Features
The Asian Scene from Colombo in 1954
The Colombo Powers Conference provided the momentum for Asian-African and led to 1955 Bandung Conference
(Excerpted from the Memoirs of JR Jayewardene)
I participated in this Conference held in Colombo in 1954 at which many of the Asian Regional States were represented by their Prime Ministers and led to Conferences in Bogor and Bandung and to the Non-Aligned Movement. It also gave ideas for the SAARC Organisation in the 1980s.
In April 1954, Sir John Kotelawala, Prime Minister of Ceylon, invited the Prime Ministers of Burma, India, Indonesia, and Pakistan, to meet at a conference in Colombo “for an informal discussion of matters of common interest”. In his autobiography An Asian Prime Minister’s Story, Sir John relates how he thought of the idea of a Colombo Powers Conference and makes this comment:–
The South-East Asian Prime Ministers Conference began in Colombo on April 28, 1954, and ended in Kandy early in the morning of May 2. It was a historic occasion for Ceylon, and Colombo went gay for the visitors, who were received with acclamation and whom everyone united to make happy and comfortable during their short stay with us. The visitors too made themselves immensely popular.
“I had known Nehru of India, Mohammed Ali of Pakistan, and Nu of Burma before, but this was the first time I was meeting Ali Sastroemidjojo of Indonesia. I took to him instantly. It was interesting to observe the personalities of my distinguished colleagues. Each carried his individual quality and his individual charm–Nehru, earnest, disinterested, fiery; Mohammed Ali, debonair, forceful, practical; Nu, serene, dispassionate, brief, but very much to the point; Ali Sastroemidjojo, courteous, understanding, dedicated.”
I was one of the members of the Ceylon Delegation. Here I give an account of two important discussions of the Conference regarding the Indo-China war and the menace of International Communism, and relate how the final decisions, after heated debates, were arrived at.
The Colombo Powers Conference led to the Bandung Conference where 30 nations of Africa and Asia
met at Bandung, in Indonesia, in April 1955, to–
(a) promote goodwill and cooperation among the nations of Asia and Africa; to explore and advance their mutual as well as common interests; and to establish and further, friendliness and neighbourly relations;
(b) consider the social, economic and cultural problems and relations of the countries represented;
(c) consider problems of special interest to Asian and African peoples–e.g., problems affecting national sovereignty and of racialism and colonialism;
(d) view the position of Asia and Africa and their peoples in the world of today and the contribution they can make to the promotion of world peace and cooperation.
It is not my purpose to write of the Bandung Conference, for I was not present, Ceylon being represented by the Prime Minister, Sir John Kotelawala. Suffice it to say that the final decisions arrived at Bandung have become world-famous as the Bandung Ideals, a code of international morality that nations should seek to follow.
The Colombo Powers Conference was Sir John’s idea. His original proposal was to invite his colleagues, the Prime Ministers of Ceylon’s close neigbours, Burma, India and Pakistan, for an informal discussion on matters of common interest. Indonesia was included later. These Prime Ministers represented five nations having a population of almost 500 million people and immense resources that still awaited development. The international tensions then existing in Korea, Formosa, and Indo-China made the Conference more important than it originally appeared to be.
Fortunately, the Korean war concluded by dividing Korea into two, North and South, and the future of Formosa had not assumed that stage which nearly caused a war between America and Red China early in 1955. It was the war in Indo-China, now in its seventh year, which interested the world, and simultaneously with the meeting of the five Colombo Powers, nine nations which included the United Kingdom, France, and Red ChThe Asian Scene from Colombo in 1954
The Colombo Powers Conference provided the momentum for Asian-African and led to 1955 Bandung Conference
ina, met at Geneva to find a way of preventing the Indo-China war from becoming a Third World War. No nation had a greater interest in a just and peaceful settlement in Indo-China than the five nations that now met at Colombo.
The Asian Scene
The first few years after the end of the Second World War saw more changes in the Asian scene than had occurred previously during much longer periods lasting hundreds of years. When the War commenced in 1939, the whole of Asia with the exception of Japan and the portion of Russia in Asia was under Western rule, or controlled by Western Powers as was China. Nations with great cultural traditions and ancient civilizations were, during a period of 400 years, commencing with the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope in the latter part of the fifteenth century, brought under the rule of some Western power – England, Holland, France, and Portugal – who divided Asia among themselves and in the nineteenth century. America sought to exercise her authority over China and the countries in the Pacific.
Japan alone remained free and showed that an Asian nation could equal the great nations of the West in achievements. The five years after the end of the War in 1945 saw the consummation of the hopes of many Asian leaders, the attainment of freedom by their native lands. India and Pakistan, carved out of India, Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia and the Philippines, attained freedom. Malaya was on the road to freedom. She attained freedom in 1957. China, now a red colossus, challenged the great Western powers. The wheel of destiny turned a full circle. The subject nations attained freedom and Japan was occupied for six years.
New problems now arose. The great movements that had been launched in these countries for the attainment of freedom had unleashed forces that continued to stir the masses. Men of varying political views had joined together to secure freedom for their countries, but after freedom they differed as to how that freedom should be used. Racial and religious conflicts arose in India and Ceylon; democrats and Communists fought in Burma, Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philippines.
These differences were not yet resolved, but it could be stated that there was now no threat to the sovereignty of these new nations. They had also all accepted the principle of the well-being of the largest number, and not of a privileged few, as their economic goal. Through the Colombo Plan the developed nations had joined them in a cooperative effort to help in their economic and social development. The Colombo Plan was an example of the Asian nations joining together to protect their freedom, and to ensure peace in the Asian countries through their unity of purpose.
Indo-China required that an agreement on a cease-fire should be reached without delay. The Prime Ministers felt that the solution of the problem required direct negotiations between the parties principally concerned, namely, France, the three Associated States of Indo-China and Viet-Minh, as well as other parties invited by agreement.
The area known as Indo-China is in the land mass that juts out into the South China sea from the south-west portion of China. Before the War it consisted of the Protectorates of Tong-king, Laos, Annam, Cambodia and the colony of Cochin China, and formed part of the French Colonial Empire. These territories covered an area of almost 300,000 square miles and had a population of about 28 millions. A thousand years ago, Cambodia was a great Hindu Empire in Indo-China stretching from the Gulf of Bengal to the China Sea. The present Cambodia is only a feeble remnant of that great empire of the Khmer people, which at the height of its power produced great cities such as Angkor.
Laos, to the north-east of Cambodia, is a smaller state with a population of a million and a half and was founded by the Thai people who also founded the Kingdom of Siam or Thailand. Both these states were monarchies and the French ruled through the reigning monarchs. Tong-king, Annam, and Cochin-China, the largest land group known as Vietnam, lie between the Protectorates mentioned above and the South China Sea, and have a populationof 23 milions. The vast majority of the inhabitants are of Mongolian stock, closely allied to the Chinese in religion and culture and were governed by their own monarch before the War. The Laotians and Cambodians are Buddhists of the Theravada School, as are the Siamese, Burmese, and Sinhalese, and their culture is Hindu.
The Japanese armies swept through these territories and at the end of the War, together with other Asian countries, the peoples of French Indo-China clamoured for freedom. The French negotiated with the Kingdoms of Laos and Cambodia and agreed with them in 1949, to grant them complete internal sovereignty within the French Union. In Vietnam, the position was different, for there were two nationalistic movements, one led by Bao-Dai which was pro-democracies and purely nationalistic; and the other led by Ho-Chi-Minh was pro-Communist and was supported by Red China.
Ho-Chi-Minh resorted to force to achieve his goal, and the war with the French had now been waged with varying degrees of fortune for almost seven years. The French had employed large armies but their efforts had been in vain. Ho-Chi-Minh had gained many successes and the intervention of America on the side of the French was imminent when the Geneva Conference met to seek a way of avoiding a Third World War.
This was the position on the eve of the Colombo Conference. The Colombo Powers who were intimately concerned with the Indo-China events were not invited, yet the Conference became all the more important for that reason. It had before it certain proposals made by Nehru in the Indian Parliament, viz:
(1) An immediate ceasefire.
(2) The parties to the ceasefire should be France and the actual belligerents, the three Associated States and Viet-Minh (i.e., the territory occupied by HoChi-Minh’s forces).
(3) A complete transfer of sovereignty by the French.
(4) The setting up of machinery for direct negotiation between France and the Indo-Chinese.
(5) Non-intervention in Indo-China by any of the Great Powers.
(6) Supervision by the UNO of the implementation of these proposals.
The Prime Ministers were in agreement with the main principles underlying these proposals but differences of opinion were expressed with regard to their implementation. Indonesia thought that if Red China was admitted to the UNO the tension would cease and any help she was giving to Ho-Chi-Minh would also cease. The majority were not in favour of tying up this question with the Indo-China problem, though they all agreed that Red China should be admitted to the UNO. The other question that difficulty was the part to be played by the Western powers in the negotiations before and after the ceasefire, and also the scope of non-intervention.
Pakistan’s Premier saw the conflict as one between Communism as represented by Ho-Chi-Minh, and Colonialism as represented by France. He was not keen that either should win, but if one was to succeed, he preferred colonialism as it was a decaying force. Ultimately, a solution was found by limiting the non-belligerent invitees to the negotiations, to those “parties invited by agreement”. With regard to non-intervention the burden was placed on the Great Powers “to agree on the steps necessary to prevent a recurrence or resumption of hostilities”.
The stage was set for the final communique and this was telegraphed to Anthony Eden at Geneva. His hands were strengthened by the unanimous decision of the five Colombo Powers and the Geneva Conference ended successfully with the cessation of hostilities and the possibility of a permanent settlement in Indo-China. Today Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam are independent nations. The original Vietnam was divided into two states, the dividing line being the 17th parallel.
Communism
The problems caused by the spread of Communism and the influence exercised by International Communism raised a heated debate. The controversy showed more the attitude of certain countries towards the Soviet Union and Red China rather than their views on Communism, which academically they unanimously disliked. There was also the influence of local Communist parties, such as in Indonesia, which made that country’s Prime Minister lean heavily on the side of Red China and Communism.
Burma, led by its Buddhist Prime Minister U Nu, while expressing its strong disapproval of Communism, did not wish to annoy Red China, its neighbour. India and Pakistan carried their private quarrel into the international sphere too, and Nehru and Mohammed Ali clashed. Ceylon’s Prime Minister opened the discussion and pointed out that the greatest danger to the countries of the region arose from the subversive activities of International Communism.
He said: The countries of the region should, therefore, combine and assist each other in meeting this menace. The infiltration activities of International Communism took many forms. Funds were brought into the country by various means to help local Communists and Communist organizations. The countries of the region were flooded with Communist literature. Russian agents established contacts with local Communists.
At the recent ECAFE Conference held in Ceylon, for instance, the Soviet Delegation had consisted of 22 persons while the other delegations contained far smaller numbers. These delegates had attempted to establish clandestine contacts with local Communists. Another of the undesirable activities of International Communism was the attempt made by Communist countries to induce nationals of non-Communist countries to visit them by awarding generous scholarships and arranging attractive free tours. During these tours the persons concerned were indoctrinated with Communist ideas. All these activities involved interference in the internal affairs of other countries, and the conference should therefore adopt a strongly worded resolution condemning the activities of International Communism.
Pakistan and Burma supported Ceylon. India thought otherwise. She was anxious to avoid aligning with any one of the two Great Power blocs. The countries of the region were aware of the dangers of Communism, yet each must decide how best to deal with the problem in the context of the country’s politics. England dealt with it in one way and America in another. He preferred the former. Dr Sastroemidjojo adopted India’s attitude. In Indonesia they permitted Communist parties to function and they were of the Tito brand and not Stalinist. His government was “non-Communist” but not “anti-Communist”.
The debate produced fierce words between India and Pakistan, and was adjourned for the discussion to be continued in the cooler atmosphere of Kandy, up in the hills. Here too, it was not until in the morning of May 2 that an agreement was reached and the signatures of all five Prime Ministers appended to the communique. Nehru’s contributions had a great effect in producing this unanimity. On one occasion he used eloquent words.
He said that in his long experience of dealing with issues involving large numbers of human beings, he always felt that the better approach was to try to win the confidence of the people and wean them away from something which was evil rather than attempt to suppress anything by force. Such a course often had the effect of encouraging and strengthening the very thing it was desired to suppress.
He was certainly in favour of each country taking all possible steps, either by law or more efficient administrative methods, to stop Communist intervention or infiltration into its territory, but he thought that in dealing with Communism little could be achieved by merely denouncing it. A different approach was necessary: an approach to people’s minds and an attempt to influence them against the attractions of Communism would, he thought, be more effective.
He said that, after all, if one attempted an analysis of the situation, one would find intellectuals in every country who were strongly attracted towards Communist ideologies. The challenge of Russian Communism today was really the challenge of her economic system. The real test was which economy, Communist or Capitalism, would pay better dividends to the people. It therefore boiled down to a conflict of ideas. The idea that would prevail in the end would be that which would be more acceptable to humanity, and it was for this reason that the approach should be by reason and persuasion, rather than by compulsion.
Ultimately, difference of views could not be reconciled. So the communique mildly stated that: “The Prime Ministers made known to each other their respective views on and attitudes towards Communist ideologies” and continued to affirm “their faith in democracy and democratic institutions”. They were all resolved “to resist interference in the affairs of their countries by external Communist, anti-Communist or other agencies”.
On other matters there was controversy and the Conference adjourned. The Colombo Powers met again at Bogor in 1955. Another meeting was held New Delhi in 1956. It would be a pity if the unity, on many matters of national and international interest forged at Colombo was allowed to weaken; the one way of preserving this unity was for these Powers to meet often and express their views, which carry weight in the Councils of the World.
Features
Another Christmas, Another Disaster, Another Recovery Mountain to Climb
The 2004 Asian Tsunami erupted the day after Christmas. Like the Boxing Day Test Match in Brisbane, it was a boxing day bolt for Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India and Maldives. Twenty one years later, in 2025, multiple Asian cyclones hit almost all the old victims and added a few more, including Malayasia, Vietnam and Cambodia. Indonesia and Sri Lanka were hit hard both times. Unlike the 2004 Tsunami, the 2025 cyclones made landfalls weeks before Christmas, during the Christian Season of Advent, the four-week period before Christmas preparing for the arrival of the Messiah. An ominously adventus manifestation of the nature’s fury.
Yet it was not the “day of wrath and doom impending … heaven and earth in ashes ending” – heavenly punishment for government lying, as an opposition politician ignorantly asserted. By that token, the gods must have opted to punish half a dozen other Asian countries for the NPP government’s lying in Sri Lanka. Or all those governments have been caught lying. Everyone is caught and punished for lying, except the world’s Commander in Chief for lying – Donald J. Trump. But as of late and none too sooner, President Trump is getting his punishment in spades. Who would have thought?
In fairness, even the Catholic Church has banished its old hymn of wrath (Dies irae, dies illa) that used to be sung at funerals from its current Missals; and it has on offer, many other hymns of peace and joy, especially befitting the Christmas season. Although this year’s Christmas comes after weeks of havoc caused by cyclonic storms and torrential rains, the spirit of the season, both in its religious and secular senses, will hopefully provide some solace for those still suffering and some optimism to everyone who is trying to uplift the country from its overflowing waterways and sliding slopes.
As the scale of devastation goes, no natural disaster likely will surpass the human fatalities that the 2004 Tsunami caused. But the spread and scale of this year’s cyclone destruction, especially the destruction of the island’s land-forms and its infrastructure assets, are, in my view, quite unprecedented. The scale of the disaster would finally seem to have sunk into the nation’s political skulls after a few weeks of cacophonic howlers – asking who knew and did what and when. The quest for instant solutions and the insistence that the government should somehow find them immediately are no longer as vehement and voluble as they were when they first emerged.
NBRO and Landslides
But there is understandable frustration and even fear all around, including among government ministers. To wit, the reported frustration of Agriculture Minister K.D. Lalkantha at the alleged inability of the National Building Research Organization (NBRO) to provide more specific directions in landslide warnings instead of issuing blanket ‘Level 3 Red Alerts’ covering whole administrative divisions in the Central Province, especially in the Kandy District. “We can’t relocate all 20 divisional secretariats” in the Kandy District, the Minister told the media a few weeks ago. His frustration is understandable, but expecting NBRO to provide political leaders with precise locations and certainty of landslides or no landslides is a tall ask and the task is fraught with many challenges.
In fairness to NBRO and its Engineers, their competence and their responses to the current calamity have been very impressive. It is not the fault of the NBRO that local disasters could not be prevented, and people could not be warned sufficiently in advance to evacuate and avoid being at the epicentre of landslides. The intensity of landslides this year is really a function of the intensity and persistence of rainfall this season, for the occurrence of landslides in Sri Lanka is very directly co-related to the amount of rainfall. The rainfall during this disaster season has been simply relentless.
Evacuation, the ready remedy, is easier said than socially and politically done. Minister Lal Kantha was exasperated at the prospect of evacuating whole divisional secretariats. This was after multiple landslides and the tragedies and disasters they caused. Imagine anybody seriously listening to NBRO’s pleas or warnings to evacuate before any drop of rainwater has fallen, not to mention a single landslide. Ignoring weather warnings is not peculiar to Sri Lanka, but a universal trait of social inertia.
I just lauded NBRO’s competence and expertise. That is because of the excellent database the NBRO professionals have compiled, delineating landslide zones and demarcating them based on their vulnerability for slope failure. They have also identified the main factors causing landslides, undertaken slope stabilization measures where feasible, and developed preventative and mitigative measures to deal with landslide occurrences.
The NBRO has been around since the 1980s, when its pioneers supplemented the work of Prof. Thurairajah at Peradeniya E’Fac in studying the Hantana hill slopes where the NHDA was undertaking a large housing scheme. As someone who was involved in the Hantana project, I have often thought that the initiation of the NBRO could be deemed one of the positive legacies of then Housing Ministry Secretary R. Paskaralingam.
Be that as it may, the NBRO it has been tracking and analyzing landslides in Sri Lanka for nearly three decades, and would seem to have come of age in landslides expertise with its work following 2016 Aranayake Landslide Disaster in the Kegalle District. Technically, the Aranayake disaster is a remarkable phenomenon and it is known as a “rain-induced rapid long-travelling landslide” (RRLL). In Kegalle the 2016 RRLL carried “a fluidized landslide mass over a distance of 2 km” and caused the death of 125 people. International technical collaboration following the disaster produced significant research work and the start of a five-year research project (from 2020) in partnership with the International Consortium on Landslides (ICL). The main purpose of the project is to improve on the early warning systems that NBRO has been developing and using since 2007.
Sri Lankan landslides are rain induced and occur in hilly and mountainous areas where there is rapid weathering of rock into surface soil deposits. Landslide locations are invariably in the wet zone of the country, in 13 districts, in six provinces (viz., the Central, Sabaragamuwa, Uva, Northwestern, Western and Southern, provinces). The Figure below (from NBRO’s literature) shows the number of landslides and fatalities every year between 2003 and 2021.
Based on the graphics shown, there would have been about 5,000 landslides and slope failures with nearly 1,000 deaths over 19 years between 2003 and 2021. Every year there was some landslide or slope failure activity. One notable feature is that there have been more deaths with fewer landslides and vice-versa in particular years. In 2018, there were no deaths when the highest number (1,250) of landslides and slope failures occurred that year. Although the largest number in an year, the landslides in 2018 could have been minor and occurred in unpopulated areas. The reasons for more deaths in, say, 2016 (150) or 2017 (250+), could be their location, population density and the severity of specific landslides.
NBRO’s landslide early warning system is based on three components: (1) Predicting rainfall intensity and monitoring water pressure build up in landslide areas; (2) Monitoring and observing signs of soil movement and slope instability in vulnerable areas; and (3) Communicating landslide risk level and appropriate warning to civil authorities and the local public. The general warnings to Watch (Yellow), be Alert (Brown), or Evacuate (Red) are respectively based on the anticipated rainfall intensities, viz., 75 mm/day, 100 mm/day; and 150 mm/day or 100 mm/hr. My understanding is that over the years, NBRO has established its local presence in vulnerable areas to better communicate with the local population the risk levels and timely action.
Besides Landslides
This year, the rain has been relentless with short-term intensities often exceeding the once per 100-year rainfall. This is now a fact of life in the era of climate change. Added to this was cyclone Ditwah and its unique meteorology and trajectory – from south to north rather than northeast to southwest. The cyclone started with a disturbance southwest of Sri Lanka in the Arabian Sea, traversed around the southern coast from west to east to southeast in the Bay of Bengal, and then cut a wide swath from south to north through the entire easterly half of the island. The origin and the trajectory of the cyclone are also attributed to climate change and changes in the Arabian Sea. The upshot again is unpredictability.
Besides landslides, the rainfall this season has inundated and impacted practically every watershed in the country, literally sweeping away roads, bridges, tanks, canals, and small dams in their hundreds or several hundreds. The longitudinal sinking of the Colombo-Kandy Road in the Kadugannawa area seems quite unparalleled and this may not be the only location that such a shearing may have occurred. The damages are so extensive and it is beyond Sri Lanka’s capacity, and the single-term capacity of any government, to undertake systematic rebuilding of the damaged and washed-off infrastructure.
The government has its work cutout at least in three areas of immediate restoration and long term prevention. On landslides warning, it would seem NBRO has the technical capacity to do what it needs to do, and what seems to be missing is a system of multi-pronged and continuous engagement between the technical experts, on the one hand, and the political and administrative powers as well as local population and institutions, on the other. Such an arrangement is warranted because the landslide problem is severe, significant and it not going to go away now or ever.
Such an engagement will also provide for the technical awareness of the problem, its mitigation and the prevention of serious fallouts. A restructuring could start from the assignment of ministerial responsibilities, and giving NBRO experts constant presence at the highest level of decision making. The engagement should extend down the pyramid to involve every level of administration, including schools and civil society organizations at the local level.
As for external resources, several Asian countries, with India being the closest, are already engaged in multiple ways. It is up to the government to co-ordinate and deploy these friendly resources for maximum results. Sri Lanka is already teamed with India for meteorological monitoring and forecasting, and with Japan for landslide research and studies. These collaborations will obviously continue but they should be focused to fill gaps in climate predictions, and to enhance local level monitoring and prevention of landslides.
To deal with the restoration of the damaged infrastructure in multiple watershed areas, the government may want to revisit the Accelerated Mahaweli Scheme for an approach to deal with the current crisis. The genesis and implementation of that scheme involved as many flaws as it produced benefits, but what might be relevant here is to approach the different countries who were involved in funding and building the different Mahaweli headworks and downstream projects. Australia, Britain, Canada, China, Italy, Japan, Sweden and Germany are some of the countries that were involved in the old Mahaweli projects. They could be approached for technical and financial assistance to restore the damaged infrastructure pieces in the respective watershed areas where these countries were involved.
by Rajan Philips ✍️
Features
Feeling sad and blue?
Here is what you can do!
Comedy and the ability to have a good laugh are what keep us sane. The good news to announce is that there are many British and American comedy shows posted up and available on the internet.
They will bring a few hours of welcome relief from our present doldrums.
Firstly, and in a class of its own, are the many Benny Hill shows. Benny is a British comedian who comes from a circus family, and was brought up in an atmosphere of circus clowning. Each show is carefully polished and rehearsed to get the comedy across and understood successfully. These clips have the most beautiful stage props and settings with suitable, amusing costumes. This is really good comedy for the mature, older viewer.
Benny Hill has produced shows that are “Master-Class” in quality adult entertainment. All his shows are good.
Then comes the “Not the Nine o’clock news” with Rowan Atkinson and his comedy team producing good entertainment suitable for all.
And then comes the “Two Ronnies” – Ronnie Barker and Ronnie Corbett, with their dry sense of humour and wit. Search and you will find other uplifting shows such as Dave Allen, with his monologues and humour.
All these shows have been broadcast in Britain over the last 50 years and are well worth viewing on the Internet.
Similarly, in The USA of America. There are some really great entertainment shows. And never forget Fats Waller in the film “Stormy Weather,” where he was the pianist in the unforgettable, epic, comedy song “Ain’t Misbehavin”. And then there is “Bewitched” with young and glamorous Samantha Stevens and her mother, Endora who can perform magic. It is amazing entertainment! This show, although from the 1970s was a milestone in US light entertainment, along with many more.
And do not overlook Charlie Chaplin and Laurel and Hardy, and all the Disney films. Donald Duck gives us a great wealth of simple comedy.
The US offers you a mountain of comedy and good humour on Youtube. All these shows await you, just by accessing the Internet! The internet channel, ‘You tube’ itself, comes from America! The Americans reach out to you with good, happy things right into your own living room!
Those few people with the ability to understand English have the key to a great- great storehouse of uplifting humour and entertainment. They are rich indeed!
by Priyantha Hettige
Features
Lalith A’s main enemy was lack of time and he battled it persistently
Presidential Mobile Service at Matara amid JVP terror
Like most Ministers, Mr. Athulathmudali over programmed himself. In this respect his was an extreme case. He was an early riser and after his morning walk and the usual routines of a morning, was ready for business by 6.30 a.m. In fact he once shocked an IMF delegation by fixing the appointment with it at this hour. The delegation had to be persuaded that they had heard right, and that the appointment was indeed for 6.30 a.m. and not 6.30 p.m. This desire to get through much as possible during a day inevitably led to certain imbalances. Certain matters which needed more time did not get that time, whilst at the level of officials, we felt that we needed more time with him, and quality time at that.
I had spoken to him several times on this subject. He always had good intentions and wanted to give us more time. But with his political, social and even intellectual responsibilities in regard to speaking engagements of a highly professional nature, it was not often possible to find this time. This situation was highlighted in a comic way, when one day on hearing that the minister had arrived in office for a short time, I grabbed some important papers which I wanted to discuss with him, and made for his room. When I entered, I found three officers, with files in their hands milling outside the door of the washroom. The minister was inside.
I suggested that we might as well form a queue outside the door, a queue which I also joined. An official who came after me also joined the queue. When the minister opened the door, to his great astonishment, and then to his amusement, he found five senior officials, including his Secretary lined up outside the bathroom door! It was funny and we made it funny. But the underlying intentions were quite serious, and we wanted to send him a message that we wanted more time with him. We had to however grab moments such as these in order to keep the flow of work going.One day he good humouredly said, “You all swamp me as I come in,” to which I lightly replied “As a distinguished lawyer you should know that possession is nine-tenths of the law, and now we are in possession of both your room and your attention.” Mr. Athulathmudali chuckled.
An important requirement under Mr. Athulathmudali was a report that had to be submitted to him if any official under his Ministry went abroad on official business. The report had to be reasonably brief, more analytical than descriptive and wherever possible or relevant contain specific recommendations in regard to the betterment of the officer’s area of work. Since the Ministry was quite large, a considerable number of officials went abroad for seminars, study tours, research collaboration, conferences, negotiations and so on. There were, therefore a significant number of reports coming to him. Many of these he read, and on some, he commented or asked questions or sought clarifications. What amazed us was how he found the time. His main enemy was time and he battled it with persistence and determination. Most of us were also in a similar position, and in this, his powerful example was a source of encouragement.
Duties not quite pleasant
As mentioned in several places in these memoirs, a senior public servant’s or a Secretary’s job is not always a pleasant one. At the level of the hierarchy of officials the buck stops with you. Thereafter, when necessary, battling the minister becomes your business. I used to insist to my officials that I needed a good brief. I was not prepared to go and start an argument with a minister unless I was in possession of the full facts. Interpretation was my business. But I needed verifiable facts and authentic figures. Officers who worked with me were soon trained to comply with these requirements. After that was done, if there was any flak, it was my business to take it upon myself. On one such occasion, I had to speak rather firmly to the acting Minister, Mr. G.M. Premachandra. He was young, energetic and even aggressive and was somewhat of a “stormy petrel.” He was an effective speaker in the Sinhala e and could be a formidable debater.
When he became State Minister for Food, he took it upon himself to probe everything. He started getting involved in administrative matters, the implications of which he did not understand, and the details of which he had no time for. During the course of these he not only started criticizing officials liberally, but also employed innuendo to suggest that they were corrupt. When interested parties got to know this, they fed him with halftruths and sometimes plain lies. This naturally confirmed the suspicions in his own mind. He blindly felt around and got hold of some tail and thought that was the elephant. The State Secretary, Mr. Sapukotana, an experienced and balanced official tried his best to advice the minister of the consequences of his actions.
Senior officials in the Food Department were being kept off balance much of the time. Paralysis as creeping into the decision making process. No one was taking decisions because taking decisions risked misinterpretation, suspicion and innuendo. The Deputies were pushing papers up to the Food Commissioner, and soon the Food Commissioner was pushing papers up to the State Secretary. Matters were getting really serious, because delays in calling for and deciding on tenders, attending to commercial disputes and so on were bound to have a serious effect on the availability of timely food supplies, and the maintaining of food security.
Mr. Sapukotana kept me informed from time to time of the developing situation. He tried his best to handle it without disturbing me. But it gradually came to a point that we were both of the view that my intervention was necessary. I took an opportunity that presented itself after a “mini cabinet” meeting which Mr. Premachandra chaired as Acting Minister. I asked him whether he would stay back for a moment. His Secretary seemed embarrassed to stay, but I asked him also to sit. Thereafter, I politely but firmly explained to the minister, the consequences of his actions.
I asked him whether he was aware that nobody was prepared to take a decision in the food sector. I pointed out that should disaster strike, Minister Athulathmudali would certainly ask him for an explanation. I told him further, that in such a contingency, that we as officials will have to tell the truth to the minister. The acting minister listened in silence. I wondered as to what forces of counter attack were gathering in his breast. He did not have the reputation of bowing meekly to a challenge and here I was calling into question his entire approach to his work.
Ultimately when he spoke, he said something that we least expected and which took us completely by surprise. He said that he listened carefully to me; he said that until now he had not realized the gravity of the situation that his actions were precipitating. Then to my great astonishment he said: “You have given me advice like a parent, like a father. Even parents don’t always give such good advice. I will act according to your advice.” Mr. Sapukotana and I were rendered speechless. This was one more of the many experiences I had in public service, where the totally unexpected had occurred.
Through my experience I have been convinced that one should not shirk one’s duty to advice ministers. This duty has to be performed in the public interest and one should not be deterred by possible consequences. However, there is a way and manner of giving this advice. One has to be polite. One should not adopt a confrontational attitude. In my experience, some of these “consequences” which people fear are more imagined than real, and ministers and politicians do not always act according to their perceived public characteristics. On this occasion Mr. Premachandra was a case in point.
Presidential Mobile Service – Matara
The second Presidential Mobile Service was to be held at Matara on November 3, 1989. This was a time of intense JVP activity when the country was gripped by fear. The decision to hold the service in Matara in the deep south was it a sense a challenge to the JVP. Rumours were rife that they would disrupt activities. We were to leave during the early morning of Nov. 3 and this itself was scary. In fact the country had reached a stage where there was very little traffic on the roads after about 9 p.m. We had now to leave for Matara to face an unknown situation leaving home around 4.30 in the morning.
When we left, we noticed that there was hardly any traffic on the roads. All around was in pitch darkness. Even some of the street lights were not functioning. It was quite eerie. We made our way past numerous check points at a couple of which we were stopped.
All this was not a comfortable experience. One felt apprehension. I was booked at the Weligama rest house but when I reached it I found that the power had been disrupted by the JVP during the previous night. We would have to be without lights or fans. But what was far worse was that the disruption of power had affected the pumping of water and the toilets could not be flushed.
The rest house was in short uninhabitable. The authorities there informed us that power would be restored by evening. But none of us had confidence that this would be done or if done, that it would not be disrupted again during the night. Some of us therefore decided to make alternative arrangements, which were not easy to make. Most of the hotels in the vicinity of Matara and even somewhat beyond had already been booked. Eventually, after a diligent search and with the assistance of friends, I found myself a room at Koggala Beach hotel.
This was an immense relief. In fact, it turned out to be much more than mere relief because of the interesting crowd of public servants in occupation. They were a jolly group of story tellers who had a variety of the most hilarious anecdotes to retail, which spared no one. When we reached the hotel at the end of a tiring day, we were able to forget the grim reality outside. Perhaps we really needed to laugh our cares away. Most of us had been subjected to considerable strain for a significant period of time.
At the mobile service itself in the Rahula College premises where the service was held was almost completely deserted on the first day. People were afraid to defy a JVP ban on attending. On the second day however the dam burst. People flocked in from all quarters and directions jamming the space and facilities available. Long queues formed outside areas allocated to all Ministries. The people themselves had suffered due to the disruption of their lives and activities, and when some relief seemed available, one day was all they could contain themselves however dire the threat. They voted with their feet.
On that second day we couldn’t finish at 5 p.m. There were so many people that hours were extended till 6.30 p.m. By the time we got back to our hotels, it was well past 8 p.m. Usually, the third day of the service was a half day, where we finished by 1 p.m., had lunch and started for home. But because of the lost first day and the crowds, the third day was extended to 5 p.m. But that was the official time. Many of us were stuck till about 7 p.m. We did not want to abandon the people still in the queue and who were now looking pretty desperate that they would not be attended to. They had suffered much. This meant once again traveling in the dark, this time to get home.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Peiris)
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