Features
Should industrial action by trade unions be banned for the next five years?
by Sanjeewa Jayaweera
A few weeks back, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) United Trade Union Alliance announced they would resort to trade union action unless the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) agrees to suspend or abrogate the agreement to divest 40 per cent of shares of Yugadanavi Power Plant in Kerawalapitiya to New Fortress Energy (NFE) a US firm. They have now been joined by the Ceylon Electricity Board Engineers’ Union (CEBEU) who have stepped up its work-to-rule campaign, making six demands, including the cancellation of the deal with NFE and the continuation of the LNG tender process that had been progressing when this backdoor deal was struck.
Several other trade unions, including those from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) and Sri Lanka Port Authority (SLPA), both critically necessary to the daily functioning of the country, have announced that they too would join in solidarity with the CEB unions.
Adding fuel to the fire, several constituent parties who are part of the government have announced that they too are opposed to selling the shares. One presumes that their opposition is more due to their socialist ideology. A prominent minister opposed to the sale of shares has slammed the Finance Minister for having included the cabinet paper under any other business and for not having circulated the same for study and comments at the cabinet meeting.
There is a lack of transparency regarding this transaction which no doubt contributes to the controversy. This, of course, is nothing new as successive governments are guilty of not placing sufficient information before the public and other stakeholders when it comes to important transactions or legislative enactments. It is a reflection of the sheer disregard and contempt for public opinion.
The Supreme Court will consider several Fundamental Rights (FR) petitions filed against the NFE deal on December 16.
In my opinion, the unions’ proposed industrial action is not the way to compel the GOSL to suspend the transaction as those who will suffer untold hardship from such will be the public. Many of us remember the sheer agony we went through for 72 hours in 1996.
In addition, the manufacturing sector serving the local and the export market will come to a standstill causing further financial losses in addition to those suffered due to the pandemic related lockdowns. The public and the commercial sector can ill afford to endure additional hardships.
Over several decades the unions attached to public utilities in our country have used their considerable power mainly through the threat of industrial action to prevent much-needed reforms. As a result, the CEB, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) and the National Water Supplies and Drainage Board (NWSDB) have operated at a considerable loss to the taxpayers. I hasten to say that the losses are primarily a result of ill-conceived policies by successive governments. No organization can be operated profitably if, at a minimum, the cost of providing the service is not passed on to the consumers.
I believe electricity and water tariffs have not been revised for nearly four years despite incurred losses. Currently, the world over, the sharp increase in oil prices are passed on to the consumers through higher pump prices. In Sri Lanka, despite a recent hike, we are not doing so in line with world prices.
It is no secret that reforms are needed at the CEB, CPC and NWB, and all other state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to improve supply, service levels and cost management efficiency, all of which will benefit the consumer. As a result, the governments of most developed and developing countries have since the mid-1980s divested the utility companies to the private sector, albeit with regulatory oversight. That model has proven to be a winner, with cash strapped governments relieved of supporting loss-making enterprises and the sale raising funds and the consumers benefiting from efficient service.
However, the trade unions in Sri Lanka have successfully thwarted such reforms or, should I say, thought of such reforms! Although, to be honest, the trade unions have not had to do too much as successive governments have lacked the political will and intelligence to go through such an exercise. From 2001 to 2003, under Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe, a study was undertaken with World Bank funding to work towards some reforms at the CEB and CPC. However, the dismissal of the government of RW by CBK resulted in the study being abandoned. Since then, nothing has been done, a sure reflection of why our country is in its current predicament.
The trade unions have used the threat of industrial action to negotiate wages, perks and work norms that are not in the country’s interests and, importantly, the consumers who are also taxpayers. A significant portion of the public is not aware of the high remuneration and benefits that employees at these enterprises earn.
In Sri Lanka, unfortunately, any proposed divestiture of government-owned assets is politicized. The often-used slogan is “apey sampath wikunanawa”, which means selling the family silver. It is a slogan supported by whichever party is in opposition, the left-wing parties, trade unions, nationalistically minded intellectuals and the media. As a result, the commercial benefits and necessities are forgotten. The abrogation of the undertaken given to India and Japan to allow their nominated parties to invest in developing the East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo port is a classic example of how “thuggery” won over commonsense.
One only needs to appreciate the significant improvement in service levels achieved at Sri Lanka Telecom due to the part divesture and management control given to a Japanese investor in the 1990’s. Had that change not been made, I shudder to think how the country would have coped up with the rapid advancement made in the fields of communication and information technology in the last quarter-century. Many of the mobile communication providers in our country are foreign investors. This should not be lost on those who oppose foreign investment on ideological grounds.
We must also not forget the significant service efficiency and improvement in the operational and financial performance of the national carrier under the management of Emirates. As I remember, the opposition at that time, the United National Party (UNP), said that they would abrogate the share sale and management agreement when they came to power. That did not happen because they were aware of the benefits of the transaction. Unfortunately, in our country, the main opposition party, whoever it might be, opposes everything the government proposes despite knowing well of the benefits. They mislead the public to cause controversy and score some cheap points, and much-needed initiatives to take the country forward are delayed and at times discarded. The ultimate loser is the public, misled due to lack of information, transparency, and constructive debate and a misguided notion that these are our sampath.
In my view, very few people in our country understand and appreciate how disruptive and damaging the actions of trade unions in the public utilities, the GMOA and Teachers and Principals have on the nation viz a viz the public. Furthermore, the people are unaware that nearly all industrial action resorted to by these particular trade unions are motivated solely to maintain their high salaries (teachers and principals excluded), perks and insanely bloated numbers resulting in large scale inefficiency.
Unfortunately, successive governments are responsible for this state of affairs as they have repeatedly used state enterprises to give non-existent jobs to the “boys.” Instead of developing the economy with sound policies, they had taken the easy route by creating jobs when none existed. The SLPA employs nearly 10,000 staff to operate one terminal at the Colombo port. The other two terminals operated by private companies handling almost 70 per cent of volume manage their operations with a staff of less than 2,000. Incidentally, the former Chairman of the SLPA, a retired Army General, said that in his view, the maximum needed was around 3,000. The fact that the 7,000 employed in excess earn high salaries and perks at the cost of the taxpayers of this country is lost on the public.
The deplorable trade union action resorted to by the teachers and principals over several months impacting our children went on as long as it did due to the government’s failure to deal with it decisively. The GOSL continued to pay the striking teachers and principals their salaries despite not reporting to work. It is a fact that remuneration is a right when a service is provided. Therefore, it was necessary, or should I say mandatory, that GOSL should not have paid those not reporting to work their salaries.
Had the GOSL so acted, the strike would have been called off no sooner it started. I need to emphasize that I believe that our teachers are not paid adequately. It is agreed that successive governments have not invested sufficiently in education. The net result is that our educational system is in shambles. However, resorting to industrial action penalizing students during a pandemic and an economic meltdown is unacceptable. To make matters worse, they disregarded covid restrictions that the rest of us adhered to. I am not sure what sort of example they set the students who invariably look up to teachers for guidance.
In the private sector, dealing with unreasonable trade union demands more often results in wasted valuable management time and energy. Many initiatives needed to improve efficiency, productivity and cost management are either not implemented or delayed due to the intransigence of the trade unions. In most instances, the rank and file of union membership are amenable. However, those who hold positions in the union hierarchy at the National and Branch level pursue policies that are part of their own personal agenda and not necessarily their memberships’. There are many instances that I can share with the readers based on my 25 years in the private sector. Due to space constraints, I shall restrict it to just one.
In 2016 there was a sudden increase in demand for the products that the company I was working for was manufacturing. But, unfortunately, the manufacturing capacity was insufficient, and it was going to take the company over 12 months to order machinery from overseas and install additional capacity. So the senior management team of which I was part approached the trade union and requested that the practice of shutting down the production line for lunch be changed. Our request was for the workers to go for lunch in batches so that the production line could continue to operate, and the 40 minutes lost when shutting down the plant and restarting after lunch could be saved and utilized for much-needed production.
I was bewildered by the reply we got “For so many years we have enjoyed our lunch looking at the face (seated opposite) of my friend, and now you are asking us to agree to have lunch looking at the face of a person who may not be my friend? How can we enjoy our lunch?” I was livid by the response. The Managing Director pacified me a bit saying, ” Sanjeewa, you are lucky. They used to stand on the table of the Finance Director (my predecessor) previously when they were unhappy!”
Given the precipitous state of our economy, the GOSL and the private sector would need to make difficult and unpopular decisions in the future if some meaningful solutions are to be rolled out towards some recovery. In that context, I believe that the country will be well served if industrial action, particularly in those classified as “essential services”, is banned for the next five years. I am aware that some might not favour such a proposal saying that it will infringe on personal freedom. However, as a person who experienced and had to deal with stubbornness and lack of common sense from trade unions when trying to find solutions to commercial problems, I believe there is no alternative unless we collectively wish Sri Lanka to sink into extreme poverty.
Features
The Ramadan War
A Strategic Assessment of a Conflict Still Unresolved
The Unites States of America and its ally, Israel attacked Iran on 28 February, or the 10th day of the month of Ramadan. More than a month of intense fighting has passed since, and the Ramadan War has settled into a grinding, attritional struggle that defies early declarations of victory. Despite sustained U.S. and Israeli air and naval bombardment, Iran remains standing, and continues to strike back with a level of resilience that has surprised many observers. The conflict has evolved into a contest of endurance, adaptation, and strategic innovation, with each side attempting to impose costs the other cannot bear.
Iran’s response to the overwhelming airpower of its adversaries has been both simple and devastatingly effective: saturate enemy defences with swarms of inexpensive drones and older ballistic missiles, forcing them to expend costly interceptors and reveal radar positions, and then follow up with salvos of its most advanced precisionguided missiles. This layered approach has inflicted severe physical damage on Israel and has shaken its national morale. The country has endured repeated missile barrages from Iran and rocket fire from Hezbollah, straining its airdefence network and pushing its civilian population to the limits of endurance.
The United States, meanwhile, has been forced to evacuate or reduce operations at several bases in the Gulf region due to persistent Iranian drone and missile attacks. For both the U.S. and Israel, the war has become a test of strategic credibility. For Iran, by contrast, victory is defined not by territorial gains or decisive battlefield outcomes, but by survival, and by continuing to impose costs on its adversaries.
The central strategic objective for the U.S. has now crystallised: reopening the Strait of Hormuz to secure global energy flows. Ironically, the Strait was open before the war began; it is the conflict itself that has rendered it effectively closed. Air and naval power alone cannot achieve this objective. The geography of the Strait, combined with Iran’s layered defences, means that any lasting solution will require ground forces, a reality that carries enormous risks.
U.S. Strategic Options
The United States faces five broad operational options, each with significant drawbacks.
1. Seizing Kharg Island
Kharg Island handles roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports, making it an attractive target. However, it lies only a short distance from the Iranian mainland, where entrenched Iranian forces maintain dense networks of missile batteries, drones, artillery, and coastal defences. Any attempt to seize Kharg would require first neutralising or capturing the adjacent coastline, a costly amphibious and ground operation.
Even if successful, this would not reopen the Strait of Hormuz. It would merely deprive Iran of export capacity, which is not the primary U.S. objective. At least ostensibly not; there are those who argue that the U.S. simply wants to take over Iran’s petroleum (see below).
2. Forcing the Strait of Hormuz by Naval Power
Sending U.S. naval forces directly through the Strait is theoretically possible but operationally hazardous. Iran has mined all but a narrow channel hugging its own shoreline. That channel is covered by overlapping fields of antiship missiles, drones, artillery, and coastal radar. Clearing the mines would require prolonged operations under fire. Attempting to push through without clearing them would risk catastrophic losses.
3. Capturing Qeshm, Hengam, Larak, and Hormuz Islands
These islands dominate the Iranian side of the Strait and host radar, missile, and drone installations. Capturing them would degrade Iran’s ability to close the Strait, but the islands are heavily fortified, and the surrounding waters are mined. Amphibious assaults against defended islands are among the most difficult military operations. Even success would not guarantee the Strait’s longterm security unless the mainland launch sites were also neutralised.
4. Invading Southern Iraq and Crossing into Khuzestan
This option would involve U.S. forces advancing through southern Iraq, crossing the Shatt alArab waterway, and pushing into Iran’s Khuzestan province — home to most of Iran’s oilfields. The terrain is difficult: marshes, waterways, and narrow approaches. Iranian forces occupy the high ground overlooking the plains.
While this route would allow Saudi armoured forces to participate, it would also expose U.S. and allied logistics to attacks by Iraqi Shia militias, who have already demonstrated their willingness to target U.S. assets. The political and operational risks are immense.
5. Capturing Chabahar and Advancing Along the Coast
The most strategically promising — though still costly — option is seizing the port of Chabahar in southeastern Iran and advancing roughly 660 kilometres along the coast toward Bandar Abbas. This approach offers several advantages:
· Distance from Iran’s core population centres complicates Iranian logistics.
· Chabahar’s deepwater port (16m draught)
would provide a valuable logistics hub.
· U.S. carriers could remain at safer standoff distances
, supporting operations without entering the Strait.
· The coastal route allows naval gunfire and missile support
to assist advancing ground forces.
· Local Baluchi insurgents
could provide intelligence and limited support.
· Capturing Bandar Abbas would
outflank Iran’s island defences and effectively reopen the Strait.
This option is likely to form the backbone of any U.S. ground campaign, potentially supplemented by diversionary attacks by regional partners to stretch Iranian defences.
The Limits of U.S. Superiority
The United States retains overwhelming superiority in naval power and manned airpower. But whether this advantage translates into dominance in unmanned systems or ground combat is far from certain.
The 2003 invasion of Iraq is often cited as a model of U.S. military prowess, but the comparison is misleading. Iraq in 2003 had been crippled by a decade of sanctions. Its forces lacked modern mines, antitank missiles, and effective air defences. Tank crews had little training; some could not hit targets at pointblank range. RPG teams were similarly unprepared. The U.S. enjoyed numerical superiority in the theatre and total control of the air, allowing it to isolate Iraqi units and prevent reinforcement.
Even under those favourable conditions, Iraqi forces managed to delay the U.S. advance. At one point, forward U.S. units nearly ran out of ammunition and supplies, forcing the diversion of forces intended for the assault on Baghdad to secure the lines of communication.
Iran is not Iraq in 2003. Its armed forces and industrial base have adapted to nearly half a century of sanctions. It produces its own drones, missiles, artillery, and armoured vehicles. It has built extensive underground facilities, hardened command posts, and redundant communication networks.
Moreover, the battlefield itself has changed. The RussoUkrainian war demonstrated that deep armoured penetrations – once the hallmark of U.S. doctrine – are now extremely vulnerable to drones, loitering munitions, and precision artillery. The result has been a return to attritional warfare reminiscent of the First World War, with front lines stabilising into trench networks.
Yet, as in the First World War, stalemate has been broken not by massed assaults but by small, highly trained teams infiltrating thinly held lines, identifying targets, and guiding drones and artillery onto enemy positions deep in the rear. Iran has studied these lessons closely.
Mosaic Defence and Transformational Warfare
Iran’s military doctrine has evolved significantly over the past two decades. Its “mosaic defence” decentralises command and control, ensuring that even if senior leadership is targeted, local units can continue operating autonomously. This structure proved resilient during the initial waves of U.S. and Israeli strikes.
Iran has also absorbed lessons from U.S. “shock and awe” operations. The botched U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983 exposed weaknesses in joint operations, prompting the development of “effectsbased operations,” “rapid dominance” and the broader concept of “transformational warfare.” These doctrines (better known colloquially as “Shock and Awe”), influenced by Liddell Hart and Sun Tzu, emphasised simultaneous strikes on strategic targets to paralyse the enemy’s decisionmaking.
While the U.S. struggled to apply these concepts effectively in Iraq and Iran, Tehran has adapted them for asymmetric use. Its drone and missile campaigns have targeted not only military assets but also economic infrastructure and psychological resilience. Israel’s economy and morale have been severely tested, and the United States finds itself entangled in a conflict that offers no easy exit.
Iran has also pursued a broader strategic objective: undermining the petrodollar system that underpins U.S. financial dominance. By disrupting energy flows and encouraging alternative trading mechanisms, Iran seeks to weaken the economic foundations of U.S. power.
Will the USA Achieve Its War Aims?
The United States’ core objective appears to be securing control over global energy flows by reopening the Strait of Hormuz and limiting China’s access to Middle Eastern oil before it can transition to alternative energy sources. Whether this objective is achievable remains uncertain.
A ground campaign would be long, costly, and politically fraught. Iran’s defences are deep, layered, and adaptive. Its drone and missile capabilities have already demonstrated their ability to impose significant costs on technologically superior adversaries. Regional allies are cautious, and global support for a prolonged conflict is limited.
The United States retains overwhelming military power, but power alone does not guarantee strategic success. Iran’s strategy is simple: survive, adapt, and continue imposing costs. In asymmetric conflicts, survival itself can constitute victory.
In Frank Herbert’s Dune, the protagonist, Paul Muad’dib says “he who can destroy a thing, controls a thing.” This is the essence of Iranian strategy – they have a stranglehold on petroleum supply, and can destroy the world economy. Trump has had to loosen sanctions on both Iran’s and Russia’s oil, simply to prevent economic collapse.
The Ramadan War has already reshaped regional dynamics. Whether it reshapes global power structures will depend on how the next phase unfolds, and whether the United States is willing to pay the price required to achieve its aims.
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Features
Nayanandaya:A literary autopsy of Sri Lanka’s Middle Class
“Nayanandaya,” meaning the enchantment of indebtedness, is Surath de Mel’s latest novel. True to his reputation as a maximalist writer, de Mel traverses the labyrinth of middle-class struggles; poverty, unemployment, the quest for education, through a father’s fragile dreams. The novel unfolds around Mahela, his son, his friendships, and the fragile relationships that keep him tethered to life.
“Happiness is not a destination; it is a journey. There are no shortcuts to it. At some point, the path you thought was right will be wrong. You have to make sacrifices for it.”
These words, uttered by the protagonist Mahela to his ten-year-old son, is the silent mantra of every middle-class parent. A common urban middle-class father’s yearning for his child to climb the ladder he himself could not ascend.
A Socio-Political Mirror
Sri Lanka’s middle class remains trapped in paradox. They are educated but underemployed, salaried but indebted, socially respected yet politically invisible. Structural inequalities, economic volatility and populist politics inclusively contribute to keep them “forever middle”.
Through protagonist Mahela, who is sometimes a graphic designer, sometimes a vendor and always a failure Surath de Mel sketches the deficiencies of an education system that does not nurture skills of the students. Sri Lanka boasts about high literacy rates, yet the economy cannot absorb the thousands of graduates produced into meaningful work. Underemployment becomes the inheritance of the middle class. With political connections often the stories can be transformed. De Mel pens it in dark humour to expose these truths:
“Some notorious writer once sneered in a newspaper, ‘Give your ass to the minister, and you’ll earn the right to keep it on a bigger chair.’ Countless people waiting in ministers’ offices, pressing
their backsides to seats, carrying the weight of their own lives.”
Childhood Trauma and Its Echoes
Surath de Mel frequently weaves psychoanalysis into his fiction. In Nayanandaya, he captures the lingering shadows of childhood trauma. Mahela, scarred by a loveless and fractured youth, suffers phobic anxiety and depression, apparently with a personality disorder as an adult. His confession at the psychologist reveals it out:
“Childhood? I didn’t have one. I was fifteen when I was born.”
Here, Mahela marks his true birth not at infancy, but at the death of his parents. This statement itself reveals the childhood trauma the protagonist had gone through and the reader can attribute his subsequent psychological struggles as the cause of it.
From a Lacanian perspective, trauma is not just something that happens to a child; it is a deep break in how the child understands the world, themselves, and others. Some experiences are too painful to be put into words. Lacan calls this the Real — what cannot be fully spoken or explained. This pain does not disappear but returns later in life as anxiety, fear, or obsessive compulsive disorder.
This trauma disturbs the child’s sense of self and their place in society. When language fails to make sense of loss, the mind creates fantasies to survive. These fantasies quietly shape adult desires, relationships, and choices.
In Nayanandaya, childhood trauma of the protagonist does not stay buried — it lives on, shaping the adulthood in unseen ways. In the narrative, Mahela’s struggles are not just personal failures but the result of a past that was never given words.
Tears of Fathers – Forgotten in Sri Lankan Literature
Sri Lankan literature has long been attentive to suffering — especially rural poverty, social injustice, and the silent endurance of women and single mothers. Countless novels, poems, and songs have given voice to maternal sacrifice, female resilience, and women’s oppression.
Yet, within this rich narratives, the quiet grief of the urban middle-class father remains mostly unseen. Rarely does fiction pause to examine the emotional lives of men who shoulder responsibility without language for their pain. These masculine tears are private, swallowed by routinely and masked by humour or silence. Definitely never granted literary space.
In Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel breaks this silence. Through Mahela, he lends voice to these overlooked men — fathers whose love is expressed through sacrifice rather than speech. However, de Mel does not romanticise the tears. Rather he humanises them. He allows their vulnerabilities, anxieties, and quiet despair to surface with honesty and compassion. In doing so, Nayanandaya fills a striking gap in Sri Lankan literature, reminding us that fathers, too, carry invisible wounds.
Literary value
With Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel reaches a new pinnacle in his literary craft. His language is dense yet lyrical, enriched with similes, metaphors, irony, and a full range of literary tools deployed with confidence and control.
One of the novel’s most touching narrative choices is the personification of Mahela’s son’s soft toy, Wonie. Through personified Wonie, de Mel captures the two most touching incidents in the entire novel . This simply reveals the author’s artistic maturity, transforming a simple object into a powerful emotional conduit that anchors the novel’s tenderness amidst its despair.
At a deeper symbolic level, Mahela himself can be read as more than an individual character, but a metaphor for Sri Lanka — a nation struggling under economic hardship, clinging to impractical dreams, witnessing the migration of its people, and drifting towards a slow, painful exhaustion. His personal failures could mirror the broader decay of social and economic structures. This symbolic reading lends Nayanandaya a haunting national resonance.
Today, many write and many publish, but only a few transform language into literature that lingers in the reader’s mind long after the final page. Surath de Mel belongs to that rare few. In a literary landscape crowded with voices, he remains devoted to art rather than popularity or trend. As a scholar of Sinhala language and literature, de Mel writes with intellectual depth, dark humour, and deep human empathy.
In conclusion, Nayanandaya is not merely a story; it is social commentary, psychoanalytic reflection, and tragic poetry woven into richly textured prose. With this novel — a masterful interlacing of love, debt, and fragile dreams — Surath de Mel engraves a distinctly Dostoevskian signature into Sinhala literature.
Reviewed by Dr. Charuni Kohombange
Features
Domestic Energy Saving
Around 40 percent of the annual energy we use is consumed in domestic activities. Energy is costly, and supply is not unlimited. Unfortunately, we realize the importance of energy – saving only during the time of a crisis.
If you adopt readily affordable energy-saving strategies, you will cut down your living expenditure substantially, relieving the energy burden of the nation. Here are some tips.
Cooking:
Cooking consumes a good portion of domestic energy demand and common practices, and negligence leads to 30 – 40 percent wastage. A simple experiment revealed that the energy expenditure in boiling an egg with the usual unnecessary excess water in an open pan is nearly 50 percent higher than boiling in a closed lid pan with the minimal amount of water. In an open pan, a large quantity of heat is lost via convection currents and expulsion of water vapor, carrying excessive amounts of heat energy (latent heat of vaporisation). Still, most of us boil potatoes for prolonged intervals of time in open receptacles, failing to realise that it is faster and more efficient to boil potatoes or any other food material in a closed pan. About 30 – 40 percent of domestic cooking energy requirements can be cut down by cooking in closed-lid pans. Furthermore, food cooked in closed pans is healthier because of less mixing with air that causes food oxidation. Fat oxidation generates toxic substances. In a closed- lid utensil (not tightly closed), food is covered with a blanket of water vapor at a positive pressure, preventing entry of air and therefore food oxidation.
Overcooking is another bad habit that not only wastes energy but also degrades the nutritional value of food.
Electric kettle:
For making morning or evening tea or preparing tea to serve a visitor. Do not pour an unnecessarily large quantity of water into the electric kettle. Note that the energy needed to make 10 cups of tea is ten times that of one cup.
Electric Ovens:
Avoid the use of electric ovens as far as possible. Remember that foods cooked at higher temperatures are generally unhealthy, and even carcinogens are formed when food is fried at higher temperatures in an oven. If ever you need to bake something in an oven, limit the number of times you open the door. Use smaller ovens adequate for the purpose and not larger ones just for fashion.
Refrigerators:
Refrigerators consume lots of energy. Do not use over-capacity refrigerators just for fashion. Every time you open the fridge, more electricity is used to reset the cooling temperature. Plan your access to the appliance accordingly. Check whether the doors are properly secured and there are no leakages. Keep the fridge in a cooler location, not hit by direct sunlight and away from warmer places in the kitchen. Remember that turning off the fridge frequently will not save energy, instead it draws more energy.
Use of gas burners:
Do not use oversized utensils. Keep the lid closed as far as possible to prevent the escape of heat. Remember that excessive amounts of heat energy are carried away by a large surface-area conducting utensil. Do not open the gas vent to allow the flame to flash outside the vessel. A flame not impinging on the pan would not heat it, and gas is wasted. Ensure that the flame is blue. Frequently check whether gas vents are clogged with rust and carbon. Frequently, cooking material in the pan drops into the gas vents, and salt there corrodes the gas vents. Cleaning and washing would be necessary. Do not prolong cooking, taking time to prepare ingredients and adding them to the pan intermittently. Add ingredients at once and before switching the burner. If the preparation of a dish is prolonged to slow the cooking, use earthenware pots rather than metallic ones. An earthenware pot, being thermally less conducting retain heat.
Firewood for cooking:
Do not attempt to eliminate the use of firewood in cooking. If you are living in a village area, the exclusive use of LPG gas is an unnecessary expenditure. Large smoke-free, efficient oven designs are now available. If you are compelled to use gas, keep the option of firewood ovens, especially for prolonged cooking. Admittedly, there are locations, especially in cities, where the use of firewood is unsuited.
Hot water showers:
Before installing hot water showers, reconsider whether they are really necessary in a hot tropical climate. Go for solar water heaters, although the installation cost is high. Instant water heaters consume much less electricity compared to geysers with water tanks. Now, cheap and safe instant water heaters are available.
Lighting:
Arrange and design your residence to optimise daytime illumination until late evening. If you are constructing a new house, take this issue into account. Use LED lamps, which provide the same illumination for 85 percent less energy. In study rooms and areas that require prolonged illumination, paint the walls white. Angle – poised LED lamps with very low voltage are available. Use them for reading and studies. Routinely clean the surfaces of all lamps. Dust deposition cuts off light.
Air conditioning and ventilation:
Air conditioning consumes prohibitively large quantities of electrical energy. You can avoid air conditioning by optimising ventilation. The principle is to have air entry points (windows) in the house near the ground level and exit points (vents or windows) near the roof. Ground level is cooler, and the region near the roof is warmer. Thus, a cool air current enters the house near the ground level and hot air is drawn by the vents near the roof. The region near the ground can be rendered cooler by planting trees. Architectural designs are available to optimise this effect. You can sense the direction of air motion by holding a thin strip of paper near the windows at the ground and near the roof level. In addition to ceiling fan, install exhaust fans in the upper points of the house to remove hot air and draw cooler air through windows near the ground. Reduce the amount of sunlight hitting the roof by shading with trees. There are techniques for increasing the reflectance of the roof with paints and other designs.
Transportation:
A good portion of your budget is drained by transportation. Irrespective of who you are, use public transport if convenient and available. As much as possible, use the telephone and email to get your things done. If the officers do not comply for no valid reason, complain. Plan your trips to the town to do several things at the same time. Whenever possible, plan to share transport. Buy energy – efficient small vehicles. Routinely examine your vehicle for energy efficiency, i.e. correct tire pressure etc.
Charge electric vehicles off peak hours. Slow charging reduces heat generation in the circuit, reducing energy loss.
Energy is costly and limited in supply. Everything you do consumes energy. Be energy conscious in all your deeds. That attitude will reduce your expenditure, lessen the environmental degradation and financial burden of the nation in importing fuel.
Educating the general public is the most effective way of implementing energy-saving strategies.
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
(kenna@yahoo.co.uk)
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