News
Sectoral Oversight Committee exposes CEB costing trick to make huge profits
By Rathindra Kuruwita
The Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) has significantly overestimated the cost of electricity production and transmission for 2024 and this is reflected in their estimated cost of production, says MP Gamini Waleboda, head of the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Alleviating the Impact of the Economic Crisis.
The overestimation is around Rs 140 billion, Waleboda has said, adding that the CEB has recently presented the estimated costs for 2024 to the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL).
“When we look at the cost of production, we see that it has been overestimated by about Rs 80 billion,” he said.
MP Waleboda said that the CEB had also increased the estimated cost of transmission. Over 98 percent of households were connected to the national grid, he said.
“If you look at the cost of transmission in the recent past, it has hovered between 55 and 67 billion rupees. The cost of Rs 67 billion was when we were dramatically expanding the coverage. Now, the network is mature. This year the CEB says the cost of transmission is Rs 132 billion rupees,” he said.
MP Waleboda said that CEB had also significantly overestimated the cost of financing. The CEB’s calculation ran counter to the principles of accounting, he said.
“They have calculated the interest rate using the rates that were prevalent at the height of the economic crisis. This has to decrease. The CEB has also calculated depreciation of assets that have been fully depreciated. This is imaginary expenditure. There are many instances of double counting. The CEB has no proper cost accounting mechanism and therefore officials and policy makers parrot out numbers that someone comes up with,” MP Waleboda said.
Waleboda said the minister of power and energy, Kanchana Wijesekera and senior CEB officials had taken the recommendations of the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Alleviating the Impact of the Economic Crisis as a personal affront.
“We are actually trying to help him because the minister needs correct data to make the right decisions. The overestimation is around Rs 140 billion. In 2023, the CEB made a profit of over Rs 50 billion. It made a monthly profit of about Rs 15 billion rupees in January and February 2024.”
Waleboda said the CEB and the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) were now profit-making enterprises. However, they were making profits at the expense of macroeconomic sustainability. The two institutions have gone beyond the breakeven point and are now making tens of billions of rupees in profit, the MP said.
“However, the social and macro-economic impact have been adverse. The education of millions of children is adversely affected when a million households are taken off the grid. The manufacturing and agricultural sectors are suffering because of high power and energy costs. To make the CEB profitable, we have undermined our macroeconomic stability, economic expansion, and social wellbeing,” he said, noting that the government must take a holistic view of the economy. The CEB is a part of a wider system and if everything else collapses, the CEB can only last for a short period, he said.
The Sectoral Oversight Committee on Alleviating the Impact of the Economic Crisis had met representatives of organisations that earned foreign currency and all manufacturers that produced for the domestic market, he said.
“We are not asking the CEB to continue supplying electricity below cost. We are asking the government to help our manufacturers and the poorest segments. If we ignore the tragedy that unfolds among the lowest strata of society, we will only be asking for a massive social crisis in the coming years,” Waleboda said.
The MP said the Central Bank (CBSL) could do a lot more to help the economy. The CBSL was implementing IMF policies, and losing its grip on the financial sector, Waleboda said.
“Financial institutions are paying a single digit interest for savings, but the interest rates for borrowing are in double digits, over 16 percent in many cases. The banks are making tremendous profits. The CBSL has reduced policy rates several times, but the banks have not passed the benefit on to borrowers. Not even state banks are reducing their loan interests,” he said.
However, the CBSL had played a pivotal role in controlling and reducing inflation which was around 70% in late 2022, Waleboda said.
“There is a lot of talk on making the CBSL independent. This should not mean it should carry out the IMF or ADB programme or act according to the whims of the few people on the monetary board. The CBSL must come up with a monetary policy that is sustainable in the long term and leads to economic development,” MP Weleboda said, noting that according to their calculations millions of US dollars that should be brought back to Sri Lanka are parked in foreign countries by exporters. “The country loses at least 1.2 billion dollars a year because of this, and this is around the income generated by the IT industry”, he said, “There should be an institution to keep a tab on these things.”
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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