asked relevant authorities to investigate what they called unsubstantiated allegations made both in and out of Parliament). Mishandling of the Chinese fertiliser deal finally compelled the People’s Bank to pay USD 6.9 mn to Qingdao Seawin Biotec at a time the country was on its knees due to the economic downturn caused by Covid-19. The People’s Bank made the announcement in the first week of January this year. The government didn’t conduct a proper inquiry into that matter. Actually, the pohottuwa never made a serious attempt to re-examine its strategies, recognize shortcomings/faults, and rectify them to ensure the continuation of the government. Just over a year after the ill-fated decision on carbonic fertiliser in May 2021, the government collapsed. The seizure of the President’s House, the Presidential Secretariat and Temple Trees within hours after the police fired the first canister of tear gas at protesters at Chatham Street underscored the downfall of an utterly corrupt political party system, led by the UNP and the SLFP since independence.

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Midweek Review

Opp. caught up in CIABOC offensive

Published

8 hours ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Mahinda Rajapaksa leaving CIABOC on 12 June, 2026

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 12 June questioned former President Mahinda Rajapaksa regarding the USD 2 Mn bribe allegation directed at the late SriLankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena, whose body was found on 8 May in a close relative’s home in Kollupitiya. Chandrasena’s alleged suicide sent shock waves through political circles and interested parties questioned the circumstances leading to him being granted bail on 6 May on cash bail of Rs. 500,000 with three sureties of Rs. 10 million each. The Colombo Magistrate court also imposed a travel ban. The issue at hand is as to how Mohamed Riswan and Mohamed Irshan stood as sureties for Chandrasekera. Of all the investigations undertaken by the CIABOC, the USD 2 Mn bribe case is the most politically charged probe.

Of the Rajapaksas, former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa is so far the last to be indicted. CIABOC on 19 June filed indictments before the Colombo High Court against him and two others Sepalika Saman Kumari and Keerthi Bandara Kotagama. According to the charges, the accused are alleged to have committed the offence of corruption and aided and abetted the commission of the offence by using official influence to pressure certain government officials, attached to the Office for Reparations, to obtain compensation amounting to Rs. 8.85 million for a property built on a state land by Shasheendra and destroyed by marauding Aragalaya mobs.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) government last week emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that it wouldn’t tolerate the growing Opposition challenge.

Amidst the growing controversy over the continuing detention of retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. in terms of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), under humiliating conditions, in connection with the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, police arrested Sugeeshwara Bandara, leader of the New People’s Front (NPF). The Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) apprehended him on 18 June and the Fort Magistrate’s Court remended him till 1 July..

The CCIB also apprehended Binoy Hettiarachchi who was accompanying Bandara. Hettiarachchi served as a media coordinator at the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office. Police intercepted their vehicle at Kollupitiya where the arrests were made like in an action-packed movie. Hettiarachchi was freed four hours later.

But, it would be better to identify Bandara as the former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the Director General of Special Projects at the Presidential Secretariat in the wake of Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over the presidency.

Accused of receiving two salaries simultaneously, under the President’s Expenditure Head, Bandara who managed the media for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the run-up to the 2019 presidential election, is under investigation for abuse of government vehicles and employing government workers for political work.

Having launched his political career as the Colombo District organiser of the alliance New People’s Front, a breakaway faction of the UPFA, in February, 2024, Bandara contested the November, 2024, parliamentary polls on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. But, of late, Bandara, as the leader of NPF, became one of the most active opposition activists, aligned with the political grouping, dubbed People’s United Opposition, operating from Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office.

Bandara drew the wrath of the government when he launched a noisy protest outside Finance Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma’s residence at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, on 26 April, where he and his protesting supporters were given a shower of excreta. The group, led by Bandara, demanded the Finance Secretary’s resignation over the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury. No less a person than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reacted angrily to Bandara’s actions.

Acknowledging the right for legitimate protests, the President warned against protests directed at residences of officials. On 18 April, Bandara led a protest outside Agriculture Minister K.D. Lal Kantha’s recently built luxury residence at Weliwita, Kaduwela, where he questioned how the JVPer managed to build such a home as he was on record as having repeatedly said that he lived a difficult life.

The police apprehended Bandara as he was returning from a meeting between senior representatives of the People’s United Opposition and the IMF Colombo at the Tiki Bar, Shangri-La. In spite of negligible parliamentary presence, with those elected on the NDF ticket at the last parliamentary election not really speaking in one voice, the Flower Road project has become a headache for the government.

In fact, the Flower Road operation has been causing continuous harassment to the NPP, while the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) struggled to play its anticipated role as the main Opposition. Instead of conducting a cohesive campaign against the cocky NPP government, members of the SJB seem to be pulling in different directions at the expense of the common opposition front.

Regardless of the Wickremesinghe-led grouping vowing to press ahead with its campaign, the arrest of Bandara is obviously meant to have a detrimental impact on the activities of the Opposition.

It would be pertinent to mention that Bandara had been among those who stayed with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the President’s House, in Colombo, as a massive protest erupted on 9 July, 2022. Bandara was among the last to flee the President’s House as the military withdrew, amidst mounting pressure on their positions.

The police arrested Bandara as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa moved the Court of Appeal in terms of Article 140 of the Constitution to prevent him being arrested under the PTA. The wartime Defence Secretary sought the court intervention in the wake of police probing the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and obtaining a travel ban against him.

The court heard Romesh de Silva PC’s submissions on behalf of the ex-President on 18 June. The court deferred the hearing to 24 June. The crux of the matter is that the ex-President fears that the CID is about to arrest him on the basis of a statement made by fugitive Azad Moulana, in Paris, linking Sallay directly with the Easter Sunday carnage.

NPP intensifies pressure

The NPP seems confident of its current course of action meant to pin down the Opposition. In spite of unbridled corruption being the major issue on the post-war election platform, no political party succeeded in going flat-out against the political opposition.

However, the NPP allowed the judicial process to continue. The first major sentencing was announced on 2 April, 2025, just six months after the parliamentary polls, handsomely won by the NPP. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) moved the Colombo High Court successfully against the former Chief Minister of the North Central Province S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon.

Colombo High Court No. 01 Judge Adithya Patabendige sentenced him in terms of Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The HC declared the former CM perpetrated malpractices by ordering fuel to his personal secretary’s vehicle. The personal secretary happened to be Shanthi Chandrasena, wife of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, a former Cabinet Minister and one of the most powerful Ministers to represent the North Central province.

The ex- Chief Minister and the second accused, his personal secretary, were convicted guilty of two charges. Both were sentenced to 16 years rigorous imprisonment and were also ordered to pay a fine of Rs. 200,000/- with an additional two-year prison term in case of default.

Deputy Director General Asitha Anthoney appeared on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

There had never been any really coordinated CIABOC campaign against corruption. No political party, or a particular family, felt threatened by CIABOC. Both those in and outside Parliament acted with impunity. They feared no one. There was no need to be because the powerful and the influential operated above the law.

Just a couple of weeks after sentencing of S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon and Shanthini Chandrasena, the CIABOC arrested the latter’s husband, one-time Deputy Economic Development Minister and Special Projects Minister, S.M. Chandrasena. The CIABOC took him into custody on 4 July, 2025.

The CIABOC accused the former Minister of causing loss to the government by distributing seed corn, imported at a cost of Rs 25 mn, in 2024, among the farmer community in the Anuradhapura district, at a subsidised price. The distribution had taken place ahead of the 2015 presidential election contested by Mahinda Rajapaksa and estranged former SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. The CIABOC alleged that Chandrasena exerted undue influence on the Director (Planning) and other officers of the District Secretariat and distributed seeds through his political allies to gain an advantage in the 2015 presidential election and incurred a loss to the government.

Chandrasena was granted bail on 1 August, 2025. He was indicted on 12 June before the Colombo High Court.

Before further discussing the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, let me introduce the top leadership of CIABOC. The Commission consists of Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawela (Chairman), K.B. Rajapakse and Chethiya Goonesekera P.C, with High Court judge R.S.A. Dissanayake as its Director General.

The sentencing of the S. M. Ranjith Samarakoon didn’t really bother his side. The arrest of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, too, didn’t really upset those facing charges. But, sentencing of former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former Sathosa Chairman and former Trade Minister Nalin Fernando on 29 May, 2025, sent shock waves through the Opposition.

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar sentenced Aluthgamage and Fernando for committing the offence of corruption by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Sathosa, allegedly to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry, and distributing them to party offices of the government, during the 2015 presidential election campaign thereby, causing a loss of over 53 million rupees to the government, stunned the Opposition.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, Fernando received a sentence of 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Additionally, a fine of Rs. 100,000 (hundred thousand) was imposed for each count.

The CIABOC’s Assistant Director General Mrs. Anuththara Jayasinghe and Assistant Director General Mrs. Thushari Dayaratne conducted the prosecution.

During the Yahapalana government Aluthgamage spearheaded a high profile anti-corruption campaign, dubbed ‘Yahapalana Top 10 kamba horu’. The then Joint Opposition (JO) group, led in Parliament by Dinesh Gunawardena, published a 750-page book, targeting the Yahapalana ministers. Mahindananda, who spearheaded that campaign, is now serving a long sentence.

The JO group consists of UPFA lawmakers who declined to throw their weight behind the then President Sirisena aligned with the UNP.

Let me mention the names of those against whom the accusations were made by the JO.

Yahapalana corruption

The JO dealt with 10 major cases. (1) The Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Accusations were directed at Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake and Governor Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. The losses were estimated at Rs 26 bn. (2) causing losses amounting to Rs 10 bn through the fraudulent import of vehicles. Ravi Karunanayake was named the chief culprit (3) Misappropriation of Mahapola funds to the tune of Rs. 1 bn. Allegations were directed at Malik Samarawickrema (4) Stealing from an insurance scheme implemented for the benefit of those going for employment in West Asia. The JO accused Thalatha Atukarale of misappropriating funds amounting Rs 1.5 bn (5) Receiving Rs 1.5 bn through the leasing of Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema and R. Paskaralingam were named the offenders (6) Kabir Hashim was accused of causing a loss of Rs 54 bn by cancelling aircraft ordered from Airbus Industries for the national carrier (7) fraudulent activities pertaining to the release of paddy stocks held by the government. The JO estimated the losses caused to the government at Rs 10 bn. (8) Scam in vehicle parts. Ravil Karunanayake was accused of causing losses amounting to Rs. 6.5 bn, (9 A) Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was accused of leasing of the Modera fisheries harbor and procurement of eight vessels to catch fish, fraudulently, and thereby causing losses up to Rs 1 bn, (9B) The JO also found fault with Dr. Senaratne for perpetrating Rs 1.5 bn fraud in the procurement of medicine and lastly (10) Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema, R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte were blamed for a massive fraud in the procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. That particular fraud was estimated at Rs 5 bn.

Although the JO transformed itself to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) later, to successfully contested the 2019 presidential election, none of the above-mentioned cases were investigated. As far as we know, none of those cases had been dealt with during the SLPP rule, from November, 2019, to July, 2022. Faced with an externally backed regime change operation, the SLPP invited Wickremesinghe, who had been named by them in three major corruption cases, to accept the premiership in May, 2022, and presidency in July same year.

So far, there is no indication whether the mentioned JO allegations had received the attention of the CIABOC or the Attorney General of the government. As far as we know of all the politicians and officials, Wickremesinghe is the only one facing imminent threat due to the ongoing case pertaining to him visiting the UK in September, 2023, to join his wife Prof. Maithree at the University of Wolverhampton at her graduation ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has been accused of squandering nearly 17 mn rupees at a time the country was in deep economic turmoil. The Fort Magistrate’s court is scheduled to take up the case on 8 July.

SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa is also facing a major legal challenge. The former Minister has been indicted on charges of criminal misappropriation of Rs. 70 mn in connection with the controversial Krrish project. The indictments have been forwarded to the Colombo High Court by the Attorney General, alleging that Namal Rajapaksa misappropriated funds by receiving Rs. 70 million from the Indian real estate company for the development of rugby in Sri Lanka.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, too, has been dealt with by the CIABOC. The Rajapaksas have been accused of lowering qualifications required to join the executive branch of the Navy and then sending him to the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom at taxpayers’ expense. Produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate, Yoshitha was released on three personal bail bonds of Rs. 5 million each.

Producing Yoshitha before court on 17 June, Deputy Director General of the Bribery Commission, Ruvini Wickramasinghe declared: “”Your Honour, the complaint regarding this incident was received on June 25, 2016. Accordingly, the Commission initiated investigations. The complaint states that the suspect had participated in naval training programmes held in England and Ukraine by misusing government funds, while depriving qualified applicants of such opportunities. At that time, this individual, who is a civilian in the dock today, was also a civilian in 2006 when he was deemed eligible for the Royal Navy Young Officer training at the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom. The opportunities to receive this training are extremely limited. Your Honour, selection to this prestigious course is usually based on being the most outstanding cadet officer during a two-year training period or based on performance during training. However, this suspect, although a civilian in 2006, was proposed and included in the list and was sent for the course in haste.”

The Deputy Director General also stated that Yoshitha Rajapaksa had undergone medical examinations required for overseas training even before being officially recruited into the Navy.

The court was also told that though Sri Lanka previously received scholarships from the UK the Rajapaksa government funded Yoshitha to the tune of Rs 6.2 mn.

Opp. attacks CIABOC

The Opposition has repeatedly attacked the CIABOC with its Director General Ranga Dissanayake being the primary target. Accusing Dissanayake of being a JVPer, the Opposition has repeatedly questioned the conduct of the High Court judge demanding that the CIABOC inquired into the top official’s conduct, especially with regard to the alleged suicide of former Sri Lankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena who had been under investigation pertaining to the receiving of USD 2 mn bribe to facilitate procurement aircraft from Airbus Industrie during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term.

Former Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, a regular speaker at Flower Road media briefings, alleged that the CIABOC was a political tool in the NPP’s hands.

A section of the Opposition to question the circumstances one-time JVP heavyweight Nandana Gunatilleke died in January this year at the Ragama Teaching Hospital after accusing Dissanayake of pursuing an agenda beneficial to the JVP, a charge denied by the High Court judge. When the writer raised the allegations with Dissanayake, he emphatically denied any wrongdoing on his part https://island.lk/ciaboc-dg-denies-jvp-link/.

The CIABOC has simply ignored accusations directed at its DG who proved through his actions that he really meant high profile public pronouncements against corruption.

Former Deputy Minister and ex-MP Sarana Gunawardena was sentenced to a total of 16 years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court on June 8, 2026.

During the Yahapalana administration many cases, filed by the CIABOC as well as the Attorney General, were either dismissed or dropped due to lapses on their part. The accused in such cases were ex-MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, ex-EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, ex-Ministers Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksha, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former AG and CJ Mohan Peiris.

Regardless of Opposition protests, the public appreciate tangible action against corruption. However, the NPP has not been free from serious allegations against it since the last general elections. The release of suspicious 323 containers, plus two containers filled with ice, in January, 2025, followed by the massive coal scam perpetrated in September 2025, loss of over USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury and controversial Aswesuma payments, as well as wealth, accumulated by NPP Ministers as revealed by declarations made to CIABOC, shocked the electorate.

The NPP has failed to counter allegations. The circumstances under which Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody resigned, along with Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala, on 17 April, just a week after the NPP defeated the no-confidence motion moved by the Opposition against the Energy Minister. dealt a devastating blow to the NPP’s much touted integrity. The NPP couldn’t explain as to why a person under investigation by the CIABOC for an alleged fraud perpetrated during the Yahapalana government was accommodated in President Dissanayake’s first Cabinet. Indicted before the Colombo High Court, Jayakody’s case commenced last week.

Asset declarations of some NPP Ministers have shocked the country. The SJB has called for CIABOC to investigate them without delay and prove that CIABOC was not only going after the Opposition. Ministers Lal Kantha and Wasantha Samarasinghe are two of the top JVPers who have attracted attention as the Opposition hits back at the government.

SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the JVP/NPP owed an explanation as to how their members amassed so much wealth since 2024 as they repeatedly claimed their inability to meet even their basic needs. But, their asset declarations exposed their blatant lies.

Midweek Review

Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Published

8 hours ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Listening to the Winds, Reading the Waves:

Prof. Gamini Keerawella’s latest publication, Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945 will be launched on 5 August at the Auditorium of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS). The keynote address will be delivered by Prof. T. V. Paul, James, McGill Professor of Political Science at McGill University, Canada and the former President of the International Studies Association (ISA).

Prof. Keerawella, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Peradeniya, has dedicated hisbook to the memory of Dr. Newton Gunasinghe, the eminent sociologist and Marxist theoretician who encouraged him to venture beyond disciplinary frontiers. In many respects, this work represents a successful realization of that intellectual endeavour. In her testimonial to back cover of the book, Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes that “Gamini Keerawella offers a nuanced and layered account of the Indian Ocean region’s strategic evolution from the era of decolonization to the contemporary phase of intensifying great-power rivalry. Its distinctive analytical perspective makes it an important contribution to the study of international relations, maritime geopolitics, and regional strategic dynamics.” This assessment accurately captures the significance of the work, and I fully endorse her judgement.

This volume constitutes the final publication of a trilogy that explores the evolving dynamics of international relations from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective. The first study examined the trajectory of Sri Lanka’s defence and foreign policy, while the second revisited the origins, evolution, and principal constituent elements of international relations as an academic discipline from a Global South perspective. The present work broadens the analytical canvas by tracing the shifting geopolitical contours of the Indian Ocean since 1945 and examining the evolving interplay between great-power competition and regional agency.

Indian Ocean not merely maritime transit space

At the heart of Prof. Keerawella’s analysis is the argument that the Indian Ocean is not merely a maritime space of transit but a living archive whose language is inscribed in tides, trade, and collective memory. To uncover the deeper structures that have shaped the region, he draws on Michel Foucault’s concept of the archaeology of knowledge, probing beneath the visible layers of historical experience to reveal successive strata of thought, exchange, and power. This approach enables him to trace the multiple origins of the Indian Ocean’s geopolitical significance through the sedimented traces of how the ocean has been known, governed, and imagined across time. Complementing this perspective is Fernand Braudel’s concept of the longue durée, which provides the framework for understanding the long-term evolution of Indian Ocean geopolitics. As Keerawella notes, for Braudel, history unfolds not as a single linear sequence but as a layered field of continuity and change, revealing the deeper architecture of the past—the slow yet powerful currents that shape political and economic developments beneath the surface of events (Keerawella 2026: xxiii).Prof. Keerawella further notes that later historians such as K. N. Chaudhuri and M. N. Pearson drew on Braudel’s insights and adapted them to understand the Indian Ocean as a polycentric world.

Prof. Keerawella argues that the terms employed in the title of this work—Winds, Waves, and Currents—evoke the ocean’s dual language of surface movement and underlying structure. In his reading, winds and waves signify motion: the visible and often turbulent forces that carry ships, peoples, commodities, and ideas across shifting maritime frontiers. Currents, by contrast, refer to the deeper and less visible forces that shape historical trajectories and connect coasts and continents through enduring patterns of interaction. As he observes, while winds and waves represent the restless dynamics of the ocean’s surface, currents embody the slower yet more consequential energies that operate beneath it, binding disparate regions into a larger maritime system (2026: xx).

Metaphors and Conceptual Foundation

Building on this conceptual foundation, the author employs winds, waves, and currents not merely as metaphors but also as analytical categories. Winds represent changing strategic directions and geopolitical realignments; waves denote recurring cycles of commerce, conflict, and interaction; and currents symbolize the deep structural forces that connect societies across space and time. Viewed from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective, the volume demonstrates how a strategically located small state at the centre of the Indian Ocean perceives and navigates this maritime space through its own strategic lens. The book opens by situating Sri Lanka within the intersecting forces of history, geography, and power that have shaped the Indian Ocean world. It advances the notion of a dual strategic consciousness that has informed Sri Lanka’s external engagements: a persistent sense of vulnerability, rooted in colonial experience and geographical exposure, coexisting with a cosmopolitan outlook forged through centuries of maritime exchange. Prof. Keerawella contends that this dual consciousness constitutes the underlying framework through which Sri Lanka has historically interpreted and responded to developments in its external environment.

Winds and Waves is a comprehensive study comprising eleven chapters and an extensive introduction that establishes the analytical foundations of the work by treating the ocean simultaneously as text and method. The opening chapter situates Sri Lanka within the wider Indian Ocean system, tracing the island’s navigation through shifting configurations of power while emphasising the agency of small states. The Indian Ocean is presented not merely as a strategic arena but also as a moral and political space, linking Sri Lanka’s historical experience to the broader aspirations and consciousness of the Global South.

Revisiting British withdrawal

The book revisits Britain’s withdrawal from the Indian Ocean, arguing that it was not simply a consequence of post-war decline but the culmination of deeper structural transformations in the international system. Decolonisation, Afro-Asian nationalism, and the emergence of bipolarity fundamentally altered the regional order and created the conditions for Britain’s retreat. In turn, this withdrawal opened the way for superpower competition, particularly between the United States and the Soviet Union, transforming the Indian Ocean into major theatre of Cold War geopolitics.

A substantial portion of the volume is devoted to examining the policies and strategic trajectories of the major powers. The author traces American engagement from Cold War containment through post-Cold War maritime predominance to contemporary Indo-Pacific formulations, demonstrating that U.S. strategy has evolved through the interaction of structural imperatives and changing strategic discourses. Particular attention is paid to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War, which is interpreted as a transformative event that exposed the limits of military hegemony and accelerated patterns of strategic hedging and multi-alignment among regional actors. The book also explores the Soviet Union’s entry into the Indian Ocean in 1968 and the subsequent re-emergence of Russia under Vladimir Putin through selective naval deployments, arms transfers, and strategic partnerships, illustrating what the author characterises as the recurrent rhythms of great-power engagement in the region.

The rise of China receives extensive treatment as one of the most significant structural developments of the twenty-first century. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, port development projects, and naval modernisation, China has translated growing economic power into expanding strategic influence. The author contrasts Beijing’s assertive posture in the South China Sea with its relatively restrained approach in the Indian Ocean, where economic diplomacy and cooperative security initiatives have assumed greater prominence. Equally significant is the discussion of India’s transformation from a regional power into an emerging global strategic actor. The evolution of Indian maritime strategy—from Nehruvian custodianship to contemporary blue-water ambitions—demonstrates how a rising power navigates structural constraints while expanding its strategic reach. Initiatives such as SAGAR, naval modernization, and deepening partnerships with the United States, Japan, and Australia have positioned India as a central actor in the evolving Indo-Pacific order.

Roles of Japan and EU examined

The volume also examines the roles of Japan and the European Union in shaping the contemporary maritime order. Japan’s transition from post-war restraint to proactive strategic engagement, embodied in the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, illustrates how middle powers adapt to changing geopolitical realities through coalition-building and maritime capacity enhancement. The European Union’s engagement is portrayed through less visible but nevertheless significant mechanisms, including trade, development cooperation, maritime governance, and norm diffusion, contributing to what the author terms a form of “quiet-making multipolarity” that encourages restraint, stability, and pragmatic cooperation.

Moving beyond conventional geopolitics, the book broadens the analytical framework to address a range of non-traditional security challenges confronting South Asia in general and Sri Lanka in particular. Climate change, piracy, illegal fishing, maritime terrorism, public health vulnerabilities, and digital insecurity are examined as transnational challenges that transcend the capabilities of individual states. The author argues that these issues reveal the limits of unilateral action and underscore the growing importance of cooperation, collective action, institutional innovation, and middle-power leadership in maritime governance.

Prof. Keerawella further situates the Indian Ocean within the wider context of the emerging Asian Century. Asia’s resurgence—driven principally by China and India and reinforced by the dynamism of Southeast Asia—is presented as a major reconfiguration of global power. In this transformation, the Indian Ocean functions as a vital maritime artery connecting energy resources, manufacturing centres, and consumer markets. At the same time, the author cautions against deterministic interpretations, emphasising that the realisation of the Asian Century remains contingent upon how the region responds to persistent inequalities, environmental challenges, governance deficits, and intensifying strategic competition.

Assessing how SL has navigated shifts

The book concludes by returning to Sri Lanka and assessing how the country has navigated contemporary shifts in the regional and global balance of power under the National People’s Power (NPP) government that emerged in the aftermath of the Aragalaya of 2022. The author demonstrates how economic crisis, demands for accountability, and aspirations for a new political culture have reshaped the domestic context within which foreign policy is conducted. Under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sri Lanka is portrayed as pursuing a carefully calibrated strategy that combines engagement with international financial institutions, enhanced cooperation with India in defence and energy sectors, continued economic engagement with China, and functional security relations with the United States. The government’s response to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War—rejecting military access requests from all parties while extending humanitarian assistance—serves as an illustration of the author’s broader argument that strategic flexibility, principled neutrality, and diplomatic agility remain essential for small states navigating an increasingly complex Indian Ocean order.

Taken together, the book advances several interconnected propositions. First, the Indian Ocean is entering an increasingly multipolar era in which power is exercised through complex networks of cooperation, competition, and interdependence rather than rigid alliance structures. Second, small states are neither passive spectators nor mere proxies of great powers; they possess strategic agency and navigate competing pressures through hedging, diversification, and calibrated diplomacy. Third, Sri Lanka’s strategic behaviour—characterised by navigating asymmetry through flexibility and ambiguity—reflects a historically rooted dual consciousness that combines vulnerability with cosmopolitan engagement. Fourth, non-traditional security challenges and environmental governance are no longer peripheral concerns but central components of the evolving regional order.

Need for adaptive navigation

Prof. Keerawella argues that contemporary statecraft in the Indian Ocean requires adaptive navigation rather than rigid alignment. In a fluid and contested maritime environment, survival and influence depend less on resisting structural change than on understanding and responding to it with prudence, flexibility, and strategic clarity. The book therefore offers important insights into how small states can transform structural vulnerability into strategic agency and convert exposure into opportunities for engagement within a changing regional order.

Combining historical depth with contemporary analysis, it provides a nuanced understanding of the interaction between great-power competition, regional transformation, and the strategic choices of smaller states. The book will be of considerable value to students and scholars of international relations, political science, strategic studies, and maritime affairs, while also offering useful perspectives to policymakers, diplomats, and practitioners. Equally important, it opens several promising avenues for future research on the Indian Ocean and the emerging Indo-Pacific order.

Hermeneutic approachs

Methodologically, the study draws upon hermeneutic approaches to examine the geopolitical and maritime environments that shape relationships among states, societies, and historical processes. The result is a work that is both analytically rigorous and intellectually engaging. This review has sought less to evaluate the book in a conventional sense than to introduce its central themes and encourage a wider readership to engage with its arguments. Having highlighted the many merits of the volume, it is worth noting one technical shortcoming: the absence of an index. Given the book’s wide thematic scope and rich empirical content, the inclusion of an index would have significantly enhanced its value as a reference tool for researchers and students alike.

In sum, Prof. Keerawella listens attentively to the winds, reads the waves with analytical precision, and traces the deeper currents that shape the Indian Ocean world. The outcome is Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945, a timely and thought-provoking contribution published by the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies.

Reviewed by
Dr. Ramesh Ramasamy
Department of Political Science, University
of Peradeniya