Saturday 30th January, 2021
The trouble-torn UNP shows signs of further disintegration with some of its rebels giving up their positions and criticising their leader in public. Curiously, some of them have already stressed the need to field a common Opposition candidate at the next presidential election. There is much the UNP will have to do on the political front before the next presidential election.
Interestingly, those who cannot even get rid of their party leader are planning to oust a powerful President, who is vigorously consolidating his power. Accomplishing the task of engineering the ouster of a powerful government is within the realm of possibility, one may argue, pointing out that a dark horse beat an extremely popular President–– Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR)––in the 2015 presidential race, but the fact remains that MR had served two terms and was seeking a third when he suffered the humiliating defeat. On the other hand, MR had ruined things for himself, ably assisted by those who were around him. At the next presidential election, the situation will be different; the incumbent President will be seeking a second term. It may be recalled that the Opposition’s plan to defeat MR when he entered the presidential fray to secure a second term went pear-shaped in 2010; the common Opposition candidate—the war-winning Army Commander, Gen. Sarath Fonseka—lost badly in spite of being backed by the entire Opposition.
The UNP will have no say in selecting a common candidate vis-à-vis the strength of the SJB, which will field its leader Sajith Premadasa at the next presidential election. So, it will be a case of Hobson’s choice for the UNP and others. Sajith shows signs of attaining political maturity and is apparently making the best use of the post of the Opposition Leader to boost his image and shore up his support base.
The practice of cobbling disparate political forces together to contest presidential elections is the political version of ingesting Dhammika peniya. All those who pinned their hopes on the common presidential candidate in 2015 subsequently found themselves in the same predicament as those who converged on a small village in Kegalle in their numbers to secure doses of the shaman’s concoction only to be disappointed; they realised they had been taken for a ride. Some Opposition grandees in the run-up to the 2015 presidential election marketed what may be called the Sirisena peniya or Maithri palanaya, the way Health Minister Pavithra Wanniarachchi promoted the Dhammika syrup by swigging it in public to ward off coronavirus, but had to be rushed to a COVID-19 treatment centre a few weeks later.
It did not take long for the proponents of yahapalanaya to realise that the remedy they had found was fake although it seemed to work initially. Their experiment with Sirisena peniya caused the country to witness the biggest ever financial crime, tableaux of horror in churches and hotels in 2019 and the sale of state assets. Sirisena is now in the exalted company of the Rajapaksas, having failed to destroy them politically!
The blame for what befell the country after being given an overdose of the Sirisena peniya should be apportioned to MR, who during his second term failed to live up to people’s expectations and surrounded himself with political dregs and astrologers and lost the plot. Following the conclusion of the war and the 2010 presidential election victory, he could/should have concentrated on helping the country heal and developing the economy instead of strengthening the Rajapaksa dynasty, squandering public money, and unnecessarily making a lot of enemies both locally and internationally. In 2015, he snatched defeat from the jaws of victory, so to speak. This is the fate that awaits any leader who lets power get the better of him or her.
The SLPP has apparently duped itself into believing that the people have approved its leaders’ past wrongdoings by voting for them overwhelmingly at the last three elections. The public did so out of desperation as they were fed up with yahapalanaya, but they will not hesitate to defeat the present dispensation unless it makes a course correction and fulfil its election pledges, most of which have been reneged on.
What the UNP should do is not planning for what is to be done at the next presidential election but giving itself a radical shake-up and regaining vitality to act as a formidable countervailing force against the incumbent regime, which is like a juggernaut careening downhill. If the Jumbo party gets its act together and adopts pro-people policies instead of trying to humour the western members of the international community, it may be able to make up lost ground in time for the next election. If it continues to cherish delusions to the neglect of what needs to be done now it is bound to be swallowed whole by the SJB sooner or later.
A strange case of distrust?
Thursday 4th March, 2021
The Presidential Secretariat has reportedly told Attorney General (AG) Dappula de Livera, that 22 volumes of the final report submitted by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed the Easter Sunday terror attacks cannot be released as they contain sensitive information pertaining to national security. So, the AG has been left with no alternative but to divine what is in these 22 volumes which he cannot do without.
The argument that the state prosecutor should be denied access to some volumes of the report at issue for reasons of national security, in our book, does not hold water. In fact, we consider it an affront to the dignity of the AG. Is it that the State cannot repose trust in its own AG as regards national security?
The AG knows how to handle sensitive information, doesn’t he? On the other hand, there was no such thing as national security, so to speak, during the period covered by the presidential commission probe, and that was the reason why the NTJ terrorists were able to snuff out so many lives with ease. After all, that was what the SLPP kept telling us when it was in the Opposition. Luckily, the LTTE did not try to make a comeback during the yahapalana government. There were no regular National Security Council (NSC) meetings, and those who were responsible for safeguarding national security were all at sea so much so that they did not take seriously warnings of impending terror attacks which could have been prevented. Even some outsiders were privy to what transpired at the NSC meetings, which they were allowed to attend because they were close to the then President Maithripala Sirisena! The state intelligence outfits were in total disarray with their key officers facing a political witch-hunt. The CID was doing full-time political work to all intents and purposes, and the Terrorism Investigation Division was accused of conspiring to kill the President! So, how come any information about what happened during that period is considered too sensitive to be divulged even to the AG?
What the AG is required to do anent the cases he files is not akin to keyhole surgery; he has to see the whole picture before filing action. He should be able to ascertain whether the facts, on the basis of which legal action is to be instituted against those named in the report, can be backed by irrefutable evidence if the cases he is going to file are to have a solid foundation. He and his legal team need to study all volumes of the commission report if they are to know where they stand.
The AG has to build strong cases to prove that the accused are guilty. Unless all information contained in the PCoI report is studied properly, the cases to be filed may not stand up to judicial scrutiny. The defence may be able to drive a coach and horses through them. One can only hope that no surreptitious attempt is being made to open an escape route for the high-profile government members who are likely to be hauled up before courts for their serious lapses that made the Easter Sunday carnage possible.
The AG, we repeat, should be given unhindered access to the PCoI report so that he will be able to proceed with prosecutions properly.
The government finds itself in a dilemma. Unless it takes action against the former leaders and their bureaucratic lackeys for their failure to prevent the terror attacks, it is likely to face a considerable electoral setback, come the next election, but at the same time, it is not in a position to go the whole hog to ensure that the culprits are brought to justice; it runs the risk of suffering a split in the event of former President Sirisena being prosecuted for security failures that led to the Easter Sunday tragedy, on his watch. The SLFP has already indicated that it might pull out of the SLPP coalition in such an eventuality. But nothing should be allowed to stand in the way of justice. An oft-quoted legal maxim is ‘Fiat Justitia, ruat caelum’, or ‘Let justice be done though the heavens fall’. As regards, the Easter Sunday attacks, one may say, ‘Let justice be done though governments fall.”
Govt. learning from UNHRC
Wednesday 3rd March, 2021
There is obviously no love lost between the incumbent Sri Lankan government and the UNHRC, but the former seems to have taken a leaf out of the latter’s book. It has adopted the practice of using reports to scare and tame its political opponents.
In what looks a counterattack on the political front, the Rajapaksa government has decided to release the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that probed allegations of corruption and irregularities under the yahapalana government from 14 Jan. 2015 to 31 Dec. 2018. The then President Maithripala Sirisena appointed this commission to settle political scores with the UNP. He sought to take moral high ground and show his political enemies, especially the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, in a bad light. The final report of the Easter Sunday PCoI, which Sirisena appointed to deflect criticism and pin the blame for failing to prevent the carnage on others, has boomeranged. The SJB is using it against not only Sirisena but also the present government, of which he is a member. The government seems to think the release of the PCoI report on corruption under the yahapalana government will help it silence the SJB, whose grandees were Cabinet ministers in the previous administration accused of being involved in various corrupt deals. One may recall that allegations of corruption were also levelled against several SLFP notables in the yahapalana Cabinet, and they are now in the present administration. Will the SLPP open up another can of worms by releasing the PCoI report at issue?
Most of the Opposition politicians who pretend to be paragons of virtue have a lot to answer for as regards frauds and corruption under the previous dispensation if the testimonies of high-profile witnesses who appeared before the PCoI on corruption are anything to go by. These politicians are now in overdrive, bashing the government for its failure to reveal the masterminds of the Easter Sunday attacks. It will be interesting to see their reaction to the government decision to release the PCoI report on corruption. Will they dare the SLPP to do so expeditiously and call for a parliamentary debate thereon? They should be able to do so if they are as confident as they claim to be that they were above board while they were in power.
If the government thinks it can mitigate the fallout of the flawed PCoI report on the Easter Sunday carnage by using the PCoI report on corruption to silence the political Opposition, then it is mistaken because not all its critics are its political rivals. Some SJB and UNP politicians attacking the SLPP may chicken out lest they should be prosecuted for corruption, etc., on the basis of the PCoI report, but there is no way the government can allay the fears of the public and counter protests by the Catholics who bore the brunt of the Easter Sunday terror. The Catholic Church has declared a Black Sunday protest (07 March), and its agitation campaign is likely to continue. Its consternation is understandable. Nobody is safe until the masterminds of the carnage are identified and dealt with, for they can carry out more attacks.
There was absolutely no need for a presidential probe to identify those whose lapses had led to the Easter Sunday tragedy. Their identities were already known and legal action could have been taken against them, but such a course of action will not help ensure that there will be no terror attacks. The need for a presidential probe arose as nobody knew who had actually masterminded the carnage and they had to be identified and neutralised.
The yahapalana leaders and their lackeys in the military and the police are no longer a problem because they are not in charge of national security. But the masterminds of the terror strikes are still at large. There’s the rub. The government ought to fulfil its election pledge to probe the carnage thoroughly, identify the masterminds thereof instead of trying to silence its critics politically.
Estranged strange bedfellows
Tuesday 2nd March, 2021
The JVP has torn the Easter Sunday Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) report to shreds. Its leaders have picked many holes in the document, and their arguments are tenable. Their position is that the PCoI has served no useful purpose as it has failed to identify the masterminds of the terror strikes. One cannot but agree with them on this score.
JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, MP, has gone a step further; he has demanded to know why Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was the Prime Minister at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, has been let off the hook. We asked the JVP a similar quetion when the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), which probed the Treasury bond scams, went out of its way to ensure that Wickremesinghe’s name did not appear in its report. The COPE probe, under the chairmanship of the then JVP MP Sunil Handunnetti, was a farce. The JVP ran with the Opposition and hunted with the UNP, so to speak. Its notables stand accused of having had nocturnal meetings with Wickremesinghe and other UNP leaders (most of whom are currently in the SJB) to decide how to deal with the political enemies of the yahapalana government.
So, the defenders of the Easter Sunday PCoI report may ask the JVP what moral right it has to demand that the identities of the masterminds of the 2019 bomb attacks be revealed. Those who peddle this argument should realise that the present-day JVP is vastly different from its former self, as it were. It conducts itself very democratically, and its election campaigns are exemplary. It has parliamentary representation, and its leader is a member of the very Parliament, which it once bombed. Battles for manape, or preferential votes, are absent among JVP candidates. So, the JVP’s ugly past should not be held against it. But the outfit, which always takes moral high ground and looks down upon others, needs to be asked how it could reconcile its concern for human rights and democracy with the practice of commemorating its late leaders who destroyed thousands of lives and properties worth billions of rupees and brutally suppressed political dissent; among their victims were leaders of political parties and trade unions, students, teachers, Buddhist monks and civilians who dared exercise their franchise. Shouldn’t it publicly disown its leaders who were a bunch of bloodthirsty terrorists if it is to convince the public that its current democratic agenda is not a façade?
Why has the JVP taken to bashing Ranil? It is in the current predicament with only three seats in Parliament, where it had six members previously, because it got too close to the ‘capitalist’ UNP, which eliminated its key leaders in the late 1980s. It was also represented in the so-called National Executive Council, which determined the agenda of the UNP-led yahapalana government, initially. In 2018, it threw a lifeline to the UNP-led government, which the SLPP and the then President Maithripala Sirisena sought to oust in the most despicable manner. It declared that it had done so to save democracy, but nobody bought into that claim. It is now trying to have the public believe that it has had nothing to do with the UNP.
Interestingly, the JVP’s honeymoon with the SLFP in 2004, when it contested a general election as part of the United People’s Freedom Alliance, enabled it to have 39 of its candidates elected; it also donated two National List slots to the SLFP. Its leaders even beat their SLFP counterparts in Colombo, Gampaha and Kurunegala in manape battles. But its clandestine affair with the UNP proved both politically and electorally disastrous! So, it is now bashing Ranil as hard as it can in the hope that it will be able to be seen to be anti-UNP. Whether it will succeed in its endeavour remains to be seen. People are the best judges.
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