Features
Sri Lanka in a Changing World: Challenges and Opportunities Ahead
by Amarasiri de Silva
In contemporary world politics, there is a noticeable trend of working-class voters shifting their allegiances, leading to significant political realignments that influence the formation of governments. This phenomenon in world politics reflects a growing dissatisfaction among working-class communities with traditional party structures and their perceived inability to address issues like economic inequality, job security, and improving living conditions.
In many countries, this shift has seen the working class gravitate toward political parties or movements that prioritise populist rhetoric, nationalism, or anti-globalisation policies. In the contemporary world, several countries support political movements or parties that emphasise protectionist economic strategies, critique elite governance, and advocate for greater national sovereignty, disrupting traditional political landscapes. In the United States, the Republican Party under Donald Trump adopted “America First” policies, drawing working-class voters who had historically supported Democrats. In the United Kingdom, the Brexit movement, backed by the Conservatives, championed leaving the European Union to reclaim sovereignty, shifting traditional Labour voters in the “Red Wall” regions. Similarly, in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally has attracted disillusioned working-class voters with its anti-globalisation and protectionist agenda. Italy has seen parties like the Brothers of Italy, the League, and the Five Star Movement rise to prominence with Eurosceptic and nationalist platforms, while in Eastern Europe, Hungary’s Fidesz and Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) combine economic protectionism with critiques of EU overreach. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro appealed to voters frustrated with traditional labour-oriented parties by promoting nationalist economic policies, while India’s BJP under Narendra Modi emphasises self-reliance through the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Similar trends are visible in Germany, where the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has gained traction in former East German states, and in Australia, where right-leaning factions push for stricter immigration controls and protectionist policies. Across these countries, such movements reflect broader dissatisfaction with globalisation, neoliberalism, and the perceived detachment of traditional center-left parties from their core voter base.
Profound implications
The implications of this trend are profound. Governments formed through such coalitions often reflect the working class’s concerns, such as prioritising domestic industries, revising trade agreements, and addressing immigration policies. However, the realignment also challenges political stability, as it disrupts long-established ideological divides and compels parties to adapt to rapidly changing voter bases. This dynamic reshaping of voter blocs highlights a transformative period in global politics, where the working class’s evolving priorities play a pivotal role in determining political leadership and government formation.
According to Lawrence Wilson in the Epo Times, the 2024 U.S. presidential election may go down in history as a turning point when Republican and Democratic voter bases underwent a significant reorganisation along class lines, as highlighted by some political experts. While signs of this trend have been visible over the past four election cycles, the 2024 election marked a decisive shift in the political alignment of key demographics.
This realignment reflects a growing divide in political preferences between working-class and higher-income, highly educated voters. In 2024, the Republican Party of the USA attracted substantial support from working-class voters, many of whom expressed frustration with economic policies, cultural shifts, and perceived neglect by the political elite. These voters increasingly viewed the Grand Old Party (GOP) or republicans as a party that champions their economic and cultural concerns, such as job security, manufacturing revitalisation, and opposition to progressive social policies.
Departure from tradition
Conversely, higher-income voters and those with advanced educational backgrounds continued to favour the Democratic Party. This demographic has increasingly embraced the party’s focus on progressive policies, climate change, social justice, and globalisation. Democrats also garnered strong support from urban and suburban professionals, who align with their platform’s emphasis on diversity, equity, and technological innovation.
This shift represents a significant departure from traditional political coalitions. Historically, the Democratic Party was closely associated with the working class, mainly through labour unions and New Deal-era policies. Meanwhile, the Republican Party had strong ties to wealthier, business-oriented constituencies. The 2024 election has upended this dynamic, underscoring a growing cultural and economic polarization in American politics.
The realignment not only reshapes the ideological identity of both parties but also has profound implications for future elections and policymaking. As class increasingly defines political affiliation, voter engagement, campaign messaging, and coalition-building strategies will need to adapt to this evolving landscape. This shift could intensify debates about income inequality, economic reform, and cultural identity, making class a central axis in the USA’s political discourse.
Similarly, the 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka marked a pivotal moment in the country’s political history, reflecting the deep dissatisfaction of its citizens with the ruling elite and their demand for a transformative change. This election was not merely a political event but the culmination of years of socio-economic instability, public frustration, and growing discontent with a government perceived to have failed its people in fundamental ways. The resounding victory of the left-oriented National People’s Power (NPP)/Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which secured more than two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, symbolised a seismic shift in the nation’s political landscape and priorities.
Economic challenges
For years, Sri Lanka has been grappling with severe economic challenges. By 2024, the cost of essential goods had reached unprecedented levels, placing an immense burden on the working class and vulnerable communities. The price of rice, the staple food for the majority of Sri Lankans, had skyrocketed, leaving many households struggling to afford basic meals. Widespread inflation, stagnant wages, and ineffective government intervention compounded this economic strain. These hardships created a fertile ground for resentment, with citizens increasingly blaming the incumbent government for their worsening living conditions.
At the heart of the public’s grievances was the issue of corruption. Allegations of widespread misuse of public funds, nepotism, and inefficiency plagued the ruling administration. Corruption had become an omnipresent menace, undermining public trust in state institutions and eroding faith in the country’s leadership. The perception that those in power prioritized personal wealth and political patronage over the welfare of the people became a rallying point for protests and calls for accountability. People called for a system change, which they thought was the remedy for the overarching government inefficiency. For many, the government’s inability to address these issues symbolized a broader failure of governance and a betrayal of public trust.
Critical shortages
Adding to this volatile situation were critical shortages of essential goods, including life-saving medicines and hospital supplies. Some nutrition surveys showed that over 26% of children in the country were malnourished. The healthcare system, already under strain, became a visible and painful symbol of the government’s incompetence. The inability to provide even the most basic necessities amplified public outrage, particularly among those most vulnerable to these shortages. This crisis highlighted the systemic weaknesses in the country’s infrastructure and the government’s failure to prioritise the needs of its people during a time of widespread suffering.
The growing economic and social turmoil led to a powerful citizen movement starting from Aragalaya as a public manifestation of the igniting frustration. Protests, strikes, and demonstrations became common as Sri Lankans from all walks of life united in their demand for change. This grassroots uprising was not confined to urban centers; it extended into rural areas, estate sector, mobilising farmers, workers, and youth alike. What began as a spontaneous outpouring of frustration soon evolved into a cohesive movement that rejected the political status quo of elite politics and sought meaningful reform. The momentum of this movement carried over into the parliamentary election, significantly influencing voter behavior and galvanising support for the NPP/JVP as a viable alternative.
NPP as beneficiary
The National People’s Power, led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, emerged as the primary beneficiary of this wave of public discontent. The party positioned itself as a champion of the working class and the rural poor, promising to tackle corruption, reduce economic inequality, and address the immediate needs of the people. Their campaign focused on transparency, accountability, and social justice, resonating deeply with a population that had grown disillusioned with traditional political elite and the political parties. The NPP/JVP’s grassroots organising efforts and ability to articulate ordinary Sri Lankans’ concerns proved to be a decisive factor in their success.
The election results were nothing short of historic. The NPP/JVP secured an overwhelming two-thirds majority in parliament, giving them a solid mandate to implement their reform agenda. This is the first time in the history of preferential votes that a single party had won the election with a two-thirds majority. This landslide victory not only signaled the rejection of the ruling elite but also reflected the electorate’s demand for a government that prioritised the needs of the people over entrenched political and economic interests. For many, the election was a vindication of their struggles and a hopeful step toward a more equitable and just society.
The implications of the 2024 election are profound. It represents a turning point in Sri Lanka’s political trajectory, where the voices of the working class and marginalised communities reshaped the nation’s governance.
The newly elected government in Sri Lanka faces formidable challenges that will test its capacity to deliver on the promises that won it a sweeping mandate. At the forefront is the task of addressing the country’s deepening economic crisis. Years of mismanagement and corruption have left the economy in shambles, with soaring inflation, depleted foreign reserves, widespread unemployment, and trained people migrating abroad.
Need for new approach
To address these issues, the government should adopt a project-by-project approach while incorporating a cross-sectional perspective to ensure comprehensive solutions. For instance, the significant expenditure on milk powder imports could be tackled as an independent project. This would involve analyzing the root causes of high dependency on imports, such as insufficient local dairy production, and implementing targeted interventions to boost domestic output.
Such a project could include measures like incentivizing local farmers, improving dairy farming infrastructure, enhancing supply chains, and providing technical assistance to improve productivity. By addressing this specific issue as a standalone project, the government can create a focused strategy that reduces reliance on imports and strengthens the local economy. Simultaneously, adopting a cross-sectional perspective ensures that related sectors, such as agriculture, trade, and rural development, are considered in the planning and implementation phases, leading to a more integrated and sustainable outcome. This dual approach allows the government to tackle pressing issues efficiently while maintaining a holistic view of long-term development goals.
Rebuilding economic stability will require swift and effective policies to reduce the cost of living, revitalize key industries, and foster sustainable growth. Simultaneously, the government must attract foreign investments and secure international financial support while ensuring these efforts do not compromise national interests or burden future generations with unsustainable debt. Focusing on the bourgeoning tourist sector alone would be disastrous in the long run. The country needs stable industries to bring foreign wealth into the country.
Restoring public trust is another critical hurdle. Successive governments have eroded confidence in state institutions through systemic corruption and inefficiency for decades. The new administration must demonstrate an unwavering commitment to transparency, accountability, and good governance. This involves taking concrete steps to combat corruption at all levels of government, prosecute those responsible for previous misdeeds, and rebuild the judiciary and law enforcement as independent, trustworthy entities. Such measures will reinforce faith in the government and create a culture of accountability that deters future misconduct.
The country’s transport networks now struggle to meet even basic demands, causing inefficiencies and delays that directly impact productivity. Similarly, the energy grid suffers from instability and limited reach, leaving many areas underserved and slowing the pace of industrial and technological advancement. Healthcare facilities, which should serve as a lifeline for the nation, are overwhelmed by shortages of resources and outdated infrastructure, making it increasingly challenging to provide adequate care. These pressing issues necessitate immediate action to rebuild and modernize infrastructure, ensuring it can meet current and future needs.
The new government must take bold steps to prioritize infrastructure investments that benefit the broader population. Resuming and reconfiguring essential projects, such as the previously suspended light railway initiative funded by the Japanese government, would enhance public transportation and alleviate congestion in urban centers. Additionally, expanding access to clean water and reliable electricity must be at the forefront of development efforts, as these are fundamental to improving living standards of people in the dry zone areas who suffer from kidney disease caused by drinking polluted water.
Modernizing hospitals and schools is equally vital, as these institutions play a critical role in fostering a healthy and educated workforce capable of contributing to the nation’s recovery. Notably, the government must ensure that these investments address longstanding regional disparities by promoting equitable development across both urban, estate and rural sectors. By focusing on inclusive infrastructure reform, Sri Lanka can lay the foundation for a more resilient and prosperous future, restoring public confidence and enabling the country to achieve its full potential. Restructuring education facilities is crucial for fostering a fair and equitable society while addressing the persistent rural-urban disparities in education.
In Sri Lanka, rural schools often face significant challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers, and limited access to resources, which put students at a distinct disadvantage compared to their urban counterparts. To bridge this gap, it is essential to identify and support talented students from rural areas by providing scholarships that enable them to study in well-resourced urban schools. This approach not only enhances their educational opportunities but also helps to level the playing field, ensuring that all students, regardless of their geographic location, have a fair chance to succeed.
A broader and more comprehensive strategy to support this vision would involve creating government-funded scholarship programs targeted at high-achieving rural students who gain university admission. These scholarships would ensure that financial barriers do not prevent talented students from accessing higher education, allowing them to realize their full potential. As a further step, a select group of these students could be provided with opportunities to pursue advanced degrees at reputed institutions in Western countries, including postgraduate and doctoral studies. This dual pathway—domestic support combined with international exposure—would elevate individual academic achievements and benefit the nation as a whole.
This model has already proven successful in several Southeast Asian countries, such as China, India, and Thailand. In these nations, governments sponsor students to complete advanced degrees abroad, particularly in high-demand fields like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), with a clear stipulation that they return home after their studies. These returnees bring back advanced knowledge, cutting-edge research techniques, and international networks, contributing significantly to national development. For example, China’s “Thousand Talents Program” and India’s focus on sending students to premier institutions have established world-class research facilities and industries driven by highly skilled professionals. Such initiatives have fostered innovation, boosted economic competitiveness, and addressed pressing societal challenges.
By adopting similar policies, Sri Lanka can create an education system that values merit and equity, ensuring that the nation’s brightest minds are identified, nurtured, and given opportunities to thrive regardless of their socioeconomic background. Additionally, a return obligation for students who study abroad ensures that the nation’s investment yields direct benefits, as these individuals would contribute to the local workforce, research ecosystems, and policy frameworks. Furthermore, this approach would help bridge the rural-urban divide in education, empowering students from underserved areas to play a significant role in national progress.
Policy implementation
Implementing such a policy would require a well-thought-out framework, including partnerships with prestigious foreign universities, the establishment of monitoring systems to track scholarship recipients, and career development pathways upon their return. With such a strategy, Sri Lanka could cultivate a generation of skilled professionals and innovators to lead the country toward sustainable development and global competitiveness.
Despite these challenges, the 2024 election presents a rare and transformative opportunity for Sri Lanka. The electorate’s decisive shift toward a left-oriented party with a strong mandate signals a collective desire for bold, systemic reforms. This mandate empowers the government to break free from the cycles of corruption and inefficiency that have long hindered the nation’s progress. It provides a platform to enact policies that prioritize the needs of the working class, promote social justice, and foster inclusive growth. By leveraging this momentum, the new administration can initiate structural changes that address immediate crises and lay the groundwork for a more equitable and resilient society.
The election also marks a significant shift in the political consciousness of the Sri Lankan people. By voting overwhelmingly for change, citizens have sent a clear message that they will no longer tolerate empty promises and exploitative politics. This newfound accountability will likely act as a check on the government, ensuring it remains focused on fulfilling its mandate.
Furthermore, the election has energized civil society, fostering a culture of activism and engagement that can serve as a vital partner in shaping the country’s future.
While the new government in Sri Lanka faces daunting challenges, it also has an unparalleled opportunity to redefine the country’s political and economic trajectory. Combining a strong mandate, widespread public support, and a collective demand for change creates a unique environment for meaningful reform. By addressing the economic crisis, restoring trust, and rebuilding infrastructure, the government has the chance to resolve the immediate issues and usher in an era of sustainable development and inclusive governance.
Proposals from the Opposition
As I highlighted in my earlier writings, the new government should actively consider and adopt the beneficial policies and programmes proposed by the Opposition to ensure inclusive and progressive governance. One notable example I previously emphasized was the digitalization of the economy, a transformative initiative that could significantly boost the country’s revenue. By leveraging modern technology and digital frameworks, Sri Lanka can create new income streams, streamline administrative processes, and attract foreign investments, which is critical for addressing the country’s pressing foreign debt crisis.
I am glad to see the government making positive strides toward digitalization, reflecting a dedication to modernization and economic reform. As an initial measure in the digitalization journey, I hope the government will digitalize identity cards, transforming them into multi-functional cards that can also serve as driver’s licenses, and bank account cards. However, the success of these efforts hinges on the administration’s ability to maintain transparency, accountability, and a steadfast dedication to the aspirations of the people who have placed their trust in them.
Digitalization, while promising, requires careful execution to avoid inefficiencies and ensure that its benefits are equitably distributed across all sectors of society. The government must foster an open dialogue with stakeholders, remain vigilant against corruption, and prioritize the public good over political interests. If executed with integrity and foresight, the digitalization initiative has the potential not only to alleviate immediate economic challenges but also to lay the foundation for long-term growth and prosperity in Sri Lanka.
The 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka was not merely an electoral contest but a profound statement of the people’s desire for change. It highlighted the power of collective action in the face of adversity and underscored the importance of addressing economic and social justice issues in a meaningful way. The victory of the NPP/JVP, fueled by widespread public frustration and a call for accountability, marks a new chapter in Sri Lanka’s political history, one that offers both challenges and opportunities for the nation’s future.
I sincerely and fervently hope that the NPP/JVP government will rise to the occasion and effectively fulfill the monumental tasks entrusted to it by the people of Sri Lanka. Having secured a strong mandate in the 2024 election, the government now carries the immense responsibility of addressing the economic crisis, rooting out systemic corruption, and rebuilding trust in public institutions. This is a pivotal moment in the country’s history, offering an opportunity to break away from the cycles of inefficiency and inequality that have long hindered progress.
By implementing bold reforms and prioritizing the needs of the working class and marginalized communities, the NPP/JVP has the potential to deliver immediate relief and set Sri Lanka on a path of sustainable development and social equity. The hope remains that this administration will harness its mandate with determination and integrity, ensuring that the trust placed in it by the people is not in vain.
A new Era of Dance in Sri Lanka
Kapila Palihawadana, an internationally renowned dancer and choreographer staged his new dance production, Riddhi-Ma, on 28 March 2025 at the Elphinstone theatre, which was filled with Sri Lankan theatregoers, foreign diplomats and students of dance. Kapila appeared on stage with his charismatic persona signifying the performance to be unravelled on stage. I was anxiously waiting to see nATANDA dancers. He briefly introduced the narrative and the thematic background to the production to be witnessed. According to him, Kapila has been inspired by the Sri Lankan southern traditional dance (Low Country) and the mythologies related to Riddhi Yâgaya (Riddi Ritual) and the black magic to produce a ‘contemporary ballet’.
Riddhi Yâgaya also known as Rata Yakuma is one of the elaborative exorcism rituals performed in the southern dance tradition in Sri Lanka. It is particularly performed in Matara and Bentara areas where this ritual is performed in order to curb the barrenness and the expectation of fertility for young women (Fargnoli & Seneviratne 2021). Kapila’s contemporary ballet production had intermingled both character, Riddi Bisaw (Princes Riddhi) and the story of Kalu Kumaraya (Black Prince), who possesses young women and caught in the evil gaze (yaksa disti) while cursing upon them to be ill (De Munck, 1990).
Kapila weaves a tapestry of ritual dance elements with the ballet movements to create visually stunning images on stage. Over one and a half hours of duration, Kapila’s dancers mesmerized the audience through their virtuosic bodily competencies in Western ballet, Sri Lankan dance, especially the symbolic elements of low country dance and the spontaneity of movements. It is human bodily virtuosity and the rhythmic structures, which galvanised our senses throughout the performance. From very low phases of bodily movements to high speed acceleration, Kapila managed to visualise the human body as an elevated sublimity.
Contemporary Ballet
Figure 2 – (L) Umesha Kapilarathna performs en pointe, and (R) Narmada Nekethani performs with Jeewaka Randeepa, Riddhi-Ma, at Elphinstone Theatre, Maradana, 28th March 2025. Source:
Malshan Witharana
The dance production Riddhi-Ma was choreographed in several segments accompanied by a flow of various music arrangements and sound elements within which the dance narrative was laid through. In other words, Kapila as a choreographer, overcomes the modernist deadlock in his contemporary dance work that the majority of Sri Lankan dance choreographers have very often succumbed to. These images of bodies of female dancers commensurate the narrative of women’s fate and her vulnerability in being possessed by the Black Demon and how she overcomes and emancipates from the oppression. In this sense, Kapila’s dancers have showcased their ability to use the bodies not much as an object which is trained to perform a particular tradition but to present bodily fluidity which can be transformed into any form. Kapila’s performers possess formlessness, fluid fragility through which they break and overcome their bodily regimentations.
It was such a highly sophisticated ‘contemporary ballet’ performed at a Sri Lankan theatre with utmost rigour and precision. Bodies of all male and female dancers were highly trained and refined through classical ballet and contemporary dance. In addition, they demonstrated their abilities in performing other forms of dance. Their bodies were trained to achieve skilful execution of complex ballet movements, especially key elements of traditional ballet namely, improvisation, partnering, interpretation and off-balance and the local dance repertoires. Yet, these key ballet elements are not necessarily a part of contemporary ballet training (Marttinen, 2016). However, it is important for the dance students to learn these key elements of traditional ballet and use them in the contemporary dance settings. In this sense, Kapila’s dancers have achieved such vigour and somatic precision through assiduous practice of the body to create the magic on stage.
Pas de deux
Among others, a particular dance sequence attracted my attention the most. In the traditional ballet lexicon, it is a ‘pas de deux’ which is performed by the ‘same race male and female dancers,’ which can be called ‘a duet’. As Lutts argues, ‘Many contemporary choreographers are challenging social structures and norms within ballet by messing with the structure of the pas de deux (Lutts, 2019). Pas de Deux is a dance typically done by male and female dancers. In this case, Kapila has selected a male and a female dancer whose gender hierarchies appeared to be diminished through the choreographic work. In the traditional pas de deux, the male appears as the backdrop of the female dancer or the main anchorage of the female body, where the female body is presented with the support of the male body. Kapila has consciously been able to change this hierarchical division between the traditional ballet and the contemporary dance by presenting the female dominance in the act of dance.
The sequence was choreographed around a powerful depiction of the possession of the Gara Yakâ over a young woman, whose vulnerability and the powerful resurrection from the possession was performed by two young dancers. The female dancer, a ballerina, was in a leotard and a tight while wearing a pair of pointe shoes (toe shoes). Pointe shoes help the dancers to swirl on one spot (fouettés), on the pointed toes of one leg, which is the indication of the ballet dancer’s ability to perform en pointe (The Kennedy Centre 2020).
The stunning imagery was created throughout this sequence by the female and the male dancers intertwining their flexible bodies upon each other, throwing their bodies vertically and horizontally while maintaining balance and imbalance together. The ballerina’s right leg is bent and her toes are directed towards the floor while performing the en pointe with her ankle. Throughout the sequence she holds the Gara Yakâ mask while performing with the partner.
The male dancer behind the ballerina maintains a posture while depicting low country hand gestures combining and blurring the boundaries between Sri Lankan dance and the Western ballet (see figure 3). In this sequence, the male dancer maintains the balance of the body while lifting the female dancer’s body in the air signifying some classical elements of ballet.
Haptic sense
Figure 3: Narmada Nekathani performs with the Gara Yaka mask while indicating her right leg as en pointe. Male dancer, Jeewaka Randeepa’s hand gestures signify the low country pose. Riddhi-Ma, Dance Theatre at Elphinstone Theatre, 28th March 2025. Source: Malshan Witharana.
One significant element of this contemporary ballet production is the costume design. The selection of colour palette, containing black, red and while combining with other corresponding colours and also the costumes which break the traditional rules and norms are compelling. I have discussed in a recent publication how clothes connect with the performer’s body and operate as an embodied haptic perception to connect with the spectators (Liyanage, 2025). In this production, the costumes operate in two different ways: First it signifies sculpted bodies creating an embodied, empathic experience.
Secondly, designs of costumes work as a mode of three dimensional haptic sense. Kapila gives his dancers fully covered clothing, while they generate classical ballet and Sinhalese ritual dance movements. The covered bodies create another dimension to clothing over bodies. In doing so, Kapila attempts to create sculpted bodies on stage by blurring the boundaries of gender oriented clothing and its usage in Sri Lankan dance.
Sri Lankan female body on stage, particularly in dance has been presented as an object of male desire. I have elsewhere cited that the lâsya or the feminine gestures of the dance repertoire has been the marker of the quality of dance against the tândava tradition (Liyanage, 2025). The theatregoers visit the theatre to appreciate the lâsya bodies of female dancers and if the dancer meets this threshold, then she becomes the versatile dancer. Kandyan dancers such as Vajira and Chithrasena’s dance works are explored and analysed with this lâsya and tândava criteria. Vajira for instance becomes the icon of the lâsya in the Kandyan tradition. It is not my intention here to further discuss the discourse of lâsya and tândava here.
But Kapila’s contemporary ballet overcomes this duality of male-female aesthetic categorization of lâsya and tândava which has been a historical categorization of dance bodies in Sri Lanka (Sanjeewa 2021).
Figure 4: Riddhi-Ma’s costumes creates sculpted bodies combining the performer and the audience through empathic projection. Dancers, Sithija Sithimina and Senuri Nimsara appear in Riddhi-Ma, at Elphinstone Theatre, 28th March 2025, Source, Malshan Witharana.
Conclusion
Dance imagination in the Sri Lankan creative industry exploits the female body as an object. The colonial mind set of the dance body as a histrionic, gendered, exotic and aesthetic object is still embedded in the majority of dance productions produced in the current cultural industry. Moreover, dance is still understood as a ‘language’ similar to music where the narratives are shared in symbolic movements. Yet, Kapila has shown us that dance exists beyond language or lingual structures where it creates humans to experience alternative existence and expression. In this sense, dance is intrinsically a mode of ‘being’, a kinaesthetic connection where its phenomenality operates beyond the rationality of our daily life.
At this juncture, Kapila and his dance ensemble have marked a significant milestone by eradicating the archetypical and stereotypes in Sri Lankan dance. Kapila’s intervention with Riddi Ma is way ahead of our contemporary reality of Sri Lankan dance which will undoubtedly lead to a new era of dance theatre in Sri Lanka.
References
De Munck, V. C. (1990). Choosing metaphor. A case study of Sri Lankan exorcism. Anthropos, 317-328. Fargnoli, A., & Seneviratne, D. (2021). Exploring Rata Yakuma: Weaving dance/movement therapy and a
Sri Lankan healing ritual. Creative Arts in Education and Therapy (CAET), 230-244.
Liyanage, S. 2025. “Arts and Culture in the Post-War Sri Lanka: Body as Protest in Post-Political Aragalaya (Porattam).” In Reflections on the Continuing Crises of Post-War Sri Lanka, edited by Gamini Keerawella and Amal Jayawardane, 245–78. Colombo: Institute for International Studies (IIS) Sri Lanka.
Lutts, A. (2019). Storytelling in Contemporary Ballet.
Samarasinghe, S. G. (1977). A Methodology for the Collection of the Sinhala Ritual. Asian Folklore Studies, 105-130.
Sanjeewa, W. (2021). Historical Perspective of Gender Typed Participation in the Performing Arts in Sri Lanka During the Pre-Colonial, The Colonial Era, and the Post-Colonial Eras. International Journal of Social Science And Human Research, 4(5), 989-997.
The Kennedy Centre. 2020. “Pointe Shoes Dancing on the Tips of the Toes.” Kennedy-Center.org. 2020 https://www.kennedy-center.org/education/resources-for-educators/classroom-resources/media- and-interactives/media/dance/pointe-shoes/..
Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Himansi Dehigama for proofreading this article.
About the author:
Saumya Liyanage (PhD) is a film and theatre actor and professor in drama and theatre, currently working at the Department of Theatre Ballet and Modern Dance, Faculty of Dance and Drama, University of the Visual and Performing Arts (UVPA), Colombo. He is the former Dean of the Faculty of Graduate Studies and is currently holding the director position of the Social Reconciliation Centre, UVPA Colombo.
Chinese Naval Entry and End of Post-War Unipolarity
The ascendancy of China as an emerging superpower is one of the most striking shifts in the global distribution of economic and political power in the 21st century. With its strategic rise, China has assumed a more proactive diplomatic and economic role in the Indian Ocean, signalling its emergence as a global superpower. This new leadership role is exemplified by initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The Economist noted that “China’s decision to fund a new multilateral bank rather than give more to existing ones reflects its exasperation with the glacial pace of global economic governance reform” (The Economist, 11 November 2014). Thus far, China’s ascent to global superpower status has been largely peaceful.
In 2025, in terms of Navy fleet strength, China became the world’s largest Navy, with a fleet of 754 ships, thanks to its ambitious naval modernisation programme. In May 2024, the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) further strengthened its capabilities by commissioning the Fujian, its latest aircraft carrier. Equipped with an advanced electromagnetic catapult system, the Fujian can launch larger and heavier aircraft, marking a significant upgrade over its predecessors.
Driven by export-led growth, China sought to reinvest its trade surplus, redefining the Indian Ocean region not just as a market but as a key hub for infrastructure investment. Notably, over 80 percent of China’s oil imports from the Persian Gulf transit to the Straits of Malacca before reaching its industrial centres. These factors underscore the Indian Ocean’s critical role in China’s economic and naval strategic trajectories.
China’s port construction projects along the Indian Ocean littoral, often associated with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), exemplify its deepening geopolitical and economic engagement in the region. These initiatives encompass multipurpose berth development, deep-sea port construction, and supporting infrastructure projects aimed at enhancing maritime connectivity and trade. Key projects include the development of Gwadar Port in Pakistan, a strategic asset for China’s access to the Arabian Sea; Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka, which became a focal point of debt diplomacy concerns; the Payra deep-sea port in Bangladesh; as well as port and road infrastructure development in Myanmar’s Yunnan and Kyaukphyu regions and Cambodia’s Koh Kong.
While these projects were promoted as avenues for economic growth and regional connectivity, they also triggered geopolitical tensions and domestic opposition in several host countries. Concerns over excessive debt burdens, lack of transparency, and potential dual-use (civilian and military) implications of port facilities led to scrutiny from both local and external stakeholders, including India and Western powers. As a result, some projects faced significant pushback, delays, and, in certain cases, suspension or cancellation. This opposition underscores the complex interplay between economic cooperation, strategic interests, and sovereignty concerns in China’s Indian Ocean engagements.
China’s expanding economic, diplomatic, and naval footprint in the Indian Ocean has fundamentally altered the region’s strategic landscape, signalling the end of early post-Cold War unipolarity. Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) initiatives, China has entrenched itself economically, financing. Diplomatically, Beijing has deepened its engagement with littoral states through bilateral agreements, security partnerships, and regional forums, challenging traditional Western and Indian influence.
China’s expanding naval deployments in the Indian Ocean, including its military base in Djibouti, and growing security cooperation with regional states, mark the end of unchallenged US dominance in the region. The Indian Ocean is now a contested space, where China’s presence compels strategic recalibrations by India, the United States, and other regional actors. The evolving security landscape in the Indian Ocean—marked by intensifying competition, shifting alliances, and the rise of a multipolar order—has significant implications for Sri Lanka’s geopolitical future.
India views China’s growing economic, political, and strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region as a key strategic challenge. In response, India has pursued a range of strategic, political, and economic measures to counterbalance Chinese influence, particularly in countries like Sri Lanka through infrastructure investment, defense partnerships, and diplomatic engagements.
Other Extra-Regional powers
Japan and Australia have emerged as significant players in the post-Cold War strategic landscape of the Indian Ocean. During the early phases of the Cold War, Australia played a crucial role in Western ‘Collective Security Alliances’ (ANZUS and (SEATO). However, its direct engagement in Indian Ocean security remained limited, primarily supporting the British Royal Navy under Commonwealth obligations. Japan, meanwhile, refrained from deploying naval forces in the region after World War II, adhering to its pacifist constitution and post-war security policies. In recent decades, shifting strategic conditions have prompted both Japan and Australia to reassess their roles in the Indian Ocean, leading to greater defence cooperation and a more proactive regional presence.
In the post-Cold War era, Australia has progressively expanded its naval engagements in the Indian Ocean, driven by concerns over maritime security, protection of trade routes, and China’s growing influence. Through initiatives, such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and deeper defence partnerships with India and the United States, Australia has bolstered its strategic presence in the Indian Ocean region.
Recalibration of Japan’s approach
Japan, too, has recalibrated its approach to Indian Ocean security in response to geopolitical shifts. Recognising the Indian Ocean’s critical importance for its energy security and trade, Japan has strengthened its naval presence through port visits, joint exercises, and maritime security cooperation. The Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) has taken on a more active role in anti-piracy operations, freedom of navigation operations (FONOPS), and strategic partnerships with Indian Ocean littoral states. This shift aligns with Japan’s broader strategy of contributing to regional stability while balancing its constitutional constraints on military force projection.
Japan’s proactive role in the Indian Ocean region is evident in its diplomatic and defence engagements. In January 2019, Japan sent its Foreign Minister, Taro Kono, and Chief of Staff, Joint Staff, Katsutoshi Kawano, to the Raisina Dialogue, a high-profile geopolitical conference in India. Japan’s National Security Strategy, released in December 2022, identifies China’s growing assertiveness as its greatest strategic challenge and underscores the need to deepen bilateral ties and multilateral defence cooperation in the Indian Ocean. It also emphasises the importance of securing stable access to sea-lanes, through which more than 80 percent of Japan’s oil imports pass. In recent years, Japan has expanded its port investment portfolio across the Indian Ocean, with major projects in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar. In 2021, Japan participated for the first time in CARAT-Sri Lanka (Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training), a bilateral naval exercise. Japan’s Maritime Self-Defence Force returned for the exercise in January 2023, held at Trincomalee Port and Mullikulam Base.
Japan’s strategic interests in the Indian Ocean have been most evident in its involvement in port infrastructure development projects. Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Myanmar are key countries where early Chinese-led port construction faced setbacks. Unlike India, which carries historical and political complexities in its relations with these countries, Japan is better positioned to compete with China. In December 2021, a Japanese company established a ship repair and rebuilding facility in Trincomalee, complementing the already well-established Tokyo Cement factory. When the Sri Lanka Ports Authority announced plans in mid-2022 to develop Trincomalee as an industrial port—inviting expressions of interest from investors to utilise port facilities and up to 2,400 hectares of surrounding land—Trincomalee regained strategic attention.
The Colombo Dockyard, in collaboration with Japan’s Onomichi Dockyard, has established a rapid response afloat service in Trincomalee, marking a significant development in Japan’s engagement with Sri Lanka’s maritime infrastructure. This initiative aligns with Japan’s broader strategic interests in the Bay of Bengal, a region of critical economic and security importance. A key Japanese concern appears to be limiting China’s ability to establish a permanent presence in Trincomalee. This initiative underscores the broader strategic competition in the Indian Ocean. Trincomalee, with its deep-water harbour, has long been regarded as a critical maritime asset. Japan’s involvement reflects its efforts to deepen economic and strategic engagement with Sri Lanka amid growing regional competition. The challenge before Sri Lanka is how to navigate this strategic contest while maximising its national interests.
Other Regional Powers
In analyzing the evolving naval security architecture of the post-Cold War Indian Ocean, particular attention should be given to the naval developments of regional powers such as Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia. In 2012, Pakistan established the Naval Strategic Force Command (NSFC) to strengthen Pakistan’s policy of Credible Minimum Deterrence (CMD). The creation of the NSFC suggests a shift toward sea-based deterrence, complementing Pakistan’s broader military strategy. In December 2012, Pakistan conducted a series of cruise missile tests from naval platforms in the Arabian Sea. Given India’s expanding maritime capabilities, which Pakistan views as a significant threat, the Pakistan Navy may consider deploying tactical nuclear weapons on surface ships as part of its evolving deterrence strategy. Sri Lanka’s foreign policy cannot overlook this development.
Indonesia also emerged as a significant player in the evolving naval security landscape of the Indian Ocean. In 2010, it launched a military modernisation programme aimed at achieving a ‘Minimum Essential Force’ (MEF) by 2024. As part of this initiative, Indonesia sought to build a modern Navy with 247 surface vessels and 12 submarines. One of the primary challenges faced by the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) is piracy. To enhance maritime security, Indonesia and Singapore signed the SURPIC Cooperation Arrangement in Bantam in May 2005, enabling real-time sea surveillance in the Singapore Strait for more effective naval patrols. In 2017, Indonesia introduced the Indonesian Ocean Policy (IOP) and subsequently incorporated blue economy strategies into its national development agenda, reinforcing its maritime vision. According to projections from the Global Firepower Index, published in 2025, the Indonesian Navy is ranked fourth in global ranking and second in Asia in terms of Navy fleet strength (Global Firepower, 2025).
In October 2012, the Royal Malaysian Navy (RMN) announced plans to build a second Scorpène simulator training facility at its base in Kota Kinabalu, in addition to submarine base in Sepanggar, Sabah, constructed in 2002. To enhance its naval capabilities, the RMN planned to procure 18 Littoral Mission Ships (LMS) for maritime surveillance and six Littoral Combat Ships (LCS) between 2019 and 2023. Malaysia and China finalised their first major defence deal during Prime Minister Najib Razak’s visit to Beijing in November 2016. During this visit, Malaysia’s Defence Ministry signed a contract to procure LMS from China, as reported by The Guardian. Despite this agreement, Malaysia continues to maintain amicable relations with both China and India, as does Indonesia.
The increasing presence of major naval powers, the rise of regional stakeholders, and the growing significance of trade routes and maritime security have transformed the Indian Ocean into a central pivot of both regional and global politics, with Sri Lanka positioned at its heart. (To be Continued)
by Gamini Keerawella
Sri Lankan Andrea Marr, now based in Australia, is in the spotlight again. She says she has teamed up with a fantastic bunch of Sri Lankan musicians, in Melbourne, and the band is called IntoGroove.
“The band has been going strong for many years and I have been a fan of this outfit for quite a few years; just love these guys, authentic R&B and funk.”
Although Andrea has her original blues band, The McNaMarr Project, and they do have a busy schedule, she went on to say that “when the opportunity came up to join these guys, I simply couldn’t refuse … they are too good.”
IntoGroove is Jude Nicholas (lead vocals), Peter Menezes (bass), Keith Pereira (drums), Blaise De Silva (keyboards) and and Steve Wright (guitar).
Andrea Marr: Powerhouse of the blues
“These guys are a fantastic band and I really want everyone to hear them.”
Andrea is a very talented artiste with many achievements to her credit, and a vocal coach, as well.
In fact, she did her second vocal coaching session at Australian Songwriters Conference early this year.
Her first student showcase for this year took place last Sunday, in Melbourne, and it brought into the spotlight the wonderful acts she has moulded, as teacher and mentor.
What makes Andrea extra special is that she has years of teaching experience and is able to do group vocal coaching for all styles, levels and genres.
In January, this year, she performed at the exclusive ‘Women In Blues’ showcase at Alfred’s On Beale Street (rock venue with live entertainment), in Memphis, in the USA, during the International Blues Challenge when bands from all over the world converge on Memphis for the ‘Olympics of the Blues.’
The McNaMarr Project with Andrea and Lindsay Marr in the
vocal spotlight
This was her fourth performance in the home of the blues; she has represented Australian Blues three times and, on this occasion, she went as ambassador for Blues Music Victoria, and The Melbourne Blues Appreciation Society’s ‘Women In Blues’ Coordinator.
Andrea was inducted into the Blues Music Victoria Hall of Fame in 2022 and released her 10th album which hit #1 on the Australian Blues Charts.
Known as ‘the pint-sized powerhouse of the blues’ for her high energy, soulful, original music, Andrea is also a huge fan of the late Elvis Presley and has checked out Graceland, in Memphis, Tennessee, USA, many times.
In Melbourne, the singer also plays a major role in helping Animal Rescue organisations find homes for abandoned cats.
Andrea Marr’s wish, at the moment, is that the Lankan audience, in Melbourne, would get behind this band, IntoGroove. They are world class, she added.
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