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Midweek Review

Sri Lanka’s foreign policy dilemma

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Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena arrives at the BMICH, on October 28, for the 24th Convocation of the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute (BIDTI). Premier Gunawardena is seen here speaking with veteran career Foreign Service officer Pamela J. Deen, Director General of the esteemed institute. The MEP leader Gunawardena enters the venue flanked by Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC, State Foreign Minister Tharaka Balasuriya, and Foreign Secretary Aruni Yasodha Wijewardena (Pic courtesy BIDTI)

Bankrupt Sri Lanka is caught up in a China-US battle. The situation has been further complicated by India, Japan and Australia becoming part of the US-led military alliance meant to counter China. The US-led grouping is hell-bent on enhancing its influence in Colombo as both parties woo lawmakers. Recent declaration by the ruling party that the USD 2.9 bn IMF loan facility would be in jeopardy unless Parliament enacted the 21st Amendment to the Constitution is nothing but a severe warning to Parliament. Should Constitutional Amendments be subjected to foreign interference?

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Previous Canadian High Commissioner in Colombo, David McKinnon, in May this year, ridiculed the political party system here. Obviously referring to the rapidly developing political crisis in the wake of the unprecedented eruption of public anger at the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on March 31,

McKinnon tweeted: “Every day I am reminded that #SriLanka sets the gold standard for political humour. Maybe there’s a way to monetize this as an export? @TheDailyShow.” The Canadian sarcastically used the tag of the popular US political comedy “The Daily Show.”

McKinnon took over the Canadian mission here, in late Oct 2017, a couple of weeks after Ravi Karunanayake was forced to give up the Foreign Ministry portfolio, following shocking disclosures like him claiming that he didn’t know who was paying for the luxury penthouse he and his family were occupying, during the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed into Arjuna Mahendran affair (Central Bank Treasury Bond scams). McKinnon’s five-year term here ended in early Oct. this year. At the time McKinnon presented credentials on Oct. 23, 2017, Maithripala Sirisena served as the President.

We wonder what the Canadian would have to say about finding remains of native children in more than 2000 unmarked graves on the grounds of Church-run schools, in Canada, where they had been forcefully taken from their homes to learn white man’s “civilised” behaviour. Perhaps, some of those children would have been molested/raped by sex maniacs who were their state appointed guardians and killed to prevent the truth coming out. Canada/UNHRC where are the independent probes by international judges into such crimes committed.

Five years later, Sirisena returned to Parliament as an ordinary member whereas Ranil Wickremesinghe, who served as the Prime Minister at the time McKinnon arrived in Colombo, received the outgoing envoy at the Presidential Secretariat late last month.

It would be pertinent to mention that McKinnon chided political party system here three days after UNP National List MP Wickremesinghe received the appointment as the Premier. Beleaguered President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had no option but to invite Wickremesinghe in the wake of Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) leader Sajith Premadasa turning down the invitation.

There had not been a previous instance of a foreign envoy making such derisive remarks publicly . As a member of the UK-led Sri Lanka Core Group at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), Canada played quite an active role against Sri Lanka.

However, there is no point in finding fault with Canada for Sri Lanka’s continuing failure to set the record straight. The Foreign Ministry cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for Sri Lanka’s pathetic response to war crimes accusations. At the recently concluded 51 Geneva sessions, a section of the international community expanded the ‘charge sheet’ to include economic crimes.

Where are the modern day equivalents of the likes of Shirley Amarasinghe, Chris Pinto, Vernon Mendis, Izeth Hussain or even non-career, but highly talented longtime ambassador Neville Kanakaratne, to name a few, who could stand up to defend Lanka’s interests, being second to none in the world when called upon to do so. Minister Sabry serving as a one-man defence team, won’t do, unless the Foreign Service was fully geared to take up that task. We are certain there are very capable officers in our Foreign Service, even among those who got in with influence, and Minister Sabry must make it a point to nurture such talented officers and protect them from the cabal that calls the shots at the Ministry.

Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC, had to respond to the latest diatribe against the country and he rightly questioned the legitimacy of Geneva’s approach. Perhaps Sabry, hadn’t taken into consideration his own criticism of the government set up that caused the economic fallout. In June, this year, Sabry explained how those who had been responsible for overseeing the country’s finances ruined the national economy. The Minister identified them by positions held at that time (Dr. PBJ, Secretary to the President and longtime monetary honcho, Prof. W.D. Lakshman, Governor, Central Bank and economic guru, Ajith Nivaard Cabraal, Governor, Central Bank and S.R. Attygalle, Secretary to the Treasury.)

The economy has deteriorated to such an extent and the country trapped in a deepening political-economic-social crisis, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government seems in a catch-22 situation. Former MP and one-time Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Tehran, M.M. Zuhair, PC, recently discussed the ongoing crises against the backdrop of Sri Lanka’s readiness to accept foreign help to probe the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and continuing refusal to allow foreign investigations into alleged war crimes claimed to have been committed when the security forces crushed the hitherto considered invincible LTTE in the battle field against the advice of the West. The former Senior State Counsel addressed these issues taking into consideration the stand taken by Muslim majority nations at the UNHRC this year. Zuhair pointed out those Muslim majority nations refrained from supporting Sri Lanka for the first time at the UNHRC 51st sessions, Zuhair also warned that these countries were likely to vote against Sri Lanka at the next opportunity.

BIDTI event

Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute (BIDTI) recently held its 24th Convocation with the participation of Prime Minister Dinesh Gunawardena, who held the Foreign Affairs portfolio, under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and incumbent Foreign Minister Sabry, an SLPP National List MP. State Minister for Foreign Affairs Tharaka Balasuriya and Foreign Secretary Aruni Yasodha Wijewardena were among the invitees.

There had been two groups of students (2019/2020) and (2020/2021) at the 24th Convocation as the previous one was held in the second week of August 2019, in the run-up to the presidential election. The then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had been the Chief Guest while Foreign Minister Tilak Marapana, PC, and Foreign Secretary Ravinatha Aryasinghe joined the UNP leader in presenting awards and certificates. the Foreign Minister is the Chairman of the Board of Management of the BIDTI.

Between the 23rd and 24th BIDTI Convocations, an utterly corrupt political party system has bankrupted the country. The economic crisis should be examined taking into consideration the political chaos caused by the disintegration of the recognized political party system. The parliamentary politics is now in such a confused and pathetic state, lawmakers, representing 15 political parties therein, are pulling in different directions. Of the 225-member Parliament, President Wickremesinghe’s UNP is represented by one

National List MP (Vajira Abeywardena) whereas Premier Gunawardena’s MEP group consists of three MPs (PM, Sisira Jayakody and PM’s son, Yadamini). Yadamini Gunawardena represents the SLPP National List. MEP contested the last general election on the SLPP ticket.

Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP has been reduced to 14 MPs, and half of them have switched their allegiance to President Wickremesinghe.

Perhaps, the top management of the BIDTI should have invited the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, to educate those who received recognition at the 24th Convocation. The intrepid banker could have briefed them of the ground situation the way he told the Parliament, on August 31, how the political party system ruined the country.

If Sri Lanka is genuinely interested in developing a skilled Foreign Service, unwarranted political interferences must also be stopped forthwith. Political parties, represented in Parliament, should end the despicable practice of approving heads of missions. The High Posts Committee, headed by the Speaker, has become just a rubber stamp with those near and dear to the powers that be receiving ambassadorial posts as by birth right. The whole process, in spite of criticism by sections of the media, continued unabated over the years, with tacit understanding of the government and the Opposition.

The Foreign Service lacked the required strength to stand up to political machinations. There cannot be a better example than when Tamil National Alliance (TNA) heavyweight M.A. Sumanthiran declared, in Washington, a tripartite agreement among the US, Sri Lanka and the TNA regarding hybrid war crimes court in the presence of Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington Prasad Kariyawasam.

That was in 2016. The top career diplomat returned to Colombo, the following year, to receive appointment as the Foreign Secretary. Following his retirement, Kariyawasam moved to Parliament as an Advisor to the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Kariyawasam paid for by the USAID! The endowment shouldn’t have surprised anyone against the backdrop of Kariyawasam’s role in approving ACSA (Access and Cross Servicing Agreement) in early August 2017. The USAID enhanced its role here during the Yahapalana administration with the launch of a Rs 1.92 bn partnership (USD 13 mn) meant to strengthen accountability and democratic governance. It should be stressed that during the Yahapalana administration, Sri Lanka secured ISBs (International Sovereign Bonds) amounting to approximately USD 12.5 bn, one of the major causes of thr current economic crisis. As to what they did with that money is anybody’ s guess as they hardly undertook any major development projects, unlike the Rajapaksas’, whose hallmark was grandiose projects. May be future generations will judge Rajapaksas, particularly Mahinda and Gotabaya, differently like us now appreciating our ancestors for building the great tank civilization and cities like Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa or even Sigiriya.

Even achievements of Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, who can be easily called the type of general who only appears once in a couple of thousand years, as someone has said, have got negated because of his short fuse and short sighted politics.

The SJB has been largely silent on the issue at hand for obvious reasons. The JVP has repeatedly pointed out how the UNP-led Yahapalana government pursued an extremely risky economic strategy at that time. The UNP and its breakaway faction, now registered as SJB, definitely owed an explanation.

A daunting challenge

Sri Lanka should undertake a comprehensive study on the 2015 Geneva accountability resolution. The BIDTI can be part of the group assigned to embark on the study as Geneva steps up the offensive. Dinesh Gunawardena, in his capacity as the Foreign Minister, at the March 2020 Geneva sessions famously announced Sri Lanka’s decision to withdraw from the Geneva process.

Unfortunately, though much was expected from Prof G.L. Peiris, as the successor Foreign Minister, with his photographic memory, but hardly anything has changed at that Ministry during his tenure to clear up the mess there.

Sri Lanka’s Geneva statement was made a month after the US declared a travel ban on General Shavendra Silva, the then Commander of the Army and Acting Chief of Defence Staff (CDS).

Unfortunately, the Foreign Ministry, under different political leaderships, never sought to set the record straight. Instead, it allowed the further deterioration of the situation. On the basis of failing to challenge the unsubstantiated war crime allegations, yet to be verified in a court of law, Western powers have taken punitive measures against selected retired and serving officers, who are the true living heroes of this country. War-winning Army Chief Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka is among them. When the writer raised this issue with Foreign Minister Sabry, at a media briefing ahead of the Geneva sessions, the President’s Counsel stressed that the entire fighting Divisions have been categorized.

Tangible actions are necessary to have the accusations countered and the war-winning armed forces cleared of wrongdoing. Instead, successive governments quite conveniently allowed the situation to deteriorate. The British steadfastly refused to accept their own independent version of the Vanni military action, despite Lord Naseby disclosing in the House of Lords in Oct. 2017 the existence of such official records that effectively debunked war crimes allegations.

Sri Lanka never really pushed the British on this matter as the latter pursued a hostile campaign against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC. The UK’s rejection of their own diplomatic cables should be examined, taking into consideration similar US refusal to accept Colombo-based Defence Advisor Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith’s public declaration in June 2011 that the Sri Lanka military didn’t perpetrate war crimes during the last phase of the offensive, to defeat the LTTE. In fact, the Foreign Ministry never really wanted to counter accusations in a systematic way. The Foreign and Defence Ministries never acted in unison as those responsible pursued their own agendas, much to the disappointment of the armed forces.

The case of Imaad Shah Zuberi, 50, revealed how the war-winning government outsourced Foreign Ministry responsibilities, possibly due to its known ineptness, to an American venture capitalist and political fundraiser who was sentenced on Feb 18, 2021 to 144 months in federal prison. U.S. District Judge Virginia A. Phillips found him guilty for fabricating records to conceal his work as a foreign agent while lobbying high-level U.S. government officials, evading the payment of millions of dollars in taxes, making illegal campaign contributions, and obstructing a federal investigation into the source of donations to a presidential inauguration committee.

Zuberi of Arcadia, California, was also ordered to pay $15,705,080 in restitution and a criminal fine of $1.75 million.

This criminal waste of funds took place during the tail end of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term. The payments were made by the Central Bank. Sri Lanka never bothered to examine this case. Who authorized the hiring of Zuberi?

Let me reproduce a relevant section of a statement issued by the US Department of Justice on Feb 18, 2021, that dealt with Zuberi’s case. It was titled ‘Political Donor Sentenced to 12 Years in Prison for Lobbying and Campaign Contribution Crimes, Tax Evasion, and Obstruction of Justice.’ The following is the section that dealt with Sri Lanka: “In addition, the government of Sri Lanka hired Zuberi in 2014 to rehabilitate the country’s image in the United States, which had suffered because of allegations that its minority Tamil population had been persecuted. Zuberi promised to make substantial expenditures on lobbying efforts, legal expenses, and media buys, which prompted Sri Lanka to agree to pay Zuberi a total of $8.5 million over the course of six months in 2014. Days after Sri Lanka made an initial payment of $3.5 million, Zuberi transferred $1.6 million into his personal brokerage accounts and used another $1.5 million to purchase real estate.

In total, Sri Lanka wired $6.5 million pursuant to the contract, and Zuberi used more than $5.65 million of that money to the benefit of himself and his wife. Zuberi paid less than $850,000 to lobbyists, public relations firms and law firms, and refused to pay certain subcontractors based on false claims that Sri Lanka had not provided sufficient funds to pay invoices.

Relatedly, Zuberi failed to report on his 2014 tax return millions of dollars in income he received from the Sri Lankan government. While his 2014 federal income tax return claimed income of $558,233, Zuberi failed to report more than $5.65 million he received in relation to the Sri Lanka lobbying effort. Zuberi’s tax evasion over the course of four years – 2012 through 2015 – caused tax losses ranging from $3.5 million to as much as $9.5 million.”

In a sense Mahinda Rajapaksa was like a drowning man facing the might of the West, led by the US and the UK, so they literally clutched at proverbial straws to escape drowning. They also trusted the wrong people, like Namal foolishly spending on a ‘nil balakaya’ thinking that would be his rallying force.

In the following year, at the behest of the US, the Yahapalana regime betrayed its armed forces at the UNHRC. The Geneva process is apparently still on track though Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration declared in 2020 that it withdrew from the 2015 UNHRC resolution.

The Rajapaksa administration never accepted responsibility for this criminal waste of money on foolish lobbying efforts. The then Central Bank Governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal denied his responsibility. The Parliament should have inquired into this matter. Alas, Parliament has pathetically failed not only in its primary responsibilities-ensuring financial discipline and enactment of laws but overall supervision of key sectors, including foreign affairs.

Against the backdrop of the US court verdict on Zuberi, Sri Lanka suffered another humiliation when a US court in July this year sentenced Sri Lanka’s former ambassador to Washington and Rajapalsa kinsman to a US$5,000 fine and two years’ probation.

Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s cousin Jaliya Chitran Wickramasuriya pleaded guilty to diverting and attempting to embezzle US$332,027 from the government of Sri Lanka, as it purchased a new embassy building in Washington in 2013.

“Even though this was not millions of dollars, it represents a serious theft from the people, and by a person that they entrusted to represent their interests in the capital of the most powerful country in the world,” said Judge Tanya S. Chutkan. “What you have done is a serious betrayal.”

Udayanga Weeratunga, another cousin of the ex-President, served as Sri Lanka’s ambassador in Moscow from 2006 to 2015. Standard restrictions that applied to other heads of missions didn’t apply to Wickramasuriya and Weeratunga because of their relationship with the Rajapaksas. Unfortunately, the Sri Lankan style in handling foreign affairs, whoever is in power hasn’t changed. The country has paid a huge price for hurting Japan and Russia over the abrupt cancellation of the Light Train Transit (LRT) Project in Sept. 2020 and detention of Aeroflot flight in June this year. The Yahapalana government (2015-2019) caused a major crisis by antagonizing China when it halted the Colombo Port City project and making unsubstantiated allegations pertaining to Chinese loans. The recent furore over Sri Lanka suddenly denying Chinese research vessel access to Hanbantota port after having earlier okayed it, controversy over Chinese organic fertiliser shipment that had to be settled by paying China USD 6.7 mn and official ‘interference’ in Indian liquid fertiliser purchases underscored the fragility in the systems in place.



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Midweek Review

B’caloa Tigers’ 2004 shock revolt in retrospect

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Pilleyan, a key element in that drama now arrested for political expediency?

The LTTE killed two Karuna loyalists on July 15, 2004 in the Batticaloa Prison. The dead included Satchi Master. The killer was an LTTEer serving a short sentence for jewellery theft and assault. The killings in the Batticaloa Prison caused anxiety among senior government officials. On Aug. 24, 2004, an LTTEer shot dead another Karuna loyalist, P. Jayakumar, in the Akkaraipattu Magistrate’s Court. A jail guard and a court clerk sustained minor injuries. The police arrested Jayakumar, along with another LTTE dissident, Saravanamuthu Shanthakumar, at a road block, at Akkaraipattu, on May 19th, 2004. They were in possession of a pistol, one hand grenade and 15 rounds of ammunition. Shanthakumar was killed on July 15, 2004 at the Batticaloa Prison along with Satchi Master.

Against the backdrop of one-time LTTEer Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, alias Pilleyan’s arrest on April 08, 2025 and subsequent detention under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) over Eastern University Vice Chancellor Prof. S. Raveendranath’s disappearance on Dec. 15, 2006, whose life was actually under threat from the TIGERS several years after Karuna and Pilleyan broke away from it, various interested parties started commenting on the role played/atrocities perpetrated by Pilleyan and Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, aka Karuna Amman, during the conflict, and after.

Both Karuna and Pilleyan entered mainstream politics before the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009. Pilleyan is the current leader of TMVP (Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal).

In a way it is a pity that the police are now trying to pin Pilleyan for the disappearance of Prof Raveendranath, obviously to please the current political masters.

Comments included their role in LTTE terrorism and what they did after switching their allegiance to the government in March 2004. Let me stress that they daringly rebelled against the LTTE during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the Prime Minister. The UNP has repeatedly claimed the credit for the unprecedented schism in what was considered a monolithic terror organisation and some asserted that the LTTE engineered Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 presidential election to avenge the catastrophic split.

Pilleyan’s arrest caused a political storm with his counsel Udaya Gammanpila alleging that an attempt was being made to compel his client to confess complicity in the 2019 Easter Sunday suicide attacks. Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader and former Minister Gammanpila is no stranger to controversy, but he has remained unscathed when it comes to his integrity.

In spite of vindictive attacks on him, Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila declared that nothing could be as ridiculous as accusing Pilleyan, who had been detained at the Batticaloa Prison for a period of five years (Oct. 11, 2015 to Nov. 24, 2020) of arranging National Thowheed Jaamaath (NTJ) to bomb churches and hotels on April 21, 2019. Having granted bail to Pilleyan and four others held in connection with the Christmas Day, 2005, assassination of TNA MP Joseph Pararajasingham on two personal sureties of Rs. 100,000/- each, the Batticaloa High Court acquitted and released them on January 13, 2021.

It would be pertinent to examine the devastating split caused by Karuna in March 2003 and its impact on the Eelam War IV (2006 August to May 2009).

Karuna’s move

Having received information that ‘Colonel’ Karuna decamped, the Kilinochchi-based leadership acted swiftly and decisively to neutralise the impending threat. The LTTE planned to take hold of both Karuna Amman, responsible for Ampara-Batticaloa sector, and his colleague, Sivasubramanium Varadanthan, aka ‘Colonel’ Paduman, in charge of the neighbouring Trincomalee District, to Kilinochchi. The Kilinochchi-based leadership, or Vanni leadership, wanted to ensure that those deployed under the command of Karuna and Paduman remaind loyal to the organisation. Both Karuna and Paduman had held the rank of ‘Colonel’ at that time, though Karuna was in the limelight due to his involvement in negotiations with the UNF government.

The Kilinochchi command cleverly used the Defence Ministry and SCOPP (Secretariat for Coordinating Peace Process) officials to arrange for an SLAF chopper to fly Karuna Amman, along with Paduman, to Kilinochchi. SCOPP records prove that on the authorisation of the Defence Ministry, it directed the SLAF to pick Paduman from Trincomalee and then touch down at a pre-arranged location in the Batticaloa District, on March 2, 2004, to take on board Karuna.

Fearing that he would have to face a firing squad in Kilinochchi, Karuna declined to join Paduman. Instead, he set in motion a strategy, which finally debilitated the LTTE’s conventional fighting capability. The writer disclosed the LTTE’s counter-move in a Sunday Island report headlined ‘Prabhakaran plotted Karuna capture’ in its March 28, 2004, edition.

Both Karuna and Paduman, at that time, confirmed the LTTE using SCOPP/ SLAF to arrange their transfer from the East to Kilinochchi.

The UNP and the Norwegians never bothered to raise the issue with the LTTE at that time. The Defence Ministry continued to provide chopper rides to the LTTE and did everything possible to appease the outfit, even at the expense of national security.

Norwegian peace facilitator and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), too, had been aware of the LTTE request for an SLAF chopper ride for top Tigers in the East. Had Karuna got into that chopper and ended up in a secret LTTE detention camp or executed, Eelam War IV would have taken a different course.

The Vanni leadership used Paduman, on several occasions, to counter reports of a debilitating split in the LTTE. The LTTE never allowed Paduman to leave the Vanni throughout Eelam War IV. Paduman surrendered on May 15, 2009, four days before troops killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

Karuna caused the split just over a year after the LTTE quit the negotiating table. President CBK, PM Wickremesinghe, and the co-chairs of the peace process, agreed that the LTTE should be allowed to deal with the situation. They allowed the situation to develop into a bloody confrontation. They failed to realise that Karuna’s revolt caused irreparable damage to the organisation by dividing the LTTE’s fighting cadre on regional lines. The crisis denied the LTTE recruitment in the Batticaloa and Ampara sectors, while its operations in the Trincomalee District, too, experienced difficulties due to the detention of ‘Colonel’ Paduman, the senior man in charge of the area. ‘Colonel’ Paduman, too, was perceived as a threat due to his close association with Karuna.

Karuna acted swiftly to ensure his protection and that of the eastern cadres. The well-proven battlefield strategist felt that his security, as well as the safety of the Batticaloa fighting cadre, depended on an understanding with the Sri Lankan military. Karuna pushed for a separate agreement on the lines of the Norwegian arranged CFA between the GoSL and the LTTE in February 2002.

The Island dealt with Karuna’s move in an exclusive headlined ‘Rebel Karuna wants separate deal with government’ in the March 5, 2004 issue, which was based on information provided by Varathan, an aide to Karuna. The then Army Chief, Lieutenant General Lionel Balagalle and DIG Nimal Lewke confirmed what Varathan had to say on behalf of Karuna.

Karuna offered to negotiate a separate ceasefire in the Ampara-Batticaloa sector, though both the Norwegians and the government promptly rejected the move, while reiterating their commitment to the CFA. But, an influential section, within the establishment, supported Karuna’s move. Varathan alleged that a wave of killings in the Eastern Province, in the wake of the CFA, and a demand for 1,000 more cadres from the Batticaloa-Ampara sector for deployment in the Northern Province, too, had contributed to Karuna’s decision to break ranks.

Wobbling goverment

An unprecedented crisis caused by Karuna sent shock waves through the LTTE and its supporters. Among the affected parties were the TNA and the Tamil Diaspora. The LTTE struggled to contain the developing crisis. In spite of specific government orders issued to the Army not to intervene, at certain levels the military cooperated with Karuna.

Karuna wanted the Army to prevent a group of senior cadres, who had been under his overall command, from crossing the entry/exit point at Omanthai, north of Vavuniya, back to the Vanni. The LTTE dissident also urged the Army to facilitate an operation to help his men, deployed in the Northern Province, to return through Army lines on the night of March 3, 2004. The government prohibited the Army from supporting Karuna’s efforts, hence a group of senior cadres, including ‘Colonel” T. Ramesh and their families, crossed the entry/exit point. Immediately after their arrival in Kilinochchi, ‘Colonel’ Ramesh was declared as Karuna’s successor.

Undaunted by the government’s refusal to back his revolt against, what Karuna called, the treacherous Kilinochchi leadership, he ordered public protests in Batticaloa. The first of a series of protests was held at Kiran, Karuna’s home town, where a crowd of over 2,000 people gathered in support of Karuna. Some of them set fire to effigies of Prabhakaran and Ramesh, while Karuna reiterated his demand for a separate CFA with the government. Much to the glee of the LTTE and the Norwegians, the government rejected Karuna’s call for cooperation out of hand. But, the military continued to extend support to Karuna.

In spite of the LTTE’ pull-out from negotiations in April 2003, the government reiterated its commitment to a non-existent peace process thereby bending backwards to please the LTTE and the so-called peace facilitator with its own ultimate agenda coinciding with those of the LTTE.

The LTTE ordered the Tamil media not to provide space for the rebellious group. No one dared challenge the LTTE, though Karuna, too, exerted pressure on the media. Undergraduates from the Northern Province, studying at the Eastern University at Vantharamoolai ,returned to their villages amidst rising tension.

Regardless of the government directive that the military kept its distance from the rebel faction, an influential section of those in the military, who were earlier deployed in clandestine operations behind enemy lines, threw their weight behind the former LTTE field commander.

Batticaloa’s hostility towards the LTTE increased after an LTTE operative shot dead eight Karuna loyalists, including Kuheneshan, widely believed to be a high ranker among the renegade group, at Crystal Terrace housing scheme, Kottawa, on July 25, 2004. They were slain in their sleep

Batticaloa Tamils defied an LTTE directive prohibiting public participation at the funerals of the three Karuna loyalists killed at Kottawa. Several hundred people paid their last respects to Pakyam Amarasevan, alias Tehvan, of Main Street, Kommathurai, Chennkalady, Ponnathurai Thurainadan alias Ruban of the same address, and Kandiah Annandakumar of Kattankudy. The LTTE distributed leaflets warning the public of dire consequences if they attended, what they called, traitors’ funeral. The LTTE made an attempt to prevent public participation, having failed to dissuade families of the victims from bringing the bodies to Batticaloa. Families, living in military held areas, accepted the bodies, whereas those living in the LTTE-controlled region had no option but to accept the directive.

It would be important to examine the circumstances under which the LTTE hunted down those given refuge at the Crystal Terrace housing scheme. They had moved in on July 13, 2004, and were in the process of trying to obtain passports to leave the country. The police quoted a neighbour as having said he heard gunshots around 3.30 a.m. As people used to light crackers to scare monkeys away, he had not taken much notice, he said.

In fact, the first indication of the LTTE operation, the biggest directed against the Karuna faction in Colombo, since the March 2004 split, came to light after the military intercepted a conversation between two LTTE personnel. Although they discussed a successful hit in Colombo, there was no clue as regards the location. The conversation revealed that those involved in the operation had reached Karuna’s successor, ‘Colonel’ Thambirajah Ramesh based in the Batticaloa district. The Colombo police took about four hours to locate the scene of the massacre.

Impact on CFA

The crisis created by Karuna quickly engulfed the entire CFA process. Those trying to save the CFA soon realised that they were fighting a losing battle. They understood Karuna’s action had caused irreparable damage and nothing could resurrect the Norwegian initiative.

The SLMM (Norway led Sri Lanka monitoring mission) suspended the monitoring process in areas under Karuna’s control. Overnight, the Northern and Eastern Provinces were divided into three sectors, under the control of the GoSL, the LTTE and the breakaway LTTE faction. The Norwegians and the SLMM rejected Karuna’s overtures to have a separate CFA negotiated between the breakaway faction and the GoSL. Karuna also emphasised that the LTTE should recognise that the Batticaloa-Ampara sector was outside its purview. UNICEF and the UNHCR, too, pulled out of Karuna’s territory.

Today only a few remember the dicey situation the country experienced at thatime.

The SLMM also turned down an SLA request to arrange for a meeting between the Army and Karuna. In spite of the Army chief, Lt. Gen. Balagalle, who held the post of the Chief of Defence Staff, personally pushing for a meeting, which he felt could help ease tensions, the SLMM refused to comply. The LTTE insisted that there shouldn’t be any interaction whatsoever between the SLMM and the breakaway faction. Erik Solheim ruled out a Norwegian intervention, thereby effectively ending any sort of mediation effort.

In a desperate bid to settle the crisis, the UK stepped in. The UK sent its top diplomat in Colombo, Steven Evans, along with its Defence Attaché, Lt. Col. Mark Weldon, to find a way out.

Efforts to isolate Karuna failed. Premier Wickremesinghe compelled Ali Zarheer Moulana to resign his parliamentary seat after the disclosure of his role in facilitating Karuna to leave the Batticaloa district. Before that, the battlefield tactician quickly won over the confidence of the Tamil-speaking people in the region. He took advantage of the situation by offering to discuss long standing grievances of the public. Then General Officer Commanding (GoC) the Army’s 23 Division, headquartered at Welikanda, Brigadier Vajira Wijegunawardene, recalled how Karuna moved swiftly to consolidate his power in areas under his control. Karuna offered to discuss the forcible takeover of land by the LTTE in the east. Soon, the UNP and the TNA realised that the crisis was having a debilitating impact on their campaign for the April 2, 2004 parliamentary polls. In fact, Premier Wickremesinghe had to avoid Batticaloa during campaigning in the East as the Defence Ministry couldn’t guarantee his security.

Vanni move on East

Under the noses of the Norwegians, the LTTE moved cadres to beef up its strength in the Batticaloa District to take on Karuna. The SLMM and the government facilitated the transfer of LTTE cadres from the North to the East in the run-up to the parliamentary polls. The CFA permitted transfers, though there had been restrictions as regards the number of personnel. The LTTE overcame the problem by sending groups in small batches across Army controlled entry and exit points at Omanthai and Uliyankulam. Although the Army had managed to detect some of those entering the East illegally, it couldn’t thwart the LTTE plans. Then the LTTE humiliated the government by launching a series of sea landings on the night of April 9, 2004 to wipe out the breakaway group. The LTTE operation had got underway a few hours after the service commanders arrived at Trincomalee. In spite of the Defence portfolio being under her control, President Kumaratunga did nothing, while the Prime Minister and the Norwegians looked the other way. A confident LTTE leadership told the government that it intended to use sea routes to mount an operation targeting Karuna. The government was told to keep the Navy out of the LTTE’s way. The government gave in to LTTE demands. Following urgent consultations in Colombo between the military and the President, the top brass summoned a meeting at the Batticaloa Brigade Headquarters, where senior officers, in charge of the region, were told to keep out of the fight.

After Karuna’s decision to give up the fight on April 9, 2004, when the LTTE confronted his cadres on the banks of the Verugal River, many believed that Prabhakaran’s erstwhile friend wouldn’t survive.

Karuna’s decision has been influenced by the realisation that the sea borne assault was led by Batticaloa cadres, the majority of those who had fought under him. Had Karuna engaged them on the banks of the Verugal River, there would have been many casualties. Instead of fighting, Karuna ordered his men to leave the battlefield and return to their villages, while he fled Batticaloa with the help of UNP National List MP Ali Zaheer Moulana. Until Moulana acknowledged his role in Karuna’s escape, the UNP, a section of the medi, and even the Norwegians, blamed the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) for helping Karuna escape. Once the UNP had established Moulana’s involvement, PM Wickremesinghe demanded his resignation. He swiftly complied. Moulana sought protection abroad. After years in the US, he returned to the country to pledge his allegiance to President Rajapaksa.

Karuna loyalists killed five LTTE cadres, including ‘Lt. Colonel’ Neelan, the deputy head of the Batticaloa District Intelligence outfit before fleeing the area. A furious Kilinochchi leadership vowed to hit back wherever Karuna and his top men took refuge.

A spate of killings undermined SLMM efforts to restore normalcy in the Batticaloa-Ampara sector, where unidentified gunmen killed 10 LTTE personnel, in three separate incidents on April 24, May 2 and May 6, 2004. The LTTE accused the DMI of carrying out the killings, a charge vehemently denied by the DMI. The LTTE hit back. An LTTE operative shot dead Lance Corporal Wasantha Liyanage. He was shot through the head inside a private bus approaching Batticaloa town on May 9, 2004. The bus was coming from Chenkaladi.

The LTTE struck again on May 19, 2004, outside the Batticaloa hospital. Reserve police constable, Dassanayake (32658) of police intelligence shot through his head in broad daylight. The gunman walked out of the nearby post office and shot the policeman before walking away.

In spite of a change of government in April, 2004, the UPFA’s response to the LTTE, too, remained the same.

But the military responded to the LTTE threat by stepping up clandestine action, particularly in the East. A growing relationship, mutually beneficial to the military and the breakaway LTTE faction, gradually undermined the LTTE in the Eastern Province. By the time Eelam War IV erupted in Aug 2006, the LTTE had suffered a debilitating setback in the East.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Power of colour beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty

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Blue lights (R) at the Woodside LIRR train station in New York (Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Woodside_LIRR_Blue_Lights_on_platform_.jpg )

Use of colours in pre-historic era

Humans have been long fascinated by colour, which has played a significant role since the beginning of human civilization. Ancient people had painted caves even before they settled in houses. Cave paintings were created during the stone age from 10,000 to 40,000 years ago. Primitive artists used natural materials available to them to mark their territory, beautify their surroundings, and tell their stories. For thousands of years, paints were handmade from ground mineral-based pigments. Ochre, a natural pigment which comes in shades of red, yellow, orange and brown, was the first pigment used by humans, in the Middle Stone Age of Africa. Ochre, also called hematite, is found all over the world and has been used by nearly every prehistoric culture, whether as paint on caves and building walls, for staining of pottery or other types of artifacts, or as part of a burial ritual or body painting.

Man’s irresistible desire to create pigments was not without untoward consequences. For instance, in 1,775, Carl Wilhelm Scheele, a Swedish chemist, invented a bright green pigment, but it was laced with the deadly poisonous chemical arsenic; it was cheap to produce, but dangerous for artists and patrons alike. However, the French emperor Napoleon Bonaparte was so fascinated by and passionate about this colour, he wanted his bedroom wallpaper painted with   Scheele’s Green. Historians believe that the green pigment used in the wallpaper caused his untimely death in 1821 at the age of 51 due to cancer. By the end of the 19th century, Paris Green—a mixture of copper and arsenic—replaced Scheele’s Green as a more durable alternative, enabling Claude Monet, Paul Cézanne, and Pierre-Auguste Renoir to create vivid, emerald landscapes. It is also toxic, and thus has also been used as a rodenticide and insecticide. The blindness which Monet subsequently succumbed to may have been due to the toxicity of Paris Green, which was banned in the 1960s.

The Egyptians artists added binders such as eggs, resins and beeswax to pigments so that the paint would adhere to plaster and began painting on it. Hence, Egyptian tombs made of limestone were covered with plaster that was painted using six colours: charcoal black, red ochre, yellow orpiment, brown ochre, blue azurite, and green malachite. Natural mineral pigments were dug from the earth and shaped into sticks that were used as chalks by artists including Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, and Rembrandt. Dyes made from plants were also used in artwork in the Mediterranean region. By the mid-nineteenth-century, watercolors became available for sale to the public. Since the 1940s, technological advances have produced synthetic pigments and chemical processes for paint making which greatly contributed to expanding the once mineral-based limited colour palette to all the colours of the rainbow. Since then, colour-based industries have grown progressively in the world and the worth of the paint and coatings industry and of colour cosmetics industries in 2023 amounted to around $ 180 billion and $ 80 billion, respectively.

 Physics of colour and vision

In the 1660s, English physicist and mathematician, Isaac Newton, demonstrated that clear white light was composed of seven visible colours. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe in 1810 published his treatise on the nature, function, and psychology of colours titled “Theory of Colours”. One of his most radical points was a refutation of Newton’s ideas about the colour spectrum, suggesting that darkness is an active ingredient rather than the mere passive absence of light. Though his work was dismissed by a large segment  of the scientific community, it remained of intense interest to a cohort of prominent philosophers and physicists, including Arthur Schopenhauer, Kurt Gödel, and Ludwig Wittgenstein.

Colour springs from the alchemy of light and perception. Light, an ethereal wave of electromagnetic radiation, spans a spectrum visible to human eyes from approximately 380 to 750 nanometers. As light touches an object, it may be reflected, absorbed, or transmitted, with the reflected wavelengths crafting the hue perceived by the eye. This interaction is interpreted by the brain, transforming raw light into the rich palette of the world around us.

The human eye, a wondrous instrument, houses three types of photoreceptor cells known as cones, each attuned to different wavelengths of light:

S Cones: Sensitive to short wavelengths, peaking around 420 nm, endowing us with the perception of blue.

M Cones: Responsive to medium wavelengths, peaking around 534 nm, allowing us to see green.

L Cones: Tuned to long wavelengths, peaking around 564 nm, revealing the red hues.

Human beings   can only see the colours that these receptors can receive. Together, these cones create a symphony of signals that the brain harmonises into the countless colours we perceive, enabling us to distinguish millions of shades.

Nature’s creatures possess a diversity of vision, often surpassing human capabilities. Birds and insects, for instance, enjoy a tetrachromatic[DC1]  vision (having four types of cone cells in the eye to perceive colour), with an additional type of cone sensitive to ultraviolet (UV) light, unveiling a hidden spectrum invisible to human eyes. Many bird species use UV signals for mating, navigation, and foraging.

Colours are ‘illusions’

People are quite interested in and passionate about colours; thus, they generally make an initial judgment about a product, person, or environment within 90 seconds, and a significant proportion of this assessment, i.e. 60-90%, is based on colour. This shows how strong the influence of colour on perception and decision-making is.  Despite this extraordinary experience of colour perception, all colours are ‘illusions’ in the sense that they do not belong to objects independently of how these are perceived. Neither objects nor lights are coloured ‘in themselves’, but are seen as coloured as a result of neural processes and perceptual mechanisms. In fact, the physical properties of colours are different from the way colours are perceived. For example, take a yellow sunflower; it absorbs the blue, red and other colour energy waves, and then reflects back wavelengths that appear yellow. The colour receptors in our eyes then translate the flower’s wavelength into its colour and send that to our brain.

Blue colours in animals are not caused by chemical pigments, but rather by physics and the way light bounces off a surface. Blue-winged butterflies have layered nanostructures on their wing scales that manipulate light layers, cancelling out certain colours and projecting the fluorescent blue colour that we see; thus, they are called structural colours. Another classic example of structural coloration is the peacock’s feather. The microscopic structures in the feathers manipulate light to produce brilliant blues and greens that shift and change as the viewing angle alters. Thus, blue butterflies, roses, and peacocks aren’t actually blue and our eyes have duped us (Fig. 1).

Effects of colour on human behaviour and wellbeing

People have long understood the power of colour over moods and well-being. Colour was used in ancient Egypt, China, and Greece to evoke emotions, aid in spiritual practices, and treat a variety of conditions. Many ancient civilizations, such as the Egyptians and Chinese, embraced the belief that colours possessed healing properties and could be harnessed for therapeutic purposes. This practice, known as chromotherapy, involved the use of specific hues to treat various ailments and promote overall well-being.

Colour is a multidimensional concept which goes beyond visual appeal and aesthetic beauty. It   encompasses physical, psychological, cultural, symbolic, artistic, aesthetic and scientific dimensions, including physiological. The aesthetic beauty of colour has added a mesmerizing and exciting tapestry to nature and it is inconceivable to imagine a world without colour. Leigh Hunt (1784–1859), prolific English poet and journalist, said “Colours are the smiles of nature”.

Colour can affect humans in manifold ways ranging from psychological, physiological, cognitive to emotional, behavioural, healing etc., thereby having a profound influence on their mood, creativity, productivity, health and happiness. In addition, it   has a remarkable power not only to heal, rejuvenate and inspire, but also to instill a sense of peace and harmony in us. Colour is also a powerful means of communication and a defining aspect of human experience, influencing our perceptions and preferences, and interactions with the world. Therefore, extensive studies have been carried out on those aspects which have led to the emergence of disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics. Colour can potentially be a powerful source of inspiration, delight, tranquility and solace when used in the right manner for the right place for the right purpose.

However, people generally apply colours purely based on the visual and aesthetic appeal, without a proper understanding of the profound impact that colour can have on people – their performance, experience and wellbeing. Therefore, the use of the right colour for a given place is crucially important in order to provide a more relaxed, congenial and harmonious living environment which goes beyond the aesthetic appeal. Here, it is important to explore the world of colour psychology without diving into technicalities

The colours you choose for your walls, furniture, and the decorations of your bedroom can influence your mood. A bedroom painted in calming tones, e.g. in light blue, might help you to unwind, and create a feeling of serenity. It is not recommended to paint the bedrooms in dark shades of blue as it could interfere with sleep. Similarly, the blue light emitted by electronic screens could produce a similar effect. Therefore, it is not advisable to work on the computer or watch film on electronic screens for long hours prior to retiring to bed. Because the blue light gives the impression to the brain that it is daytime, the body stops releasing the sleep hormone Melatonin. On the other hand, light shades of amber may promote the release of Melatonin helping us to wind down and prepare for sleep in nature’s way.

Feeling relaxed

As blue light causes people to feel relaxed, it has led countries to add blue street lights in order to decrease suicide rates. In 2000, the city of Glasgow installed blue street lighting in certain neighborhoods and subsequently reported the anecdotal finding of reduced crime in these areas. A railroad company in Japan installed blue lighting on its stations in October 2009 in an effort to reduce the number of  rail suicide attempts (Fig. 2). Blue is often associated with calmness and serenity and is not naturally associated with food; hence, it can make food appear less appetizing and appealing and reduce the desire to eat. Therefore, blue is generally considered an appetite suppressant and eating off a blue plate could help to reduce overweight and obesity.

Walls of cafés are generally painted in warm, earthy tones like brown or terracotta which evoke a sense of comfort and homeliness. It helps the customers to settle in with a cup of coffee and a good book to spend some relaxing and rewarding time in a congenial ambience. On the other hand, some fast-food chains use red and yellow in their logos and external and internal walls in order to create a vibrant and exciting environment. It not only attracts attention, promotes quick decision making and creates a sense of excitement and urgency, but also stimulates appetite and encourages lively discussion. Though such colours attract both children and adults to fast-food restaurants, they may not wish to stay long in such an ambience after partaking of food, unlike in a coffee shop. Similarly, a kitchen with lively colours could energize you during meal preparation. (Figure 2)

Blue-winged butterfly (Source: https://pixabay.com/photos/butterfly-insect-animal-142506/) (left) and peacock (Source: https://www.photowall.co.uk/peacock-feathers-poster ) (right)

Even when designing websites, careful attention is paid not only to aesthetics, but to emotions that need to be evoked. When a company designs a new website, it carefully selects colours with this in mind. They might use blue for trust, green for growth, and orange for enthusiasm, creating a website that feels inviting and reliable while encouraging action. Architect William Ludlow advocated pale pastel blues and greens in hospitals for therapeutic purposes. The walls of hospitals are often painted in soft, calming colours like pale green or light blue which help to reduce stress and create a healing environment.

Colour can enhance or impair learning, morale, performance and the behaviour of students. It can affect students’ attention span, and perception of time. Visual stimulation rewires the brain, making stronger connections while fostering visual thinking, problem solving and creativity. It has been shown that the cold-coloured walls, such as blue and green, produced the highest levels of relaxation and pleasure, while the warm-colored walls such as yellow and red had the better attention and learning performance. And the white-walled classroom had the lowest subjective evaluation and the worst learning performance. Classrooms when painted with bright yellow — the colour of happiness and optimism – spark creativity and enthusiasm and makes learning more joyful. That’s why some educational spaces use yellow in order to foster a lively and energetic environment. School buses are generally painted yellow the world over for safety and visibility. Yellow colour is in the middle of the visible spectrum so that it strikes the cones (photoreceptors) of the eyes from both sides equally.  That makes it almost impossible for anyone to miss a school bus even when it’s in one’s peripheral vision or under poor day light conditions or in bad weather.

Fitness spaces

Exercise rooms and fitness spaces are generally painted in bright orange which exudes energy, motivation and vitality, encouraging movement and activity. It helps to keep the energy high and spirits lifted. Studies have shown that red causes a significantly greater response in heart rate, respiration, brain wave activity, and other nervous system functions than green or blue. In addition, red decreases the perceived size of rooms and space and prompts a sense of warmth. Lush greenery in a park or a natural habitat has a refreshing and rejuvenating effect, creating a sense of harmony and tranquility. Besides, the choice of colour of clothing reflects and affects your mood and if you are feeling upbeat and confident, you might pick a vibrant red shirt or dress. On the other hand, if you seek comfort and tranquility, you may settle for soothing shades of blue, green, etc.

Choice of colour for prisons is of prime importance as it affects the mood of inmates. When colour is used properly in prisons and jails, it can lessen overall tension and conflicts and make the places more comfortable for the inmates to live and work in. Based on the research carried out, bright colours are recommended in the prison, with green and blue colours being the best rated because people perceive them as soothing, stimulating, pleasant and safe. Yellow is also acceptable because the prisoners perceive it as a bright and cheerful colour. Painting the walls of the room with soft shades of yellow and green (kiwi color) was seen by the prisoners as “refreshing”. In all these cases, colour psychology is at play.

Therefore, colours play a significant role in shaping how we feel and behave; thus, they are not just pretty hues, but are the emotions painted onto the canvas of our lives. Hence, colour psychology is like a storyteller that sets the mood and tone of a space, a product, or even a piece of clothing. It’s the silent language that whispers to our emotions, shaping our experiences without us even realizing it. However, these associations between colours and emotions are not universal, but are influenced by cultural, historical, and personal factors. Understanding colour psychology can help individuals and businesses harness the power of colour to evoke specific emotions and convey messages effectively. Whether in branding, interior design, fashion, or art, colour plays a central role in shaping our perceptions and experiences. It’s a fascinating aspect of our world that continues to intrigue and inspire creativity in various fields.

Further information in this regard is found in the book titled “The Power of Colour: Enhancing Human Wellbeing and Unleashing Human Potential” edited by Ranjith Senaratne and Raj Somadeva. It emanated from a conference conducted by the Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science and includes contributions from a multidisciplinary team comprising artists, architects, engineers, biologists, environmentalists, psychiatrists, musicians and scientists.

Concluding remarks

Though the manifold effects of colour on humans have been recognized from time immemorial, there is very little appreciation and understanding of those effects on humankind and how these effects could be harnessed to enhance and enrich human wellbeing, including life experience, productivity, performance, satisfaction, memory and creativity. Because of the significance of colour on humans, disciplines such as Colour Psychology, Colour Chemistry, Colour Therapy and Visual Ergonomics have emerged which have assumed considerable importance in day-to-day life.

A good grasp of Colour Psychology helps to create a psychologically satisfying, aesthetically pleasing, vibrant and energetic space, or a calm and tranquil environment by selecting the appropriate shades of colours depending on the need and occasion. This is crucially important in a fiercely competitive globalized environment characterized by anxiety, tension, disquiet and chaos where people are leading a stressful, restless and agitated life in a fast-paced world. In the circumstances, creating a relaxed, congenial and harmonious environment at home as well as at the workplace by painting the living and working environment with appropriate hues is of prime importance.

This need is paramount and should be addressed as a matter of great importance. Then only could we embark upon a colorful journey and paint our world with appropriate vibrant hues in order to unearth the boundless potential and transformative power that lies within us. However, there is a dearth of competent professionals, particularly in Sri Lanka who can proffer the right advice and guidance to clients in selecting appropriate colours for specific places such as the living room, bedroom, dining room, reading room, exercise room etc. in homes and public places such as hospitals, restaurants, coffee shops, gymnasiums theatres, prisons etc. for the human wellbeing. This issue has been further exacerbated due to hardly any academic interaction and collaboration, particularly between the Faculties of Arts, Science and Medicine.

The course unit system (CUS) developed in the USA enables students to pick and choose course modules from diverse fields so as to create complementarity and synergy; this in turn, leads to producing well-rounded and well-grounded creative graduates equipped with multiple competencies to address real-world issues more effectively. Though the CUS was introduced in our universities over 20 years ago, because of the heavy compartmentalization and fragmentation, course modules for degree programmed of a given faculty have been selected mainly from among the modules offered by the faculty concerned, thereby not deriving the key expected benefits from the CUS. Consequently, Sri Lankan universities have been hardly able to develop any cross-faculty academic programmed such as Colour Psychology, Colour Therapy, Music Therapy and such like. Therefore, it is imperative to make necessary interventions so as to facilitate and promote interfaculty degree programmed in Sri Lanka universities, paving the way for the development of such academic offerings jointly by the Faculties of Arts, Science, Medicine, Architecture etc. Moreover, cooperation and collaboration between faculties are needed to effectively address complex real-world issues such as SDGs which demand a holistic trans-disciplinary systems approach.  Hence, the earlier such interventions are made, the better.

by Emeritus Professor
Ranjith Senaratne
University of Ruhuna, (ransen.ru@gmail.com)

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Midweek Review

Silence of the Civilized

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The 2025 World Press Photo of the Year Award depicts Mahmoud Ajjour, nine, who was injured during an Israeli attack on Gaza City in March 2024 [Credit: Samar Abu Elouf for The New York Times]

With his limbs ripped off in a blast,

Mounting challenges await the Gaza boy,

And though he will be winning good hearts,

When he cries that Mum can’t be held now,

The stony silence of the civilized world,

In the face of his stepped-up mute suffering,

Should be seen as another frontier of agony,

And herein we have the conclusive evidence,

That hearts are made numb by unending savagery.

By Lynn Ockersz

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