Features
Some anecdotes on working with President Premadasa at the Education Ministry
Wishing Lalith A on his birthday and being woken up by a 4.30 am phone call by the president
President Premadasa, continued to be Minister until his tragic assassination on May 1, 1993. The hallmark of his tenure as Minister of Education and Higher Education was his strict non-interference in the day to day running of the Ministry. Very early on, he told me “Dharmasiri, you are a senior and experienced Secretary. You run the Ministry. Get the other Ministers also involved. I will hold a “Mini Cabinet” meeting once a month. In the meantime, if there is anything of a political nature you are not sure about, and about which you want some clarification, don’t bother to come and see me. Just give me a call anytime.” This is exactly how we functioned. He never disturbed and rarely did I have to disturb him either. Nor did I meet him except at the monthly meeting.
The President also did not interfere or bring any pressure to bear on the eternal question of school admissions. On just a couple of occasions when he felt constrained to send a small list, it was with specific instructions that it was to be done only if possible. The officer who brought the list emphasized this point. However, occasionally he checked you out on matters. He told me one day that he wanted to visit the National Institute of Education at Maharagama. He had never been there before. A date and time were fixed.
The visit was to take place at 9 a.m. and I was to meet him there, along with other relevant officials. But early in the morning of the appointed day, I received a telephone call from his private residence “Sucharitha” requesting me to come there at 8 a.m. and join him in his car, because he wanted to discuss some matters with me. When I went there I got the thoughtful but standard treatment of being served with a variety of short-eats followed by tea or coffee. This comes quickly, like a drill, a few minutes after you go in and sit in the waiting room.
After sometime, the security officers asked me to go and be beside the official Mercedes Benz car he was using since the President was about to come. He came out, but turned back, evidently because he had forgotten something. By that time he had seen me and he immediately turned and said “Why are you standing? Please get into the car. I will come in a moment.” That was a demonstration of great politeness on his part. But I for my part did not think it polite to get into the back seat and sit before the President got in. Therefore, I kept on standing which was only for a few moments.
Again, when he came out, he asked me “Why didn’t you sit?” Thereafter, we got in, and on the way to Maharagama he asked me a number of questions pertaining to education, especially on teacher training, curriculum development and examinations. By now, I was pretty thorough with the policies, practices and projections. and was able to answer all his questions. He was very satisfied. He thought we were on the right track. He then said something that still showed his frustration with his Ministers. He aid “I have told my Ministers several times to go out into the field and see things for themselves, and not depend on reports. But I still can’t get them to do it.”

With Senior Minister Mr. Sirisena Cooray and Minister of Education Services Mrs. Sunethra Ranasinghe
It was clear that the President thought that his Ministers were not working in the manner and at the pressure he wanted them to. With him, if you worked hard and was up to date there was no problem at all. He was courteous, polite and not difficult to work with. After all, he had the right to expect competence and performance from his Ministers and officials.
Very soon, I was faced with a difficult problem in the prevailing context. Mr. Athulathmudali’s birthday was due shortly and in some of the previous years, on his invitation, I had dropped in at his residence in order to wish him. Now, he was out of the system, in the process of forming a new party and the relations between the President and himself indescribably bad. I however felt personally sensitive to the fact that if I did not go and wish him so soon after his leaving, although I knew that he would understand, it was something that was morally reprehensible to me. It appeared to me like cowardice. I also did not like to sneak into his house in some clandestine fashion. I therefore had to tell the President. Given the existing circumstances this certainly required great courage. To my advantage was the frank nature I possessed and a complete lack of fear of authority born out of an inner confidence that I, to the best of my understanding, knowledge and experience always attempted to do the right thing.
Therefore, when a few days before Mr. Athulathmudali’s birthday, I happened to meet the President in his office on an official matter, I took the opportunity to speak with him after the meeting. I told him that Mr. Athulathmudali was my Minister in two Ministries, explained how I happened to drop in on his birthday on his invitation on previous occasions and expressed that I would be extremely unhappy if I couldn’t do it this time, particularly when he had left us only a short while earlier. I concluded by saying that I did not want to go without informing him.
The President, I could see was taken utterly by surprise. His initial reaction was “Alright.” Then when he apparently recovered his wits he said, “But can’t you telephone and wish him?” I told him to please permit me to personally go at least this time. “Thereafter I will telephone,” I said. He nodded. My friends were amazed that I had “the guts” or “the stupidity” to speak to the President on such a sensitive and to him such an unpalatable matter. In my view what stood me in good stead was the recognition on of my track record that I did everything openly. That is why he signed 11 Cabinet papers and two Supplementary Estimates blindly on the first day he came to office as Minister of Education and Higher Education. He knew that I had nothing to do with politics and that my request to visit Mr. Athulathmudali had a valid context.
As I have enumerated, my relations with President Premadasa were based on certain proprieties, such as non interference and a disciplined impersonal approach by both sides. There were times however when the relationship was not so smooth. The first blip so to speak on a clear screen came when one day I was woken up at 4.30 in the morning. It was well known that the President who got up very early started telephoning various public servants and sometimes even Ministers from about 4.30 a.m. onward. I had so far escaped this attention.
On the other hand, to me this was a fundamental issue. I always had particularly long days getting to bed only after midnight. Invariably the first telephone call to disturb the peace at home came by about 6.30 a.m., sometimes by about 6 a.m. It was clear that I desperately needed to get at least six hours of continuous sleep. If this was not possible, my health or possibly even my life could be endangered. I was also now in a situation where certain meetings, discussions and negotiations which would have been conducted by a Minister, if we had a full-time one, devolved on me, the President himself referring various matters and various groups to me.
I had discussed this whole issue with my wife and we had both agreed that minimum sleep was an absolutely bottom line. I had made up my mind that if I could not even get six hours of sleep, it would be unwise for me to continue in the public service. Matters were at this when I heard the parallel telephone line beside my bed ringing one day distantly as if in a dream. This naturally woke up my wife as well, and when I answered the phone. It was the President’s valet Mohideen, who asked me to hold on because the President wished to speak to me.
Mr. Premadasa then came on the line, and breezily wished me “good morning.” I was both still sleepy and not pleased and mumbled something which must have sounded as an unethusiastic greeting. “Did I wake you?” inquired the President knowing very well that he had indeed done so. “Yes.” I promptly replied adding “I am a late sleeper.” By this what I meant was that I sleep late and therefore get up late. He may or may not have caught the full meaning and might have thought that what I said was that I get up late. For a moment there was something like a surprised silence, followed by some nervous laughter, and then he got to the point and gave me the instructions that he wanted to give. There were nothing in them that should have warranted waking someone at 4.30 a.m. as I found out when I checked on the time after the conversation.
On the other hand I had evidently made my position clear. I concluded from the President’s tone and manner that nobody else seemed to have said what I said and certainly not in the forthright manner in which I said it. This was the last straw and I was not prepared to let it break this camel’s back. After the episode, he never rang me till after 6 a.m. and that too most infrequently. One particular day only he rang me earlier at around 5.30 a.m. ending his conversation by saying “I am going out of Colombo now.” By saying this, he was kind enough to indicate to me that that was the reason for telephoning me early.
There were occasions I argued strenuously with him although his face looked very grim when I did so. One such occasion was when he wanted to setup school boards in every school consisting of representatives of parents, teachers, past pupils and certain selected representatives of the local community. As a concept it was excellent. It would have been the beginning of involving the schools with the community instead of being totally subject to a bureaucracy. The problem was that the President wanted to set up these Boards immediately using the emergency regulations. That was his nature.
When he thought that an idea was good, he wanted it implemented from day before yesterday. I argued with him that this would be self defeating; that it would attract serious opposition; that people would see some hidden agenda in the move when in reality there was none; and that we needed a month or two of careful preparation and if possible trying it out as a pilot project in a few areas first, before going all island. The President did not agree. He did not specifically say so, but it was evident from his demeanour that he considered all these arguments as typical of a bureaucratic system’s inherent propensity for delay.
Therefore, he went ahead. Emergency regulations were gazetted. Then the flak started with a vengeance, with educationists, influential individuals, trade unions, the opposition parties, all attacking the proposal. The valuable concept of the school board was completely drowned out by the sustained attack on the emergency regulations aspect. The President was made out to be a dictator with a hidden agenda of curtailing free education in the country. Many interpreted this action as being due to coercion exercised on the government by the World Bank, which of course was a favourite whipping boy of dissidents of all hues and colours.
More the President tried to stubbornly persist in the scheme the greater the opposition grew. In the end a good scheme had at least temporarily to be abandoned. After this rather stormy episode, I found that he listened more carefully. When therefore, I telephoned and strongly advised him not to proceed with distributing some literature with a political content to the Ven. monks and lay persons who were due to gather in the main hall of the BM ICH for the 90th anniversary celebration of the oriental studies society of Sri Lanka, he somewhat reluctantly listened.
I regularly chaired the executive committee meetings of this society. In the committee too, there were scholar monks who were strongly identified with the two main political parties. We did not permit anything of apolitical nature to interfere with the scholarly work of the society. The committee functioned in great harmony. Had the President gone ahead with his scheme, I was convinced that several monks and laymen would have got up and challenged the President publicly, as to the relevance of the distributed literature to the important occasion that evening. The meeting would then have ended in disorder, with large sections shouting and walking out. In the end we had a most peaceful and harmonious meeting, with the President being so gracious as to refer to my grandfather as a founder member of the society, and my own role in carrying the work of the society forward.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris)
Features
The Ramadan War
A Strategic Assessment of a Conflict Still Unresolved
The Unites States of America and its ally, Israel attacked Iran on 28 February, or the 10th day of the month of Ramadan. More than a month of intense fighting has passed since, and the Ramadan War has settled into a grinding, attritional struggle that defies early declarations of victory. Despite sustained U.S. and Israeli air and naval bombardment, Iran remains standing, and continues to strike back with a level of resilience that has surprised many observers. The conflict has evolved into a contest of endurance, adaptation, and strategic innovation, with each side attempting to impose costs the other cannot bear.
Iran’s response to the overwhelming airpower of its adversaries has been both simple and devastatingly effective: saturate enemy defences with swarms of inexpensive drones and older ballistic missiles, forcing them to expend costly interceptors and reveal radar positions, and then follow up with salvos of its most advanced precisionguided missiles. This layered approach has inflicted severe physical damage on Israel and has shaken its national morale. The country has endured repeated missile barrages from Iran and rocket fire from Hezbollah, straining its airdefence network and pushing its civilian population to the limits of endurance.
The United States, meanwhile, has been forced to evacuate or reduce operations at several bases in the Gulf region due to persistent Iranian drone and missile attacks. For both the U.S. and Israel, the war has become a test of strategic credibility. For Iran, by contrast, victory is defined not by territorial gains or decisive battlefield outcomes, but by survival, and by continuing to impose costs on its adversaries.
The central strategic objective for the U.S. has now crystallised: reopening the Strait of Hormuz to secure global energy flows. Ironically, the Strait was open before the war began; it is the conflict itself that has rendered it effectively closed. Air and naval power alone cannot achieve this objective. The geography of the Strait, combined with Iran’s layered defences, means that any lasting solution will require ground forces, a reality that carries enormous risks.
U.S. Strategic Options
The United States faces five broad operational options, each with significant drawbacks.
1. Seizing Kharg Island
Kharg Island handles roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports, making it an attractive target. However, it lies only a short distance from the Iranian mainland, where entrenched Iranian forces maintain dense networks of missile batteries, drones, artillery, and coastal defences. Any attempt to seize Kharg would require first neutralising or capturing the adjacent coastline, a costly amphibious and ground operation.
Even if successful, this would not reopen the Strait of Hormuz. It would merely deprive Iran of export capacity, which is not the primary U.S. objective. At least ostensibly not; there are those who argue that the U.S. simply wants to take over Iran’s petroleum (see below).
2. Forcing the Strait of Hormuz by Naval Power
Sending U.S. naval forces directly through the Strait is theoretically possible but operationally hazardous. Iran has mined all but a narrow channel hugging its own shoreline. That channel is covered by overlapping fields of antiship missiles, drones, artillery, and coastal radar. Clearing the mines would require prolonged operations under fire. Attempting to push through without clearing them would risk catastrophic losses.
3. Capturing Qeshm, Hengam, Larak, and Hormuz Islands
These islands dominate the Iranian side of the Strait and host radar, missile, and drone installations. Capturing them would degrade Iran’s ability to close the Strait, but the islands are heavily fortified, and the surrounding waters are mined. Amphibious assaults against defended islands are among the most difficult military operations. Even success would not guarantee the Strait’s longterm security unless the mainland launch sites were also neutralised.
4. Invading Southern Iraq and Crossing into Khuzestan
This option would involve U.S. forces advancing through southern Iraq, crossing the Shatt alArab waterway, and pushing into Iran’s Khuzestan province — home to most of Iran’s oilfields. The terrain is difficult: marshes, waterways, and narrow approaches. Iranian forces occupy the high ground overlooking the plains.
While this route would allow Saudi armoured forces to participate, it would also expose U.S. and allied logistics to attacks by Iraqi Shia militias, who have already demonstrated their willingness to target U.S. assets. The political and operational risks are immense.
5. Capturing Chabahar and Advancing Along the Coast
The most strategically promising — though still costly — option is seizing the port of Chabahar in southeastern Iran and advancing roughly 660 kilometres along the coast toward Bandar Abbas. This approach offers several advantages:
· Distance from Iran’s core population centres complicates Iranian logistics.
· Chabahar’s deepwater port (16m draught)
would provide a valuable logistics hub.
· U.S. carriers could remain at safer standoff distances
, supporting operations without entering the Strait.
· The coastal route allows naval gunfire and missile support
to assist advancing ground forces.
· Local Baluchi insurgents
could provide intelligence and limited support.
· Capturing Bandar Abbas would
outflank Iran’s island defences and effectively reopen the Strait.
This option is likely to form the backbone of any U.S. ground campaign, potentially supplemented by diversionary attacks by regional partners to stretch Iranian defences.
The Limits of U.S. Superiority
The United States retains overwhelming superiority in naval power and manned airpower. But whether this advantage translates into dominance in unmanned systems or ground combat is far from certain.
The 2003 invasion of Iraq is often cited as a model of U.S. military prowess, but the comparison is misleading. Iraq in 2003 had been crippled by a decade of sanctions. Its forces lacked modern mines, antitank missiles, and effective air defences. Tank crews had little training; some could not hit targets at pointblank range. RPG teams were similarly unprepared. The U.S. enjoyed numerical superiority in the theatre and total control of the air, allowing it to isolate Iraqi units and prevent reinforcement.
Even under those favourable conditions, Iraqi forces managed to delay the U.S. advance. At one point, forward U.S. units nearly ran out of ammunition and supplies, forcing the diversion of forces intended for the assault on Baghdad to secure the lines of communication.
Iran is not Iraq in 2003. Its armed forces and industrial base have adapted to nearly half a century of sanctions. It produces its own drones, missiles, artillery, and armoured vehicles. It has built extensive underground facilities, hardened command posts, and redundant communication networks.
Moreover, the battlefield itself has changed. The RussoUkrainian war demonstrated that deep armoured penetrations – once the hallmark of U.S. doctrine – are now extremely vulnerable to drones, loitering munitions, and precision artillery. The result has been a return to attritional warfare reminiscent of the First World War, with front lines stabilising into trench networks.
Yet, as in the First World War, stalemate has been broken not by massed assaults but by small, highly trained teams infiltrating thinly held lines, identifying targets, and guiding drones and artillery onto enemy positions deep in the rear. Iran has studied these lessons closely.
Mosaic Defence and Transformational Warfare
Iran’s military doctrine has evolved significantly over the past two decades. Its “mosaic defence” decentralises command and control, ensuring that even if senior leadership is targeted, local units can continue operating autonomously. This structure proved resilient during the initial waves of U.S. and Israeli strikes.
Iran has also absorbed lessons from U.S. “shock and awe” operations. The botched U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983 exposed weaknesses in joint operations, prompting the development of “effectsbased operations,” “rapid dominance” and the broader concept of “transformational warfare.” These doctrines (better known colloquially as “Shock and Awe”), influenced by Liddell Hart and Sun Tzu, emphasised simultaneous strikes on strategic targets to paralyse the enemy’s decisionmaking.
While the U.S. struggled to apply these concepts effectively in Iraq and Iran, Tehran has adapted them for asymmetric use. Its drone and missile campaigns have targeted not only military assets but also economic infrastructure and psychological resilience. Israel’s economy and morale have been severely tested, and the United States finds itself entangled in a conflict that offers no easy exit.
Iran has also pursued a broader strategic objective: undermining the petrodollar system that underpins U.S. financial dominance. By disrupting energy flows and encouraging alternative trading mechanisms, Iran seeks to weaken the economic foundations of U.S. power.
Will the USA Achieve Its War Aims?
The United States’ core objective appears to be securing control over global energy flows by reopening the Strait of Hormuz and limiting China’s access to Middle Eastern oil before it can transition to alternative energy sources. Whether this objective is achievable remains uncertain.
A ground campaign would be long, costly, and politically fraught. Iran’s defences are deep, layered, and adaptive. Its drone and missile capabilities have already demonstrated their ability to impose significant costs on technologically superior adversaries. Regional allies are cautious, and global support for a prolonged conflict is limited.
The United States retains overwhelming military power, but power alone does not guarantee strategic success. Iran’s strategy is simple: survive, adapt, and continue imposing costs. In asymmetric conflicts, survival itself can constitute victory.
In Frank Herbert’s Dune, the protagonist, Paul Muad’dib says “he who can destroy a thing, controls a thing.” This is the essence of Iranian strategy – they have a stranglehold on petroleum supply, and can destroy the world economy. Trump has had to loosen sanctions on both Iran’s and Russia’s oil, simply to prevent economic collapse.
The Ramadan War has already reshaped regional dynamics. Whether it reshapes global power structures will depend on how the next phase unfolds, and whether the United States is willing to pay the price required to achieve its aims.
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Features
Nayanandaya:A literary autopsy of Sri Lanka’s Middle Class
“Nayanandaya,” meaning the enchantment of indebtedness, is Surath de Mel’s latest novel. True to his reputation as a maximalist writer, de Mel traverses the labyrinth of middle-class struggles; poverty, unemployment, the quest for education, through a father’s fragile dreams. The novel unfolds around Mahela, his son, his friendships, and the fragile relationships that keep him tethered to life.
“Happiness is not a destination; it is a journey. There are no shortcuts to it. At some point, the path you thought was right will be wrong. You have to make sacrifices for it.”
These words, uttered by the protagonist Mahela to his ten-year-old son, is the silent mantra of every middle-class parent. A common urban middle-class father’s yearning for his child to climb the ladder he himself could not ascend.
A Socio-Political Mirror
Sri Lanka’s middle class remains trapped in paradox. They are educated but underemployed, salaried but indebted, socially respected yet politically invisible. Structural inequalities, economic volatility and populist politics inclusively contribute to keep them “forever middle”.
Through protagonist Mahela, who is sometimes a graphic designer, sometimes a vendor and always a failure Surath de Mel sketches the deficiencies of an education system that does not nurture skills of the students. Sri Lanka boasts about high literacy rates, yet the economy cannot absorb the thousands of graduates produced into meaningful work. Underemployment becomes the inheritance of the middle class. With political connections often the stories can be transformed. De Mel pens it in dark humour to expose these truths:
“Some notorious writer once sneered in a newspaper, ‘Give your ass to the minister, and you’ll earn the right to keep it on a bigger chair.’ Countless people waiting in ministers’ offices, pressing
their backsides to seats, carrying the weight of their own lives.”
Childhood Trauma and Its Echoes
Surath de Mel frequently weaves psychoanalysis into his fiction. In Nayanandaya, he captures the lingering shadows of childhood trauma. Mahela, scarred by a loveless and fractured youth, suffers phobic anxiety and depression, apparently with a personality disorder as an adult. His confession at the psychologist reveals it out:
“Childhood? I didn’t have one. I was fifteen when I was born.”
Here, Mahela marks his true birth not at infancy, but at the death of his parents. This statement itself reveals the childhood trauma the protagonist had gone through and the reader can attribute his subsequent psychological struggles as the cause of it.
From a Lacanian perspective, trauma is not just something that happens to a child; it is a deep break in how the child understands the world, themselves, and others. Some experiences are too painful to be put into words. Lacan calls this the Real — what cannot be fully spoken or explained. This pain does not disappear but returns later in life as anxiety, fear, or obsessive compulsive disorder.
This trauma disturbs the child’s sense of self and their place in society. When language fails to make sense of loss, the mind creates fantasies to survive. These fantasies quietly shape adult desires, relationships, and choices.
In Nayanandaya, childhood trauma of the protagonist does not stay buried — it lives on, shaping the adulthood in unseen ways. In the narrative, Mahela’s struggles are not just personal failures but the result of a past that was never given words.
Tears of Fathers – Forgotten in Sri Lankan Literature
Sri Lankan literature has long been attentive to suffering — especially rural poverty, social injustice, and the silent endurance of women and single mothers. Countless novels, poems, and songs have given voice to maternal sacrifice, female resilience, and women’s oppression.
Yet, within this rich narratives, the quiet grief of the urban middle-class father remains mostly unseen. Rarely does fiction pause to examine the emotional lives of men who shoulder responsibility without language for their pain. These masculine tears are private, swallowed by routinely and masked by humour or silence. Definitely never granted literary space.
In Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel breaks this silence. Through Mahela, he lends voice to these overlooked men — fathers whose love is expressed through sacrifice rather than speech. However, de Mel does not romanticise the tears. Rather he humanises them. He allows their vulnerabilities, anxieties, and quiet despair to surface with honesty and compassion. In doing so, Nayanandaya fills a striking gap in Sri Lankan literature, reminding us that fathers, too, carry invisible wounds.
Literary value
With Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel reaches a new pinnacle in his literary craft. His language is dense yet lyrical, enriched with similes, metaphors, irony, and a full range of literary tools deployed with confidence and control.
One of the novel’s most touching narrative choices is the personification of Mahela’s son’s soft toy, Wonie. Through personified Wonie, de Mel captures the two most touching incidents in the entire novel . This simply reveals the author’s artistic maturity, transforming a simple object into a powerful emotional conduit that anchors the novel’s tenderness amidst its despair.
At a deeper symbolic level, Mahela himself can be read as more than an individual character, but a metaphor for Sri Lanka — a nation struggling under economic hardship, clinging to impractical dreams, witnessing the migration of its people, and drifting towards a slow, painful exhaustion. His personal failures could mirror the broader decay of social and economic structures. This symbolic reading lends Nayanandaya a haunting national resonance.
Today, many write and many publish, but only a few transform language into literature that lingers in the reader’s mind long after the final page. Surath de Mel belongs to that rare few. In a literary landscape crowded with voices, he remains devoted to art rather than popularity or trend. As a scholar of Sinhala language and literature, de Mel writes with intellectual depth, dark humour, and deep human empathy.
In conclusion, Nayanandaya is not merely a story; it is social commentary, psychoanalytic reflection, and tragic poetry woven into richly textured prose. With this novel — a masterful interlacing of love, debt, and fragile dreams — Surath de Mel engraves a distinctly Dostoevskian signature into Sinhala literature.
Reviewed by Dr. Charuni Kohombange
Features
Domestic Energy Saving
Around 40 percent of the annual energy we use is consumed in domestic activities. Energy is costly, and supply is not unlimited. Unfortunately, we realize the importance of energy – saving only during the time of a crisis.
If you adopt readily affordable energy-saving strategies, you will cut down your living expenditure substantially, relieving the energy burden of the nation. Here are some tips.
Cooking:
Cooking consumes a good portion of domestic energy demand and common practices, and negligence leads to 30 – 40 percent wastage. A simple experiment revealed that the energy expenditure in boiling an egg with the usual unnecessary excess water in an open pan is nearly 50 percent higher than boiling in a closed lid pan with the minimal amount of water. In an open pan, a large quantity of heat is lost via convection currents and expulsion of water vapor, carrying excessive amounts of heat energy (latent heat of vaporisation). Still, most of us boil potatoes for prolonged intervals of time in open receptacles, failing to realise that it is faster and more efficient to boil potatoes or any other food material in a closed pan. About 30 – 40 percent of domestic cooking energy requirements can be cut down by cooking in closed-lid pans. Furthermore, food cooked in closed pans is healthier because of less mixing with air that causes food oxidation. Fat oxidation generates toxic substances. In a closed- lid utensil (not tightly closed), food is covered with a blanket of water vapor at a positive pressure, preventing entry of air and therefore food oxidation.
Overcooking is another bad habit that not only wastes energy but also degrades the nutritional value of food.
Electric kettle:
For making morning or evening tea or preparing tea to serve a visitor. Do not pour an unnecessarily large quantity of water into the electric kettle. Note that the energy needed to make 10 cups of tea is ten times that of one cup.
Electric Ovens:
Avoid the use of electric ovens as far as possible. Remember that foods cooked at higher temperatures are generally unhealthy, and even carcinogens are formed when food is fried at higher temperatures in an oven. If ever you need to bake something in an oven, limit the number of times you open the door. Use smaller ovens adequate for the purpose and not larger ones just for fashion.
Refrigerators:
Refrigerators consume lots of energy. Do not use over-capacity refrigerators just for fashion. Every time you open the fridge, more electricity is used to reset the cooling temperature. Plan your access to the appliance accordingly. Check whether the doors are properly secured and there are no leakages. Keep the fridge in a cooler location, not hit by direct sunlight and away from warmer places in the kitchen. Remember that turning off the fridge frequently will not save energy, instead it draws more energy.
Use of gas burners:
Do not use oversized utensils. Keep the lid closed as far as possible to prevent the escape of heat. Remember that excessive amounts of heat energy are carried away by a large surface-area conducting utensil. Do not open the gas vent to allow the flame to flash outside the vessel. A flame not impinging on the pan would not heat it, and gas is wasted. Ensure that the flame is blue. Frequently check whether gas vents are clogged with rust and carbon. Frequently, cooking material in the pan drops into the gas vents, and salt there corrodes the gas vents. Cleaning and washing would be necessary. Do not prolong cooking, taking time to prepare ingredients and adding them to the pan intermittently. Add ingredients at once and before switching the burner. If the preparation of a dish is prolonged to slow the cooking, use earthenware pots rather than metallic ones. An earthenware pot, being thermally less conducting retain heat.
Firewood for cooking:
Do not attempt to eliminate the use of firewood in cooking. If you are living in a village area, the exclusive use of LPG gas is an unnecessary expenditure. Large smoke-free, efficient oven designs are now available. If you are compelled to use gas, keep the option of firewood ovens, especially for prolonged cooking. Admittedly, there are locations, especially in cities, where the use of firewood is unsuited.
Hot water showers:
Before installing hot water showers, reconsider whether they are really necessary in a hot tropical climate. Go for solar water heaters, although the installation cost is high. Instant water heaters consume much less electricity compared to geysers with water tanks. Now, cheap and safe instant water heaters are available.
Lighting:
Arrange and design your residence to optimise daytime illumination until late evening. If you are constructing a new house, take this issue into account. Use LED lamps, which provide the same illumination for 85 percent less energy. In study rooms and areas that require prolonged illumination, paint the walls white. Angle – poised LED lamps with very low voltage are available. Use them for reading and studies. Routinely clean the surfaces of all lamps. Dust deposition cuts off light.
Air conditioning and ventilation:
Air conditioning consumes prohibitively large quantities of electrical energy. You can avoid air conditioning by optimising ventilation. The principle is to have air entry points (windows) in the house near the ground level and exit points (vents or windows) near the roof. Ground level is cooler, and the region near the roof is warmer. Thus, a cool air current enters the house near the ground level and hot air is drawn by the vents near the roof. The region near the ground can be rendered cooler by planting trees. Architectural designs are available to optimise this effect. You can sense the direction of air motion by holding a thin strip of paper near the windows at the ground and near the roof level. In addition to ceiling fan, install exhaust fans in the upper points of the house to remove hot air and draw cooler air through windows near the ground. Reduce the amount of sunlight hitting the roof by shading with trees. There are techniques for increasing the reflectance of the roof with paints and other designs.
Transportation:
A good portion of your budget is drained by transportation. Irrespective of who you are, use public transport if convenient and available. As much as possible, use the telephone and email to get your things done. If the officers do not comply for no valid reason, complain. Plan your trips to the town to do several things at the same time. Whenever possible, plan to share transport. Buy energy – efficient small vehicles. Routinely examine your vehicle for energy efficiency, i.e. correct tire pressure etc.
Charge electric vehicles off peak hours. Slow charging reduces heat generation in the circuit, reducing energy loss.
Energy is costly and limited in supply. Everything you do consumes energy. Be energy conscious in all your deeds. That attitude will reduce your expenditure, lessen the environmental degradation and financial burden of the nation in importing fuel.
Educating the general public is the most effective way of implementing energy-saving strategies.
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
(kenna@yahoo.co.uk)
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