Editorial
The Duminda verdict
Last week’s unanimous decision of a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court, quashing former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Special Presidential Pardon to Duminda Silva, former parliamentarian and supervising MP of the Defence Ministry serving a life term for the murder of another former MP, Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra, has been widely approved by public opinion. We say welcomed by the public because there is a deep rooted perception that some are more equal than others in this Socialist Democratic Republic of ours with wealthy and politically connected persons better treated than the less endowed.
Silva was one of five accused sentenced to death by the Colombo High Court in September 2016 after conviction by a divided verdict of a three-judge trial-at-bar with one judge dissenting. We are told the latest decision is final although some Supreme Court decisions of the past have been reviewed by fuller benches, such a possibility does not exist in the current situation. The case in the original court dragged on for nearly nine months and the judge who delivered the determination – the presiding judge dissented – said that a report of the Judicial Medical Officer had held that Silva was under the influence of alcohol at the time of the shooting and that the four victims including Premachandra had been shot with same firearm.
The Duminda Silva determination comes soon after the earlier decision of November 2023 of a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court holding the three Rajapaksa brothers, Gotabaya, Mahinda and Basil – the latter two held the finance ministry – of driving the country to bankruptcy. That judgment also held former Central Bank Governors Ajith Nivard Cabraal and W.D. Lakshman as well as former Treasury Secretary S.R Attygalle and former Presidential Secretary P.B. Jayasundera culpable. No damages or penalties were imposed in this instance as none had been sought.
Earlier in the Easter Sunday case in January last year former President Maithripala Sirisena was held partly responsible for the massive security failure for the carnage and ordered to pay Rs. 100 million to a special fund controlled by the Attorney General to compensate the victims. Senior police officers, including then IGP Pujith Jayasundera and Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena were ordered to pay Rs. 75 million each while Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando must pay Rs. 50 million and then Chief of National Intelligence Sisira Mendis, Rs. 10 million. As is well known, the Easter bombing occurred despite warning from Indian intelligence that a terrorist strike was very much in the offing.
These judicial decisions coming hard on the heels or each other have given Sri Lankans accustomed to the rulers getting off scot-free for their many acts of omission and commission have undoubtedly given the people fresh heart that the judiciary at least will enforce accountability. Calling the Duminda Silva pardon and many others “executive madness,” our stablemate, The Island on Friday editorially drew attention to several such instances of presidential pardons granted in the past. The rot began with President J.R. Jayewardene granting a notorious rapist, politically connected Gonawela Sunil, imprisoned for attacking a teenage girl, a pardon and releasing him from jail.
The tradition continued with President Maithripala Sirisena pardoning Galabodaatte Gnanasara who we would describe as a person in yellow robes rather than a Buddhist monk, held guilty of a most flagrant act of contempt of court. Then there was President Mahinda Rajapaksa pardoning the wife of a minister sentenced to death for murdering a woman described as the minister’s mistress. GR not only pardoned Amadoru Lawrence Romelo Duminda Silva, to give Duminda’s full name. He had earlier pardoned a soldier, Sergeant Sunil Ratnayake held in death row for murdering eight Tamil civilians.
Let us not forget the Royal Park murder case of 2005 when 19-year old Yvonne Jonsson, the daughter of a Swedish father and a Lankan mother was beaten and fatally strangled at the Royal Park Condominium complex in Rajagiriya. A wealthy young man, educated at an International School in Colombo and then went to Australia for higher studies, Jude Shramantha Anthony Jayamaha was convicted in this case of culpable homicide not amounting to murder and received a 12-year sentence of imprisonment. But he received a controversial presidential pardon from President Maithripala Sirisena a few days before Sirisena’s term ended in 2019. Jayamaha wrote a letter of remorse after receiving his pardon and is reported to have left the country.
Perhaps Duminda Silva who was appointed chairman of the National Housing Development Authority after his release from jail might have done well to have left the country after his release as Jayamaha did. Whether he had visions of returning to parliament we do not know. Though we do know that many undesirables have crawled out of the woodwork since the impact of the Aragalaya waned and are heard both in parliament and election platforms. Hirunika Premachandra, Bharatha Lakshman’s daughter who was elected both to the western provincial council and parliament is no longer an MP but remains politically active with the SJB. It was her fundamental rights action that triggered last weeks judgment.
Latest reports say that Duminda is hospitalized at Sri Jayawardenapura. He was taken to custody when leave to appeal was granted for Hirunika’s fundamental rights action. Whether he will remain at SJH as his doctors recommend or be transferred to the prisons hospital is yet an open question. People still remember that former minister and present MP S.B. Dissanayake, jailed for contempt of court, spent much of his sentence in the merchant’s ward of the Colombo National Hospital.
Editorial
Carnage, justice and politics
Monday 6th April, 2026
Seven years have almost elapsed since the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, but there are still no answers to some vital questions about the tragedy that shook the world. Several schools of thought have emerged on the mastermind/s behind the 2019 terror strikes. It is being claimed in some quarters that the terror attacks were carried out by National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) leader Zahran Hashim and his followers at the behest of Islamic State (IS), which was suffering severe setbacks at the time. This argument has not found favour with others who think that some foreign powers were behind the terror attacks or the handlers of the suicide bombers were on a mission to facilitate the return of the Rajapaksas to power by stoking fears about national security among the people. These allegations, counter allegations, arguments and counterarguments have given rise to various conspiracy theories which have obfuscated the main issue.
There is hardly anything that politicians spare in their quest for power, and they have made the most of many tragedies, from the rape and murder of Premawathi Manamperi during the 1971 counterinsurgency operations against the JVP to the Easter Sunday carnage. The countless extrajudicial killings during the second JVP uprising and the civilian deaths during the Eelam war are issues that politicians have flogged hard to advance their political agendas. The SLPP came to power, promising to uncover the truth about the Easter Sunday carnage, but reneged on its pledge. The JVP/NPP made a solemn pledge to bring the masterminds behind the terror attacks to justice expeditiously, and secured the support of the campaigners for justice, but its promise also remains unfulfilled although it has been in power for nearly one and a half years.
Those who are seeking justice are confused. They first pinned their hopes on the SLPP and backed it in elections. After being ensconced in power, the SLPP insisted that NTJ leader Hashim or Moulavi Nauffer had masterminded the terror strikes; they cited FBI reports, etc., to bolster their claim. Those seeking justice then accused the SLPP of having masterminded the terror attacks to capture power. Now, the leaders of the JVP/NPP who, as Opposition MPs thundered in Parliament, blaming Islamic extremists for the carnage, and urged some Muslim politicians to put the genie back into the bottle, have changed their tune. They have held their immediate predecessors responsible for the terror attacks and are in overdrive, trying to prove their claim.
Partisan politics have stood in the way of efforts to find out the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks. There has been a call for a fresh, thorough probe into the carnage, based on the findings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCOI) which probed it. This, in our view, is a sensible suggestion. Prejudices and political affiliations of some lead investigators have tainted the integrity of the ongoing probe. An investigation must be free from the influence of those who are trying to cover up their own lapses that led to the terror attacks or to settle political scores. The police have impartial, capable officers and they must be entrusted with the task of investigating the 2019 terror strikes.
Meanwhile, Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa, in his Easter Sunday message, has said that delivering justice for the victims of the 2019 terror attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state. He has lamented that it is a grave failure as a nation that justice has not yet been delivered to those killed, injured and affected by the Easter Sunday terror attacks. What he says is true, but there is no way he and other SJB MPs who were members of the UNP-led Yahapalana government can absolve themselves of the blame for that dysfunctional regime’s failure to prevent the Easter Sunday carnage. They were in the Yahapalana Cabinet. The PCOI report says, “The government, including President Sirisena and Prime Minister [Ranil Wickremesinghe] is accountable for the tragedy” (p. 471). In other words, the PCOI has held all members of the Yahapalana government, including those who are currently in the SJB, accountable for the carnage. The JVP propped up that failed government which could not protect national security.
The former members of the Yahapalana government and others who won elections by promising to serve justice to the Easter Sunday terror victims should now cast their politics aside and make a concerted effort to have the carnage thoroughly investigated and clear doubts in the public mind.
Editorial
Needed: Negotiations, not muscle flexing
The Health Ministry and the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) are playing a game of chicken over doctors’ transfers. The GMOA is protesting against an alleged government move to gain control of doctors’ transfer scheme. It insists that doctors’ transfers must be handled professionally, free from political interference, for the benefit of doctors and the public. Accusing the government of trying to politicise doctors’ transfers for the benefit of the ruling party loyalists in the health service, the GMOA says that such a course of action will plunge the medical service into chaos and place the doctors serving in the ‘difficult areas’ at a disadvantage.
Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has told the GMOA in no uncertain terms that it is his way or the highway. No trade union action would deter him from implementing the new transfer scheme, he said, on Thursday, warning the post-intern doctors that unless they applied for postings by Saturday (04), they would not be allowed to join the state health service.
The GMOA is not entirely blameless for unresolved trade union issues in the health sector. It has been afflicted by what may be described as the Uncle Sam syndrome; it apparently believes that only doctors’ interests must be looked after in the health sector. It has alienated other health workers. However, one cannot but endorse its position on doctors’ transfers, which must be effected systematically, with the participation and concurrence of the trade union representatives of medical officers. Politicians are driven by partisan political interests and known to act according to their whims and fancies. It is thanks to them that the state service finds itself in an unholy mess. There is provision for appeals under the current doctors’ transfer scheme, and the government can intervene in case of complaints of irregularities and injustices.
The doctors’ transfer scheme has worked all these years, and there is no reason why the government should meddle with it. At the time of writing, the GMOA was discussing ways and means of intensifying their trade union to win their struggle. It is likely to resort to a continuous strike if the government leaders try to bulldoze their way through. Its calls for negotiations with the Health Minister have gone unheeded.
The JVP-NPP government’s intransigence, and threats and warnings to workers involved in trade union struggles evoke the dreadful memories of a bygone era when a government, intoxicated with power, rode roughshod over trade unions and resorted to mass sackings to crush strikes and intimidate workers into submission. The politicians of the incumbent government sound just like the ministers in President J. R. Jayewardene’s UNP government. One may recall that in July 1980s, when workers struck work, demanding a pay hike, acting on President Jayewardene’s orders, Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa warned that the workers would be treated as having abandoned their jobs unless they returned to work immediately. More than 40,000 workers who defied the government order were terminated overnight, and the vacancies so created were filled with UNP supporters. Interestingly, the JVP, which had agreed to join that strike, pulled out at the eleventh hour on some flimsy pretext. It was honeymooning with the UNP at the time.
The JVP leaders who came to power, claiming to espouse Marxism and promising to safeguard the interests of workers and resolve all labour issues through negotiations, are emulating their capitalist predecessors, such as Jayewardene and Premadasa, whom they condemned as the worst enemies of the working class. It can also be argued that the current leaders have taken a leaf out of the late LSSP leader Dr. N. M. Perera’s book. In 1972, NM, as the Finance Minister of the SLFP-led United Front (UF) government, chose to wear down the bank employees who launched a strike, demanding better pay and improved service conditions. The UF government invoked emergency regulations and threatened to terminate the strikers who did not return to work. NM succeeded in breaking the strike, which lasted for 108 days. This is how all governments react, regardless of their political ideologies, when their interests are threatened.
The JVP-NPP government should negotiate with the protesting doctors and make a serious effort to resolve the transfer issue amicably. Its intransigence and threats will only prolong the ongoing trade union dispute, causing untold hardships to the public who cannot afford out-of-pocket healthcare expenses.
Editorial
Brouhaha over a book
Saturday 4th April, 2026
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader and former minister Udaya Gammanpila is complaining that a fake copy of his book on the Easter Sunday terror attacks, Pasku praharaye mahamolakaru soya yema (“Searching for the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks”), has been released on social media. He says the spurious book in Portable Document Format is based on an incomplete manuscript of his work, sent to former top military intelligence officer Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Suresh Sallay for fact-checking on a specific section. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) took the incomplete manuscript into custody after Sallay’s arrest, Gammanpila has said, alleging that the fake book is based on that document. He has threatened legal action against the CID for misusing intellectual property and forgery.
The fake book under discussion will perhaps be the least of Gammanpila’s problems. The self-styled Hercule Poirots in the CID and their political masters must be drawing up plans for a witch-hunt against him, for he has ruffled the feathers of the powers that be by challenging the government’s narrative about the Easter Sunday carnage, and taking up the cudgels on behalf of those arrested by the CID, which is headed by a member of the JVP/NPP—retired SSP Shani Abeysekera, who is a member of the NPP’s Retired Police Collective.
The CID has been an appendage of the political party or coalition in power all these years. The JVP/NPP came to power promising a radical departure from the rotten political culture and swift action to depoliticise vital institutions, such as the police, but it is stuck in the same old rut as its predecessors; it keeps all state outfits under its thumb to advance its political agenda. The CID has been doing more political work than criminal investigations, under successive governments; no wonder unsolved crimes abound and the conviction rate remains extremely low (4% to 6%).
The release of the fake book at issue can be considered a propaganda misadventure. The controversy created by that ill-conceived move will help Gammanpila sell more copies of his book and bolster his claim that unable to counter his arguments, the government is trying to create confusion in the public mind about his narrative. Gammanpila’s real book offers fresh insights into the crucial issues surrounding the Easter Sunday carnage and related matters.
Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has drawn criticism for attending Gammanpila’s book launch on 31 March. It is being claimed in some quarters that he should not have been there as the SJB does not subscribe to the contention that Zahran Hashim was the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks. This argument is not tenable. One’s presence at a book launch is not tantamount to one’s endorsement of the views of the author concerned.
Interestingly, the JVP leaders, including Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath, vigorously promoted Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidential election manifesto, Mahinda Chinthanaya, in 2005, as a silver bullet capable of solving all the problems Sri Lanka was facing at that time. Videos of their fiery speeches promoting Mahinda Chinthanaya are available in the digital realm. A few years later, they turned against President Rajapaksa and even tried to topple his government. Today, they are vilifying Mahinda, who would not have been able to secure the executive presidency in 2005, much less become a prominent national leader, without their help. Sajith has not promoted Gammanpila’s book, has he?
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