Features
Sri Lanka in a Changing World: Challenges and Opportunities Ahead
by Amarasiri de Silva
In contemporary world politics, there is a noticeable trend of working-class voters shifting their allegiances, leading to significant political realignments that influence the formation of governments. This phenomenon in world politics reflects a growing dissatisfaction among working-class communities with traditional party structures and their perceived inability to address issues like economic inequality, job security, and improving living conditions.
In many countries, this shift has seen the working class gravitate toward political parties or movements that prioritise populist rhetoric, nationalism, or anti-globalisation policies. In the contemporary world, several countries support political movements or parties that emphasise protectionist economic strategies, critique elite governance, and advocate for greater national sovereignty, disrupting traditional political landscapes. In the United States, the Republican Party under Donald Trump adopted “America First” policies, drawing working-class voters who had historically supported Democrats. In the United Kingdom, the Brexit movement, backed by the Conservatives, championed leaving the European Union to reclaim sovereignty, shifting traditional Labour voters in the “Red Wall” regions. Similarly, in France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally has attracted disillusioned working-class voters with its anti-globalisation and protectionist agenda. Italy has seen parties like the Brothers of Italy, the League, and the Five Star Movement rise to prominence with Eurosceptic and nationalist platforms, while in Eastern Europe, Hungary’s Fidesz and Poland’s Law and Justice Party (PiS) combine economic protectionism with critiques of EU overreach. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro appealed to voters frustrated with traditional labour-oriented parties by promoting nationalist economic policies, while India’s BJP under Narendra Modi emphasises self-reliance through the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative. Similar trends are visible in Germany, where the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has gained traction in former East German states, and in Australia, where right-leaning factions push for stricter immigration controls and protectionist policies. Across these countries, such movements reflect broader dissatisfaction with globalisation, neoliberalism, and the perceived detachment of traditional center-left parties from their core voter base.
Profound implications
The implications of this trend are profound. Governments formed through such coalitions often reflect the working class’s concerns, such as prioritising domestic industries, revising trade agreements, and addressing immigration policies. However, the realignment also challenges political stability, as it disrupts long-established ideological divides and compels parties to adapt to rapidly changing voter bases. This dynamic reshaping of voter blocs highlights a transformative period in global politics, where the working class’s evolving priorities play a pivotal role in determining political leadership and government formation.
According to Lawrence Wilson in the Epo Times, the 2024 U.S. presidential election may go down in history as a turning point when Republican and Democratic voter bases underwent a significant reorganisation along class lines, as highlighted by some political experts. While signs of this trend have been visible over the past four election cycles, the 2024 election marked a decisive shift in the political alignment of key demographics.
This realignment reflects a growing divide in political preferences between working-class and higher-income, highly educated voters. In 2024, the Republican Party of the USA attracted substantial support from working-class voters, many of whom expressed frustration with economic policies, cultural shifts, and perceived neglect by the political elite. These voters increasingly viewed the Grand Old Party (GOP) or republicans as a party that champions their economic and cultural concerns, such as job security, manufacturing revitalisation, and opposition to progressive social policies.
Departure from tradition
Conversely, higher-income voters and those with advanced educational backgrounds continued to favour the Democratic Party. This demographic has increasingly embraced the party’s focus on progressive policies, climate change, social justice, and globalisation. Democrats also garnered strong support from urban and suburban professionals, who align with their platform’s emphasis on diversity, equity, and technological innovation.
This shift represents a significant departure from traditional political coalitions. Historically, the Democratic Party was closely associated with the working class, mainly through labour unions and New Deal-era policies. Meanwhile, the Republican Party had strong ties to wealthier, business-oriented constituencies. The 2024 election has upended this dynamic, underscoring a growing cultural and economic polarization in American politics.
The realignment not only reshapes the ideological identity of both parties but also has profound implications for future elections and policymaking. As class increasingly defines political affiliation, voter engagement, campaign messaging, and coalition-building strategies will need to adapt to this evolving landscape. This shift could intensify debates about income inequality, economic reform, and cultural identity, making class a central axis in the USA’s political discourse.
Similarly, the 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka marked a pivotal moment in the country’s political history, reflecting the deep dissatisfaction of its citizens with the ruling elite and their demand for a transformative change. This election was not merely a political event but the culmination of years of socio-economic instability, public frustration, and growing discontent with a government perceived to have failed its people in fundamental ways. The resounding victory of the left-oriented National People’s Power (NPP)/Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), which secured more than two-thirds of the parliamentary seats, symbolised a seismic shift in the nation’s political landscape and priorities.
Economic challenges
For years, Sri Lanka has been grappling with severe economic challenges. By 2024, the cost of essential goods had reached unprecedented levels, placing an immense burden on the working class and vulnerable communities. The price of rice, the staple food for the majority of Sri Lankans, had skyrocketed, leaving many households struggling to afford basic meals. Widespread inflation, stagnant wages, and ineffective government intervention compounded this economic strain. These hardships created a fertile ground for resentment, with citizens increasingly blaming the incumbent government for their worsening living conditions.
At the heart of the public’s grievances was the issue of corruption. Allegations of widespread misuse of public funds, nepotism, and inefficiency plagued the ruling administration. Corruption had become an omnipresent menace, undermining public trust in state institutions and eroding faith in the country’s leadership. The perception that those in power prioritized personal wealth and political patronage over the welfare of the people became a rallying point for protests and calls for accountability. People called for a system change, which they thought was the remedy for the overarching government inefficiency. For many, the government’s inability to address these issues symbolized a broader failure of governance and a betrayal of public trust.
Critical shortages
Adding to this volatile situation were critical shortages of essential goods, including life-saving medicines and hospital supplies. Some nutrition surveys showed that over 26% of children in the country were malnourished. The healthcare system, already under strain, became a visible and painful symbol of the government’s incompetence. The inability to provide even the most basic necessities amplified public outrage, particularly among those most vulnerable to these shortages. This crisis highlighted the systemic weaknesses in the country’s infrastructure and the government’s failure to prioritise the needs of its people during a time of widespread suffering.
The growing economic and social turmoil led to a powerful citizen movement starting from Aragalaya as a public manifestation of the igniting frustration. Protests, strikes, and demonstrations became common as Sri Lankans from all walks of life united in their demand for change. This grassroots uprising was not confined to urban centers; it extended into rural areas, estate sector, mobilising farmers, workers, and youth alike. What began as a spontaneous outpouring of frustration soon evolved into a cohesive movement that rejected the political status quo of elite politics and sought meaningful reform. The momentum of this movement carried over into the parliamentary election, significantly influencing voter behavior and galvanising support for the NPP/JVP as a viable alternative.
NPP as beneficiary
The National People’s Power, led by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, emerged as the primary beneficiary of this wave of public discontent. The party positioned itself as a champion of the working class and the rural poor, promising to tackle corruption, reduce economic inequality, and address the immediate needs of the people. Their campaign focused on transparency, accountability, and social justice, resonating deeply with a population that had grown disillusioned with traditional political elite and the political parties. The NPP/JVP’s grassroots organising efforts and ability to articulate ordinary Sri Lankans’ concerns proved to be a decisive factor in their success.
The election results were nothing short of historic. The NPP/JVP secured an overwhelming two-thirds majority in parliament, giving them a solid mandate to implement their reform agenda. This is the first time in the history of preferential votes that a single party had won the election with a two-thirds majority. This landslide victory not only signaled the rejection of the ruling elite but also reflected the electorate’s demand for a government that prioritised the needs of the people over entrenched political and economic interests. For many, the election was a vindication of their struggles and a hopeful step toward a more equitable and just society.
The implications of the 2024 election are profound. It represents a turning point in Sri Lanka’s political trajectory, where the voices of the working class and marginalised communities reshaped the nation’s governance.
The newly elected government in Sri Lanka faces formidable challenges that will test its capacity to deliver on the promises that won it a sweeping mandate. At the forefront is the task of addressing the country’s deepening economic crisis. Years of mismanagement and corruption have left the economy in shambles, with soaring inflation, depleted foreign reserves, widespread unemployment, and trained people migrating abroad.
Need for new approach
To address these issues, the government should adopt a project-by-project approach while incorporating a cross-sectional perspective to ensure comprehensive solutions. For instance, the significant expenditure on milk powder imports could be tackled as an independent project. This would involve analyzing the root causes of high dependency on imports, such as insufficient local dairy production, and implementing targeted interventions to boost domestic output.
Such a project could include measures like incentivizing local farmers, improving dairy farming infrastructure, enhancing supply chains, and providing technical assistance to improve productivity. By addressing this specific issue as a standalone project, the government can create a focused strategy that reduces reliance on imports and strengthens the local economy. Simultaneously, adopting a cross-sectional perspective ensures that related sectors, such as agriculture, trade, and rural development, are considered in the planning and implementation phases, leading to a more integrated and sustainable outcome. This dual approach allows the government to tackle pressing issues efficiently while maintaining a holistic view of long-term development goals.
Rebuilding economic stability will require swift and effective policies to reduce the cost of living, revitalize key industries, and foster sustainable growth. Simultaneously, the government must attract foreign investments and secure international financial support while ensuring these efforts do not compromise national interests or burden future generations with unsustainable debt. Focusing on the bourgeoning tourist sector alone would be disastrous in the long run. The country needs stable industries to bring foreign wealth into the country.
Restoring public trust is another critical hurdle. Successive governments have eroded confidence in state institutions through systemic corruption and inefficiency for decades. The new administration must demonstrate an unwavering commitment to transparency, accountability, and good governance. This involves taking concrete steps to combat corruption at all levels of government, prosecute those responsible for previous misdeeds, and rebuild the judiciary and law enforcement as independent, trustworthy entities. Such measures will reinforce faith in the government and create a culture of accountability that deters future misconduct.
The country’s transport networks now struggle to meet even basic demands, causing inefficiencies and delays that directly impact productivity. Similarly, the energy grid suffers from instability and limited reach, leaving many areas underserved and slowing the pace of industrial and technological advancement. Healthcare facilities, which should serve as a lifeline for the nation, are overwhelmed by shortages of resources and outdated infrastructure, making it increasingly challenging to provide adequate care. These pressing issues necessitate immediate action to rebuild and modernize infrastructure, ensuring it can meet current and future needs.
The new government must take bold steps to prioritize infrastructure investments that benefit the broader population. Resuming and reconfiguring essential projects, such as the previously suspended light railway initiative funded by the Japanese government, would enhance public transportation and alleviate congestion in urban centers. Additionally, expanding access to clean water and reliable electricity must be at the forefront of development efforts, as these are fundamental to improving living standards of people in the dry zone areas who suffer from kidney disease caused by drinking polluted water.
Modernizing hospitals and schools is equally vital, as these institutions play a critical role in fostering a healthy and educated workforce capable of contributing to the nation’s recovery. Notably, the government must ensure that these investments address longstanding regional disparities by promoting equitable development across both urban, estate and rural sectors. By focusing on inclusive infrastructure reform, Sri Lanka can lay the foundation for a more resilient and prosperous future, restoring public confidence and enabling the country to achieve its full potential. Restructuring education facilities is crucial for fostering a fair and equitable society while addressing the persistent rural-urban disparities in education.
In Sri Lanka, rural schools often face significant challenges, including inadequate infrastructure, a lack of qualified teachers, and limited access to resources, which put students at a distinct disadvantage compared to their urban counterparts. To bridge this gap, it is essential to identify and support talented students from rural areas by providing scholarships that enable them to study in well-resourced urban schools. This approach not only enhances their educational opportunities but also helps to level the playing field, ensuring that all students, regardless of their geographic location, have a fair chance to succeed.
A broader and more comprehensive strategy to support this vision would involve creating government-funded scholarship programs targeted at high-achieving rural students who gain university admission. These scholarships would ensure that financial barriers do not prevent talented students from accessing higher education, allowing them to realize their full potential. As a further step, a select group of these students could be provided with opportunities to pursue advanced degrees at reputed institutions in Western countries, including postgraduate and doctoral studies. This dual pathway—domestic support combined with international exposure—would elevate individual academic achievements and benefit the nation as a whole.
This model has already proven successful in several Southeast Asian countries, such as China, India, and Thailand. In these nations, governments sponsor students to complete advanced degrees abroad, particularly in high-demand fields like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM), with a clear stipulation that they return home after their studies. These returnees bring back advanced knowledge, cutting-edge research techniques, and international networks, contributing significantly to national development. For example, China’s “Thousand Talents Program” and India’s focus on sending students to premier institutions have established world-class research facilities and industries driven by highly skilled professionals. Such initiatives have fostered innovation, boosted economic competitiveness, and addressed pressing societal challenges.
By adopting similar policies, Sri Lanka can create an education system that values merit and equity, ensuring that the nation’s brightest minds are identified, nurtured, and given opportunities to thrive regardless of their socioeconomic background. Additionally, a return obligation for students who study abroad ensures that the nation’s investment yields direct benefits, as these individuals would contribute to the local workforce, research ecosystems, and policy frameworks. Furthermore, this approach would help bridge the rural-urban divide in education, empowering students from underserved areas to play a significant role in national progress.
Policy implementation
Implementing such a policy would require a well-thought-out framework, including partnerships with prestigious foreign universities, the establishment of monitoring systems to track scholarship recipients, and career development pathways upon their return. With such a strategy, Sri Lanka could cultivate a generation of skilled professionals and innovators to lead the country toward sustainable development and global competitiveness.
Despite these challenges, the 2024 election presents a rare and transformative opportunity for Sri Lanka. The electorate’s decisive shift toward a left-oriented party with a strong mandate signals a collective desire for bold, systemic reforms. This mandate empowers the government to break free from the cycles of corruption and inefficiency that have long hindered the nation’s progress. It provides a platform to enact policies that prioritize the needs of the working class, promote social justice, and foster inclusive growth. By leveraging this momentum, the new administration can initiate structural changes that address immediate crises and lay the groundwork for a more equitable and resilient society.
The election also marks a significant shift in the political consciousness of the Sri Lankan people. By voting overwhelmingly for change, citizens have sent a clear message that they will no longer tolerate empty promises and exploitative politics. This newfound accountability will likely act as a check on the government, ensuring it remains focused on fulfilling its mandate.
Furthermore, the election has energized civil society, fostering a culture of activism and engagement that can serve as a vital partner in shaping the country’s future.
While the new government in Sri Lanka faces daunting challenges, it also has an unparalleled opportunity to redefine the country’s political and economic trajectory. Combining a strong mandate, widespread public support, and a collective demand for change creates a unique environment for meaningful reform. By addressing the economic crisis, restoring trust, and rebuilding infrastructure, the government has the chance to resolve the immediate issues and usher in an era of sustainable development and inclusive governance.
Proposals from the Opposition
As I highlighted in my earlier writings, the new government should actively consider and adopt the beneficial policies and programmes proposed by the Opposition to ensure inclusive and progressive governance. One notable example I previously emphasized was the digitalization of the economy, a transformative initiative that could significantly boost the country’s revenue. By leveraging modern technology and digital frameworks, Sri Lanka can create new income streams, streamline administrative processes, and attract foreign investments, which is critical for addressing the country’s pressing foreign debt crisis.
I am glad to see the government making positive strides toward digitalization, reflecting a dedication to modernization and economic reform. As an initial measure in the digitalization journey, I hope the government will digitalize identity cards, transforming them into multi-functional cards that can also serve as driver’s licenses, and bank account cards. However, the success of these efforts hinges on the administration’s ability to maintain transparency, accountability, and a steadfast dedication to the aspirations of the people who have placed their trust in them.
Digitalization, while promising, requires careful execution to avoid inefficiencies and ensure that its benefits are equitably distributed across all sectors of society. The government must foster an open dialogue with stakeholders, remain vigilant against corruption, and prioritize the public good over political interests. If executed with integrity and foresight, the digitalization initiative has the potential not only to alleviate immediate economic challenges but also to lay the foundation for long-term growth and prosperity in Sri Lanka.
The 2024 parliamentary election in Sri Lanka was not merely an electoral contest but a profound statement of the people’s desire for change. It highlighted the power of collective action in the face of adversity and underscored the importance of addressing economic and social justice issues in a meaningful way. The victory of the NPP/JVP, fueled by widespread public frustration and a call for accountability, marks a new chapter in Sri Lanka’s political history, one that offers both challenges and opportunities for the nation’s future.
I sincerely and fervently hope that the NPP/JVP government will rise to the occasion and effectively fulfill the monumental tasks entrusted to it by the people of Sri Lanka. Having secured a strong mandate in the 2024 election, the government now carries the immense responsibility of addressing the economic crisis, rooting out systemic corruption, and rebuilding trust in public institutions. This is a pivotal moment in the country’s history, offering an opportunity to break away from the cycles of inefficiency and inequality that have long hindered progress.
By implementing bold reforms and prioritizing the needs of the working class and marginalized communities, the NPP/JVP has the potential to deliver immediate relief and set Sri Lanka on a path of sustainable development and social equity. The hope remains that this administration will harness its mandate with determination and integrity, ensuring that the trust placed in it by the people is not in vain.
Features
When Batting Was Poetry: Remembering David Gower
For many Sri Lankans growing up in the late nineteen fifties and early sixties, our cricketing heroes were Englishmen. I am not entirely sure why that was. Perhaps it was a colonial hangover, or perhaps it reflected the way cricket was taught locally, with an emphasis on technical correctness, a high left elbow, and the bat close to the pad. English cricket, with its traditions and orthodoxy, became the benchmark.
I, on the other hand, could not see beyond Sir Garfield Sobers and the West Indian team. Sir Garfield remains my all-time hero, although only by a whisker ahead of Muttiah Muralitharan. For me, Caribbean flair and attacking cricket were infinitely superior to the Englishmen’s conservatism and defensive approach.
That said, England has produced many outstanding cricketers, with David Gower and Ian Botham being my favourites. Players such as Colin Cowdrey, Tom Graveney, Mike Denness, Tony Lewis, Mike Brealey, Alan Knott, Derek Underwood, Tony Greig, and David Gower were great ambassadors for England, particularly when touring the South Asian subcontinent, which posed certain challenges for touring sides until about three decades ago. Their calm and dignified conduct when touring is a contrast to the behaviour of the current lot.
I am no longer an avid cricket viewer, largely because my blood pressure tends to rise when I watch our Sri Lankan players. Therefore, I was pleasantly surprised recently when I was flipping through the TV channels to hear David Gower’s familiar voice commentating. It brought back fond memories of watching him bat during my time in the UK. I used to look forward to the summer for two reasons. To feel the sun on my back and watch David Gower bat!
A debut that announced a star
One of my most vivid cricketing memories is watching, in 1978, a young English batsman pull the very first ball he faced in Test cricket to the boundary. Most debutants play cautiously, trying to avoid the dreaded zero, but Gower nonchalantly swivelled and pulled a short ball from Pakistan’s Liaquat Ali for four. It was immediately apparent that a special talent had arrived.
To place that moment in perspective, Marvan Atapattu—an excellent Sri Lankan batsman—took three Tests and four innings to score his first run, yet later compiled 16 Test centuries.
Gower went on to score 56 in his first innings and captivated spectators with his full repertoire of strokes, particularly his exquisite cover drive. It is often said that a left-hander’s cover drive is one of the most pleasurable sights in cricket, and watching Sobers, Gower, or Brian Lara execute the cover drive made the entrance ticket worthwhile.
A young talent in a time of change
Gower made his Test debut at just 21, rare for an English player of that era. World cricket was in turmoil due to the Kerry Packer revolution, and England had lost senior players such as Tony Greig, Alan Knott, and Derek Underwood. Selectors were searching for young talent, and Gower’s inclusion injected fresh impetus.
Gower scored his first Test century in only his fourth match, just a month after his debut, against New Zealand, and a few months later scored his maiden Ashes century at Perth.
He finished with 18 Test centuries from 117 matches. His finest test innings, in my view, was the magnificent 154 not out at Kingston in 1981 against Holding, Marshall, Croft, and Garner. Batting for nearly eight hours and facing 403 balls, he set aside flair for determination to save the Test.
He and Ian Botham also benefited from playing their initial years under Mike Brealey, an average batsman but an outstanding leader. Rodney Hogg, the Australian fast bowler, famously said Brealey had a ‘degree in people’, and both young stars flourished under his guidance.
Captaincy and criticism and overall record
Few English batsmen delighted and frustrated spectators and analysts as much as Gower. The languid cover drive, so elegant and so pleasurable to the spectators, also resulted in a fair number of dismissals that, at times, gave the impression of carelessness to both spectators and journalists.
Despite his approach, which at times appeared casual, he was appointed as captain of the English team in 1983 and served for three years before being removed in 1986. He was again appointed captain in 1989 for the Ashes series. He led England in 1985 to a famous Ashes series win as well as a series win in India in1984-85.
In the eyes of some, the captaincy might not have been the best suited to his style of play. However, he scored 732 runs whilst captaining the team during the 1985 Ashes series, proving that he was able handle the pressure.
Under Gower, England lost two consecutive series to the great West Indian teams 5-0, which led to the coining of the phrase “Blackwashed”! He was somewhat unlucky that he captained the English team when the West Indies were at the peak, possessing a fearsome array of fast bowlers.
David Gower scored 3,269 test runs against Australia in 42 test matches. He scored nine centuries and 12 fifties, averaging nearly 45 runs per inning. His record against Australia as an English batsman is only second to Sir Jack Hobbs. Scoring runs against Australia has been a yardstick in determining how good a batsman is. Therefore, his record against Australia can easily rebut the critics who said that he was too casual. He scored 8,231 runs in 117 test matches and 3,170 runs in 114 One Day Internationals.
A gentleman of the game free of controversies
Unlike the other great English cricketer at the time, Ian Botham, David was not involved in any controversies during his illustrious career. The only incident that generated negative press was a low-level flight he undertook in a vintage Tiger Moth biplane in Queensland during the 1990-91 Ashes tour of Australia. The team management and the English press, as usual, made a mountain out of a molehill. David retired from international cricket in 1992.
In 1984, during the tour of India, due to the uncertain security situation after the assassination of the then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the English team travelled to Sri Lanka for a couple of matches. I was fortunate enough to get David to sign his book “With Time to Spare”. This was soon after he returned to the pavilion after being dismissed. There was no refusal or rudeness when I requested his signature.
He was polite and obliged despite still being in pads. Although I did not know David Gower, his willingness that day to oblige a spectator exemplified the man’s true character. A gentleman who played the game as it should be, and a great ambassador of England and world cricket. He was inducted into the ICC Cricket Hall of Fame in 2009 and appointed an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in 1992 for his services to sport.
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
Features
Sri Lanka Through Loving Eyes:A Call to Fix What Truly Matters
Love of country, pride, and the responsibility to be honest
I am a Sri Lankan who has lived in Australia for the past 38 years. Australia has been very good to my family and me, yet Sri Lanka has never stopped being home. That connection endures, which is why we return every second year—sometimes even annually—not out of nostalgia, but out of love and pride in our country.
My recent visit reaffirmed much of what makes Sri Lanka exceptional: its people, culture, landscapes, and hospitality remain truly world-class. Yet loving one’s country also demands honesty, particularly when shortcomings risk undermining our future as a serious global tourism destination.
When Sacred and Iconic Sites Fall Short
One of the most confronting experiences occurred during our visit to Sri Pada (Adam’s Peak). This sacred site, revered across multiple faiths, attracts pilgrims and tourists from around the world. Sadly, the severe lack of basic amenities—especially clean, accessible toilets—was deeply disappointing. At moments of real need, facilities were either unavailable or unhygienic.
This is not a luxury issue. It is a matter of dignity.
For a site of such immense religious and cultural significance, the absence of adequate sanitation is unacceptable. If Sri Lanka is to meet its ambitious tourism targets, essential infrastructure, such as public toilets, must be prioritized immediately at Sri Pada and at all major tourist and pilgrimage sites.
Infrastructure strain is also evident in Ella, particularly around the iconic Nine Arches Bridge. While the attraction itself is breathtaking, access to the site is poorly suited to the sheer volume of visitors. We were required to walk up a steep, uneven slope to reach the railway lines—manageable for some, but certainly not ideal or safe for elderly visitors, families, or those with mobility challenges. With tourist numbers continuing to surge, access paths, safety measures, and crowd management urgently needs to be upgraded.
Missed opportunities and first impressions
Our visit to Yala National Park, particularly Block 5, was another missed opportunity. While the natural environment remains extraordinary, the overall experience did not meet expectations. Notably, our guide—experienced and deeply knowledgeable—offered several practical suggestions for improving visitor experience and conservation outcomes. Unfortunately, he also noted that such feedback often “falls on deaf ears.” Ignoring insights from those on the ground is a loss Sri Lanka can ill afford.
First impressions also matter, and this is where Bandaranaike International Airport still falls short. While recent renovations have improved the physical space, customs and immigration processes lack coherence during peak hours. Poorly formed queues, inconsistent enforcement, and inefficient passenger flow create unnecessary delays and frustration—often the very first experience visitors have of Sri Lanka.
Excellence exists—and the fundamentals must follow
That said, there is much to celebrate.
Our stays at several hotels, especially The Kingsbury, were outstanding. The service, hospitality, and quality of food were exceptional—on par with the best anywhere in the world. These experiences demonstrate that Sri Lanka already possesses the talent and capability to deliver excellence when systems and leadership align.
This contrast is precisely why the existing gaps are so frustrating: they are solvable.
Sri Lankans living overseas will always defend our country against unfair criticism and negative global narratives. But defending Sri Lanka does not mean remaining silent when basic standards are not met. True patriotism lies in constructive honesty.
If Sri Lanka is serious about welcoming the world, it must urgently address fundamentals: sanitation at sacred sites, safe access to major attractions, well-managed national parks, and efficient airport processes. These are not optional extras—they are the foundation of sustainable tourism.
This is not written in criticism, but in love. Sri Lanka deserves better, and so do the millions of visitors who come each year, eager to experience the beauty, spirituality, and warmth that our country offers so effortlessly.
The writer can be reached at Jerome.adparagraphams@gmail.com
By Jerome Adams
Features
Seething Global Discontents and Sri Lanka’s Tea Cup Storms
Global temperatures in January have been polar opposite – plus 50 Celsius down under in Australia, and minus 45 Celsius up here in North America (I live in Canada). Between extremes of many kinds, not just thermal, the world order stands ruptured. That was the succinct message in what was perhaps the most widely circulated and listened to speeches of this century, delivered by Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney at Davos, in January. But all is not lost. Who seems to be getting lost in the mayhem of his own making is Donald Trump himself, the President of the United States and the world’s disruptor in chief.
After a year of issuing executive orders of all kinds, President Trump is being forced to retreat in Minneapolis, Minnesota, by the public reaction to the knee-jerk shooting and killing of two protesters in three weeks by federal immigration control and border patrol agents. The latter have been sent by the Administration to implement Trump’s orders for the arbitrary apprehension of anyone looking like an immigrant to be followed by equally arbitrary deportation.
The Proper Way
Many Americans are not opposed to deporting illegal and criminal immigrants, but all Americans like their government to do things the proper way. It is not the proper way in the US to send federal border and immigration agents to swarm urban neighbourhood streets and arrest neighbours among neighbours, children among other school children, and the employed among other employees – merely because they look different, they speak with an accent, or they are not carrying their papers on their person.
Americans generally swear by the Second Amendment and its questionably interpretive right allowing them to carry guns. But they have no tolerance when they see government forces turn their guns on fellow citizens. Trump and his administration cronies went too far and now the chickens are coming home to roost. Barely a month has passed in 2026, but Trump’s second term has already run into multiple storms.
There’s more to come between now and midterm elections in November. In the highly entrenched American system of checks and balances it is virtually impossible to throw a government out of office – lock, stock and barrel. Trump will complete his term, but more likely as a lame duck than an ordering executive. At the same time, the wounds that he has created will linger long even after he is gone.
Equally on the external front, it may not be possible to immediately reverse the disruptions caused by Trump after his term is over, but other countries and leaders are beginning to get tired of him and are looking for alternatives bypassing Trump, and by the same token bypassing the US. His attempt to do a Venezuela over Greenland has been spectacularly pushed back by a belatedly awakening Europe and America’s other western allies such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand. The wags have been quick to remind us that he is mostly a TACO (Trump always chickens out) Trump.
Grandiose Scheme or Failure
His grandiose scheme to establish a global Board of Peace with himself as lifetime Chair is all but becoming a starter. No country or leader of significant consequence has accepted the invitation. The motley collection of acceptors includes five East European countries, three Central Asian countries, eight Middle Eastern countries, two from South America, and four from Asia – Cambodia, Vietnam, Indonesia and Pakistan. The latter’s rush to join the club will foreclose any chance of India joining the Board. Countries are allowed a term of three years, but if you cough up $1 billion, could be member for life. Trump has declared himself to be lifetime chair of the Board, but he is not likely to contribute a dime. He might claim expenses, though. The Board of Peace was meant to be set up for the restoration of Gaza, but Trump has turned it into a retirement project for himself.
There is also the ridiculous absurdity of Trump continuing as chair even after his term ends and there is a different president in Washington. How will that arrangement work? If the next president turns out to be a Democrat, Trump may deny the US a seat on the board, cash or no cash. That may prove to be good for the UN and its long overdue restructuring. Although Trump’s Board has raised alarms about the threat it poses to the UN, the UN may end up being the inadvertent beneficiary of Trump’s mercurial madness.
The world is also beginning to push back on Trump’s tariffs. Rather, Trump’s tariffs are spurring other countries to forge new trade alliances and strike new trade deals. On Tuesday, India and EU struck the ‘mother of all’ trade deals between them, leaving America the poorer for it. Almost the next day , British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer and Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced in Beijing that they had struck a string of deals on travel, trade and investments. “Not a Big Bang Free Trade Deal” yet, but that seems to be the goal. The Canadian Prime Minister has been globe-trotting to strike trade deals and create investment opportunities. He struck a good reciprocal deal with China, is looking to India, and has turned to South Korea and a consortium from Germany and Norway to submit bids for a massive submarine supply contract supplemented by investments in manufacturing and mineral industries. The informal first-right-of-refusal privilege that US had in Canada for defense contracts is now gone, thanks to Trump.
The disruptions that Trump has created in the world order may not be permanent or wholly irreversible, as Prime Minister Carney warned at Davos. But even the short term effects of Trump’s disruptions will be significant to all of US trading partners, especially smaller countries like Sri Lanka. Regardless of what they think of Trump, leaders of governments have a responsibility to protect their citizens from the negative effects of Trump’s tariffs. That will be in addition to everything else that governments have to do even if they do not have Trump’s disruptions to deal with.
Bland or Boisterous
Against the backdrop of Trump-induced global convulsions, politics in Sri Lanka is in a very stable mode. This is not to diminish the difficulties and challenges that the vast majority of Sri Lankans are facing – in meeting their daily needs, educating their children, finding employment for the youth, accessing timely health care and securing affordable care for the elderly. The challenges are especially severe for those devastated by cyclone Ditwah.
Politically, however, the government is not being tested by the opposition. And the once boisterous JVP/NPP has suddenly become ‘bland’ in government. “Bland works,” is a Canadian political quote coined by Bill Davis a nationally prominent premier of the Province of Ontario. Davis was responding to reporters looking for dramatic politics instead of boring blandness. He was Premier of Ontario for 14 years (1971-1985) and won four consecutive elections before retiring.
No one knows for how long the NPP government will be in power in Sri Lanka or how many more elections it is going to win, but there is no question that the government is singularly focused on winning the next parliamentary election, or both the presidential and parliamentary elections – depending on what happens to the system of directly electing the executive president.
The government is trying to grow comfortable in being on cruise control to see through the next parliamentary election. Its critics on the other hand, are picking on anything that happens on any day to blame or lampoon the government. The government for all its tight control of its members and messaging is not being able to put out quickly the fires that have been erupting. There are the now recurrent matters of the two AGs (non-appointment of the Auditor General and alleged attacks on the Attorney General) and the two ERs (Educational Reform and Electricity Reform), the timing of the PC elections, and the status of constitutional changes to end the system of directly electing the president.
There are also criticisms of high profile resignations due to government interference and questionable interdictions. Two recent resignations have drawn public attention and criticism, viz., the resignation of former Air Chief Marshal Harsha Abeywickrama from his position as the Chairman of Airport & Aviation Services, and the earlier resignation of Attorney-at-Law Ramani Jayasundara from her position as Chair of the National Women’s Commission. Both have been attributed to political interferences. In addition, the interdiction of the Deputy Secretary General of Parliament has also raised eyebrows and criticisms. The interdiction in parliament could not have come at a worse time for the government – just before the passing away of Nihal Seniviratne, who had served Sri Lanka’s parliament for 33 years and the last 13 of them as its distinguished Secretary General.
In a more political sense, echoes of the old JVP boisterousness periodically emanate in the statements of the JVP veteran and current Cabinet Minister K.D. Lal Kantha. Newspaper columnists love to pounce on his provocative pronouncements and make all manner of prognostications. Mr. Lal Kantha’s latest reported musing was that: “It is true our government is in power, but we still don’t have state power. We will bring about a revolution soon and seize state power as well.”
This was after he had reportedly taken exception to filmmaker Asoka Handagama’s one liner: “governing isn’t as easy as it looks when you are in the opposition,” and allegedly threatened to answer such jibes no matter who stood in the way and what they were wearing “black robes, national suits or the saffron.” Ironically, it was the ‘saffron part’ that allegedly led to the resignation of Harsha Abeywickrama from the Airport & Aviation Services. And President AKD himself has come under fire for his Thaipongal Day statement in Jaffna about Sinhala Buddhist pilgrims travelling all the way from the south to observe sil at the Tiisa Vihare in Thayiddy, Jaffna.
The Vihare has been the subject of controversy as it was allegedly built under military auspices on the property of local people who evacuated during the war. Being a master of the spoken word, the President could have pleaded with the pilgrims to show some sensitivity and empathy to the displaced Tamil people rather than blaming them (pilgrims) of ‘hatred.’ The real villains are those who sequestered property and constructed the building, and the government should direct its ire on them and not the pilgrims.
In the scheme of global things, Sri Lanka’s political skirmishes are still teacup storms. Yet it is never nice to spill your tea in public. Public embarrassments can be politically hurtful. As for Minister Lal Kantha’s distinction between governmental mandate and state power – this is a false dichotomy in a fundamentally practical sense. He may or may not be aware of it, but this distinction quite pre-occupied the ideologues of the 1970-75 United Front government. Their answer of appointing Permanent Secretaries from outside the civil service was hardly an answer, and in some instances the cure turned out to be worse than the disease.
As well, what used to be a leftist pre-occupation is now a right wing insistence especially in America with Trump’s identification of the so called ‘deep state’ as the enemy of the people. I don’t think the NPP government wants to go there. Rather, it should show creative originality in making the state, whether deep or shallow, to be of service to the people. There is a general recognition that the government has been doing just that in providing redress to the people impacted by the cyclone. A sign of that recognition is the number of people contributing to the disaster relief fund and in substantial amounts. The government should not betray this trust but build on it for the benefit of all. And better do it blandly than boisterously.
by Rajan Philips
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