Editorial
The coming colour
The forthcoming local government elections, widely considered a litmus test on the popularity, or the lack thereof of the government, weighs on the minds of the people or at least some of them. As many, or a greater number, cannot care less. As far as they are concerned, the means of surviving the day trumps all else. For the large majority, there is no lesser evil among the political contenders. In their view, all of them are as bad as the alternatives. Yet the conflicting signals now emerging on whether these long overdue elections will be held by March as required by law is a matter of both intrigue and speculation. Will they be held as scheduled or will they not? That is a big question in today’s politics.
The work involved in updating the electoral lists have now been completed. Nimal Punchihewa, the Chairman of the National Elections Commission, whose continuance in office was a matter of conjecture not so long ago, is firmly on record that the elections will be held on time as required by law. He gazetted the Returning Officers and their assistants a few days ago. No less than President Ranil Wickremesinghe has said that the enormous 8,000 or thereabouts of local councilors fattening on the public purse must be halved. Former Elections Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya has been appointed to head a Delimitation Commission to re-demarcate local authority wards. Predictably, many regard this as an election delaying tactic though Deshapriya has done his best to debunk that suspicion.
The general public has been privy in recent days to all kinds of signals suggesting that these elections will not be held on schedule. There were reports that the ruling SLPP and the president’s UNP are in talks for an electoral alliance. SLPP Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam has confirmed as much. The constitution empowers Wickremesinghe to dissolve parliament after February 20 next year but he has made very clear that he is not going to do that. Parliament may also be dissolved by its own resolution carried by a simple majority. But nobody will be simple minded enough to expect that to be even a remote possibility. Too many sitting MPs await the passing of five years of parliamentary service to be entitled to a life pension which their wives will continue to draw after them. Many more fear the people’s verdict on their disastrous performance and an election is the last thing on their minds. So a parliamentary election is obviously a long way down the road.
Provincial Council elections, although overdue, and promised in the first quarter of next year by no less than Basil Rajapaksa before he quit the finance ministry, are very unlikely before local elections. This despite the anxiety of the Tamil parties to hold such elections and Indian pressure on the same matter. The local government minister has twice postponed local elections and according the law he is not empowered to do so again. The vast majority of Sri Lankans are familiar with the corruption within local bodies and the self-serving activities of their elected representatives. The councillors regard local bodies as the bottom rung of a ladder to parliament. The people would be happy to be relieved of half the burden of supporting local councillors. So the president’s proposal is surely a popular one although its implementation will require the postponing of elections.
The SLPP and UNP getting into an alliance must obviously be with an election in view. But which one? The pecking order as it now stands is first local elections, then provincial council elections and finally parliamentary elections. Beyond that, President Ranil Wickremesinghe, elected not by the people but by the Rajapaksa-led SLPP majority in parliament, must surely dream of winning a people’s mandate for himself and would look forward to becoming a president truly elected by the people. An SLPP-UNP alliance will serve that objective too. But the big question for now is whether we are going to have the local elections before next March or whether they will be put off sine die. We must hold these elections according to the law as it stands. The law, of course, can be amended and there are whispers this might happen early next year.
Within the last few days we have heard Mr. Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, once a cabinet minister and the UNP’s general secretary and then its assistant leader, now a defeated candidate (like all who ran from the green party in August 2020 not excluding the present president) saying that the local elections will cost billion of rupees. Do the people want such elections, he questioned, at the cost of power cuts, and scarcity of essentials down the road? SLPP functionaries too have been heard expressing similar thoughts. It was only on Thursday that the state-controlled Daily News gave front page prominence to an SLPP stalwart, former Bar Association President, UR de Silva, PC, saying that it was “not the correct time for LG polls.” He went on record saying that spending a huge amount of money for LG polls was a futile exercise at the moment and urged that first the prevailing law regarding such polls must change and there must be a right environment to hold them.
The SJB and other opponents of government are strenuously urging that the election be held and threatening to otherwise bring people on to the streets. They are super-confident that the government’s unpopularity will be crystal clear in the results. The SLPP showed Yahapalana the coming colour in the local election prior to GR’s November 2019 landslide. The SJB is now drooling at the prospect of doing likewise.
Editorial
Needed: Negotiations, not muscle flexing
The Health Ministry and the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) are playing a game of chicken over doctors’ transfers. The GMOA is protesting against an alleged government move to gain control of doctors’ transfer scheme. It insists that doctors’ transfers must be handled professionally, free from political interference, for the benefit of doctors and the public. Accusing the government of trying to politicise doctors’ transfers for the benefit of the ruling party loyalists in the health service, the GMOA says that such a course of action will plunge the medical service into chaos and place the doctors serving in the ‘difficult areas’ at a disadvantage.
Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has told the GMOA in no uncertain terms that it is his way or the highway. No trade union action would deter him from implementing the new transfer scheme, he said, on Thursday, warning the post-intern doctors that unless they applied for postings by Saturday (04), they would not be allowed to join the state health service.
The GMOA is not entirely blameless for unresolved trade union issues in the health sector. It has been afflicted by what may be described as the Uncle Sam syndrome; it apparently believes that only doctors’ interests must be looked after in the health sector. It has alienated other health workers. However, one cannot but endorse its position on doctors’ transfers, which must be effected systematically, with the participation and concurrence of the trade union representatives of medical officers. Politicians are driven by partisan political interests and known to act according to their whims and fancies. It is thanks to them that the state service finds itself in an unholy mess. There is provision for appeals under the current doctors’ transfer scheme, and the government can intervene in case of complaints of irregularities and injustices.
The doctors’ transfer scheme has worked all these years, and there is no reason why the government should meddle with it. At the time of writing, the GMOA was discussing ways and means of intensifying their trade union to win their struggle. It is likely to resort to a continuous strike if the government leaders try to bulldoze their way through. Its calls for negotiations with the Health Minister have gone unheeded.
The JVP-NPP government’s intransigence, and threats and warnings to workers involved in trade union struggles evoke the dreadful memories of a bygone era when a government, intoxicated with power, rode roughshod over trade unions and resorted to mass sackings to crush strikes and intimidate workers into submission. The politicians of the incumbent government sound just like the ministers in President J. R. Jayewardene’s UNP government. One may recall that in July 1980s, when workers struck work, demanding a pay hike, acting on President Jayewardene’s orders, Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa warned that the workers would be treated as having abandoned their jobs unless they returned to work immediately. More than 40,000 workers who defied the government order were terminated overnight, and the vacancies so created were filled with UNP supporters. Interestingly, the JVP, which had agreed to join that strike, pulled out at the eleventh hour on some flimsy pretext. It was honeymooning with the UNP at the time.
The JVP leaders who came to power, claiming to espouse Marxism and promising to safeguard the interests of workers and resolve all labour issues through negotiations, are emulating their capitalist predecessors, such as Jayewardene and Premadasa, whom they condemned as the worst enemies of the working class. It can also be argued that the current leaders have taken a leaf out of the late LSSP leader Dr. N. M. Perera’s book. In 1972, NM, as the Finance Minister of the SLFP-led United Front (UF) government, chose to wear down the bank employees who launched a strike, demanding better pay and improved service conditions. The UF government invoked emergency regulations and threatened to terminate the strikers who did not return to work. NM succeeded in breaking the strike, which lasted for 108 days. This is how all governments react, regardless of their political ideologies, when their interests are threatened.
The JVP-NPP government should negotiate with the protesting doctors and make a serious effort to resolve the transfer issue amicably. Its intransigence and threats will only prolong the ongoing trade union dispute, causing untold hardships to the public who cannot afford out-of-pocket healthcare expenses.
Editorial
Brouhaha over a book
Saturday 4th April, 2026
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader and former minister Udaya Gammanpila is complaining that a fake copy of his book on the Easter Sunday terror attacks, Pasku praharaye mahamolakaru soya yema (“Searching for the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks”), has been released on social media. He says the spurious book in Portable Document Format is based on an incomplete manuscript of his work, sent to former top military intelligence officer Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Suresh Sallay for fact-checking on a specific section. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) took the incomplete manuscript into custody after Sallay’s arrest, Gammanpila has said, alleging that the fake book is based on that document. He has threatened legal action against the CID for misusing intellectual property and forgery.
The fake book under discussion will perhaps be the least of Gammanpila’s problems. The self-styled Hercule Poirots in the CID and their political masters must be drawing up plans for a witch-hunt against him, for he has ruffled the feathers of the powers that be by challenging the government’s narrative about the Easter Sunday carnage, and taking up the cudgels on behalf of those arrested by the CID, which is headed by a member of the JVP/NPP—retired SSP Shani Abeysekera, who is a member of the NPP’s Retired Police Collective.
The CID has been an appendage of the political party or coalition in power all these years. The JVP/NPP came to power promising a radical departure from the rotten political culture and swift action to depoliticise vital institutions, such as the police, but it is stuck in the same old rut as its predecessors; it keeps all state outfits under its thumb to advance its political agenda. The CID has been doing more political work than criminal investigations, under successive governments; no wonder unsolved crimes abound and the conviction rate remains extremely low (4% to 6%).
The release of the fake book at issue can be considered a propaganda misadventure. The controversy created by that ill-conceived move will help Gammanpila sell more copies of his book and bolster his claim that unable to counter his arguments, the government is trying to create confusion in the public mind about his narrative. Gammanpila’s real book offers fresh insights into the crucial issues surrounding the Easter Sunday carnage and related matters.
Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has drawn criticism for attending Gammanpila’s book launch on 31 March. It is being claimed in some quarters that he should not have been there as the SJB does not subscribe to the contention that Zahran Hashim was the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks. This argument is not tenable. One’s presence at a book launch is not tantamount to one’s endorsement of the views of the author concerned.
Interestingly, the JVP leaders, including Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath, vigorously promoted Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidential election manifesto, Mahinda Chinthanaya, in 2005, as a silver bullet capable of solving all the problems Sri Lanka was facing at that time. Videos of their fiery speeches promoting Mahinda Chinthanaya are available in the digital realm. A few years later, they turned against President Rajapaksa and even tried to topple his government. Today, they are vilifying Mahinda, who would not have been able to secure the executive presidency in 2005, much less become a prominent national leader, without their help. Sajith has not promoted Gammanpila’s book, has he?
Editorial
When offenders walk free
Friday 3rd April, 2026
Sri Lankan governments are said to be like cattle-rustling trucks displaying various religious blessings above their windshields. A government once came to power promising to create a righteous society but did the very antithesis of its pledge. Its rule paved the way for a culture of political violence, election malpractices and corruption. One of the promises made by the JVP-NPP government during its election campaigns was to restore the rule of law. Those who voted for it may have expected it to ensure that everyone would be equal before the law. But it is doing the diametrical opposite of its promise. Ruling party politicians and backers violate the law with impunity.
The Gampaha Magistrate’s Court has recently ordered that an office forcibly taken over by a gang of JVP goons at Yakkala last year be handed back to the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP), which occupied it previously. In September 2025, a group of JVP cadres, led by a deputy minister, descended on the place, assaulted the FSP members staying there and seized the property, with the police siding with the ruling party mob. The JVPers produced what they described as a court order, claiming that the place rightfully belonged to them. The FSP protested, but in vain. The JVP asked the police to act according to the “court order”. The police put up a barricade near the disputed office for the safety of the JVP members. It is now clear that the JVP members not only misled the police but also caused an affront to the dignity of the judiciary by making a false claim. But no action has been taken against them.
Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, facing a serious charge of corruption, was not arrested, unlike other suspects. He was indicted and bailed out on the same day. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption arrests and hauls up before court Opposition politicians and state officials, whose offences pale into insignificance in comparison to the aforementioned corruption charge against Jayakody and the multi-billion-rupee coal procurement racket he has allegedly committed.
It has been reported that the Hambantota police recently warned and released a person taken into custody for clearing a section of a forest reserve under the Mahaweli Authority (MA) in Hambantota. A group of environmentalists and some concerned farmers protested when the suspect started clearing the protected area by using a backhoe, claiming that he was acting with the blessings of two JVP politicians in the area. The MA security personnel rushed to the scene and took the suspect and the backhoe into custody.
Ordinary people taken into custody for destroying forests are handed over to the police immediately afterwards and charges are pressed against them within 24 hours. But the MA took two days to make a complaint to the police against the above-mentioned suspect. In response to an RTI request, the police have said they released the suspect after warning him as the MA withdrew its complaint. Obviously, the MA and the police have succumbed to government pressure. There is sufficient ground for legal action against the MA officials and the police for releasing a suspect involved in illegal forest clearance.
If the JVP leaders and rank and file have any sense of gratitude, they ought to protect and conserve forests, which sheltered them during their first and second uprisings and helped save their lives. They should learn from the Buddha, who paid his gratitude to the Bo tree that had given him shade when he attained Enlightenment; he spent the second week after attaining Buddhahood, gazing steadily at that Bo tree without blinking. Sadly, two years into office, the JVP-led government has allowed its politicians and supporters to destroy forests with impunity. It looks as if the JVP politicians had waited for decades, looking at forests without blinking, until an opportunity presented itself for them to cut down trees and grab land.
Two policemen who went above and beyond the call of duty to arrest a drug dealer in another police area have been taken off their regular duties as a disciplinary measure because some government politicians have taken exception to their action, which, in our view, should be commended. This was revealed at a recent meeting, where Deputy Minister of Public Security Sunil Watagala ordered the police to ensure that their personnel confined their drug busting ops to their bailiwicks. Curiously, no action has been taken against the police officers who released an offender responsible for grabbing a section of a forest reserve and clearing it.
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