Features
The dilemmas of multilateralism
By Uditha Devapriya
Jim Hacker: Surely we are committed to the European ideal!
Sir Humphrey Appleby: Really, Minister!
Jim Hacker: If not, why are we pressing for an increase in membership?
Sir Humphrey Appleby: For the same reason. It’s just like the United Nations, in fact. The more members it has, the more arguments it can stir up, the more futile and impotent it becomes.
Jim Hacker: What appalling cynicism!
Sir Humphrey Appleby: Yes. We call it diplomacy, Minister.
— “Yes, Prime Minister”
The last week has been very busy for President Ranil Wickremesinghe. First he travelled to Cuba, in time for the G77 Plus China Heads of State Summit in Havana from September 15 to 16. Largely dismissed by the Western press, the Summit saw the participation of delegations from more than a hundred countries across the Global South. Speaking at the Summit, UN Secretary-General António Guterres reiterated the importance of South-South cooperation in light of developments like vaccine hoarding by rich countries. President Wickremesinghe, meanwhile, made use of the event to strengthen ties with Cuba.
Wickremesinghe’s next destination was New York, where he attended the 78th Session of the UN General Assembly and made a speech on Thursday, September 21. On the sidelines he attended a number of events, including a Conference on Sustainable Development Goals, and met with several officials, including USAID Administrator Samantha Power. He also took part in a business roundtable discussion organised by the Business Council for International Understanding and the Sri Lankan Embassy in the US.
More crucially, he took part in a programme, the third Annual Indo-Pacific Islands Dialogue, which focused on island nations in the Indian Ocean. At the event, hosted jointly by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Sasakawa Peace Foundation of Japan, he observed that such countries are reluctant to take sides in big power rivalries, especially in hotly contested oceans such as the Indo-Pacific.
He contended that Sri Lanka does not wish to take sides or get embroiled in conflicts between superpowers, emphasising that the island will only look up to its national interests. He also noted that military alliances such as Quad and AUKUS have only provoked big power rivalries in the region and violated the rules-based setup of organisations like ASEAN, APEC, and IORA.
Predictably, the Western press has taken to depicting Wickremesinghe’s comments as some kind of balancing act. Foreign Policy, for instance, notes his critique of Western military alliances and his rejection of claims that China is sending spy vessels as “music to China’s ears”, adding that “Wickremesinghe likely wanted to reassert his government’s neutral position by signalling that Colombo values its relations with Beijing as well.
” Foreign Policy may be reading too much between the lines and into Wickremesinghe’s motives here, but it is reflective of how the Western foreign policy establishment has viewed his statements. In any case, it’s not just political and business initiatives that he has limited his engagements to in the city: he also met with Nick Clegg, President of Global Affairs for Meta, and elaborated on the government’s controversial new anti-online hate speech initiatives.
In his speech on Thursday, President Wickremesinghe reflected on how he saved democracy last year by preventing a takeover of the parliament. False modesty aside, he also dwelt on the economic reforms he instituted and how these have gone a long way in “rebuilding trust and confidence between the people and the government.” The disconnect between the two of course remains, but at the General Assembly the President seemed content in saying that Sri Lankans “are already witnessing the positive outcomes of these measures in their daily lives.
” He then reiterated his belief, which I believe he takes to be his government’s view, that global challenges require solutions beyond borders. What emerged from the speech essentially was a tribute to multilateralism and to the necessity of working “in solidarity with the developing world” in combating issues like climate change.
These visits and speeches have taken place against the backdrop of simmering domestic tensions, instigated by a particularly inconvenient documentary on the Easter bombings. Yet by all accounts, on the foreign policy front, Ranil Wickremesinghe seems to have scored a hit or two. Feted by one world leader after another, he has depicted himself as a champion of small states and island nations, not to mention solidarity in the Global South.
There remains a disconnect, however, between aspiration and reality. Wickremesinghe will no doubt reflect on these values and principles when he addresses future forums abroad, particularly in the West. But how practical are they for Sri Lanka, a small state that has been pushed against its will into the same big power contests he wishes us to avoid?
Wickremesinghe’s advocacy of multilateralism and his critique of Western military alliances is certainly a breath of fresh air. In contrast to his uncle, J. R. Jayewardene, he has made a case against Western intervention in the Global South. Without over praising him, it must be acknowledged that no other national leader has articulated as clear and concise a critique of outfits like AUKUS and Quad as he has.
But the world of today is not the world of the 1980s. The vision for multilateralism the President has sided with, and touts himself as a champion of, is more complex than the ideologies of the Cold War, including non-alignment. As I have frequently contended elsewhere, multilateralism means different things to different people today. What vision of multilateralism, then, should Sri Lanka embrace?
The Sri Lankan government and foreign policy establishment have, thus far, avoided this question. Admittedly, this question is not easy to answer, still less resolve. Yet it must be answered, and it must be resolved. The flipside to multilateralism is that different countries and different groupings want to align it with their national interests.
Hence India, while championing multipolarity at even the recent G77 Summit, has refused to back a BRICS currency, partly because it wants to enthrone the rupee and partly because it does not wish to enthrone a unit of exchange within a bloc that is fundamentally dominated by its arch-rival China. President Wickremesinghe may declare, again and again, that Sri Lanka will not side with big powers in the region. But there are big power contests within the multilateral setup that he champions. How is Sri Lanka to navigate those waters?
It is this point that the mainstream Western press has picked up in its dismissals of the G77 Summit. Talking to the National Public Radio in the US, for instance, one correspondent observed that nothing concrete came out of the gathering, adding facetiously that “the most concrete thing… is that the G-77 plus China agreed to declare September 16 as the Day of Science, Technology and Innovation in the South.
” It was also this point that India picked up when it called on member states to speak as one “without getting distracted by bilateral issues.” It is questionable to what extent India itself has abided by this principle. But I think the point is well taken. Unless the Global South casts aside internal dissensions, as seen even in the Left-dominated Latin America, there can be no hope for multipolarity.
Sri Lanka’s lunge towards multilateralism did not begin with Ranil Wickremesinghe, nor will it end with him. Over the last year or so he has presented himself as a champion not just of the Global South, but also of specific concerns such as climate change. At COP27 he went as far as to fault industrialisation in the West for the problems of climate change in the Global South.
It is not fair to dismiss such sentiments lock, stock, and barrel. Yet they must also be put in perspective. At a time when the country’s assets, specifically State assets, are being auctioned off to everyone and anyone, it paradoxically might make sense to advocate these values, so as to attract the highest bidder. This is being somewhat cynical, to be sure. But it is in line with the Sri Lankan government’s economic reforms.
While all this is going on, however, the government has omitted to mention which vision of multilateralism it intends on advocating. As President Wickremesinghe wraps up his visit to New York and the UN General Assembly and returns home, the world will doubtless have their eyes on him. For Sri Lankans, though, he will remain the divisive, ambivalent figure he always has been. In that light, it would help if the government became a little more specific in its grand designs for foreign policy. This is asking for the bare minimum.
The writer is an international relations analyst, independent researcher, and freelance columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.
However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.
What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’
The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.
Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.
A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.
That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.
At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.
Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.
Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.
It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.
Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.
Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.
Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.
It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.
However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.
Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.
Features
Clear, soft and shine-free skin
This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.
The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:
For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.
Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:
An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.
Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:
Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.
Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:
Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.
Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:
Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.
A Gentle Reminder:
As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.
Features
Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027
Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!
And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!
Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.
Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!
Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!
Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.
If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!
The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com
or chris.rajendra@gmail.com
Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.
Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.
This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.
Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.
Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.
WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!
Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.
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