Features
RISING AND FALLING NATIONALISMS IN NORTH AND SOUTH
by Jehan Perera
The election of Sivagnanam Shritharan as President of the ITAK has the potential to bring Tamil nationalism to the fore again. The ITAK is the largest Tamil political party and the mainstay of the now fragmented TNA which was an alliance of political parties that came into existence during the latter phase of the LTTE period, at their instance, and continued thereafter. However, the ITAK’s new President did not win his election overwhelmingly. His rival, who had played a much bigger role in mainstream national politics, obtained close to 43 percent of the vote. This reflects the realisation, within the Tamil community, that the path of dialogue and accommodation is not to be ruled out. The total military defeat of the LTTE, which followed their path of intransigence and a rigid adherence to the goal of a separate Tamil state, proved to be very costly and not a course that many would wish to follow again.
The newly elected ITAK leader’s initial pronouncements suggest a hardline stand, based on Tamil nationalism. Tamil nationalism, which precedes the LTTE and continues after its demise, does not necessarily entail a separate state, but is compatible with federalism and other variants of power sharing also. Mr Shritharan’s first visit, after winning the leadership contest, was to an LTTE cemetery where he paid his respects to the fallen fighters. In an interview soon thereafter, he recognised that “There may be some of us who have views or misunderstandings against the LTTE. However, most of our General Assembly members, more or less 184 people, have voted for me. This means they support my ideology. In other words, the major strength of the party is Tamil nationalism. They have clearly stated that it must begin from the graves of the late Eelam national liberation fighters.”
During the course of his post-election speeches, Mr Shritharan has framed his vision of the future in terms of federalism and the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces and taken the position that the 13th Amendment is not adequate to meet the Tamil aspirations. Despite the potential that these sentiments have for provoking confrontation with the Sinhalese majority, the ITAK leader’s vision would have traction within the Tamil polity. There is a strong sense of being oppressed and neglected by the Sri Lankan state and by its political leaders, including the present leadership. President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s unexpected ascension to power in the aftermath of the Aragalaya protest movement gave rise to the hope of change. As a political leader who had never espoused racialism in politics, the President’s bold promise to settle the ethnic conflict through a political solution in Sri Lanka’s 75th year of Independence (which comes to a close this week) was viewed positively. At a minimum, the President’s proposal that the 13th Amendment could be implemented in full measure seemed sincere.
GOVERNANCE STAKEHOLDERS
The 13th Amendment represents the furthest that the Sri Lankan state has gone in devolving powers to the provinces. It came into being, less because the Sri Lankan government leaders believed in it, than due to severe Indian pressure on the government at that time. The Provincial Council system has never reached its full potential, unlike in India, where this same system, albeit on a much larger scale, has blossomed to make India one of the great economic powers in the world in which there is unity in diversity. There is a common misunderstanding that the 13th Amendment needs to be justified on the basis of economic efficiency. Therefore, it is advocated that power should be decentralised to front line government officials within the central government, or that it should be decentralised to only small local government authorities, such as the pradeshiya sabhas, urban councils and municipalities. However, the bid to get rid of the Provincial Council system on the grounds of economic inefficiency is invalid.
Retired government official and former Secretary to the President and Defense Secretary, Austin Fernando, has written, “In 2023, the total recurrent expenditure requirement for all PCs (Provincial Councils) was Rs. 485.25 billion and Rs. 391.75 billion was provided. The total capital expenditure requirement was Rs. 167 billion and Rs. 37 billion was provided. It is nonsensical to think that a supply of 22.1% of the total capital expenditure requirements of Provincial Councils would make LAs (local authorities) developmentally efficient and effective, even after conversion, as proposed.” This highlights the basic reason why power needs to be devolved in Sri Lanka. Without the devolution of power, the ethnic and religious minorities are at the mercy of the ethnic majority in all parts of the country. If there is devolution of power, which includes financial devolution, the Tamil and Muslim minorities will have power in decision-making in the areas in which they are a majority. They, too, will become stakeholders in the governance of the country.
An unfortunate feature of the present time is that the entire Provincial Council system has been put on hold for the past five or more years. Quite apart from full implementation of the 13th Amendment, which has never been done in violation of the Constitution, the 13th Amendment is not being implemented at all today except in form. The 13th Amendment has not been operational through Provincial Councils as provincial elections have been postponed. This has been for narrow and partisan political interests that have nothing to do with the devolution of power to the ethnic and religious minorities. In 2018, when the then government felt itself to be electorally vulnerable, they simply decided not to hold any election at all that would have exposed their weakness in terms of retaining a democratic mandate from the people. A similar situation continues to exist even at the present time and the government has gone a step further in also cancelling the local government elections indefinitely.
HOPEFUL SIGNS
It is not surprising that under these circumstances that newly elected ITAK leader would not wish to continue with the 13th Amendment but has instead called for a federal solution. However, the rise of Tamil nationalism is not only due to the failure of the present government to hold the Provincial Council elections. It is also due to the failure of the government to address the highly emotive issues of missing persons, persons arrested under the anti-human rights Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and take away as well as non-return of land belonging to the Tamil people. There is also the failure of the state to protect the rights of the Tamil people to the land they have traditionally cultivated in the East. Despite the President having made public and private assurances regarding the cattle farmers at Mylathamadu-Mathavanai and return of land to their rightful owners, nothing has happened. Nothing happens even when the judiciary, including Magistrates Court and Court of Appeal, makes rulings that the Sinhala farmers should return to their original places.
It is in this bleak situation that the challenges to peace and reconciliation emerge that requires experienced and wise political leaderships to deal with them. There are indeed signs of hope. One is the greater awareness among politically active sections of the population in the Sinhalese polity that nationalism is used to win votes and thereby elections regardless of the cost to the country and to its people. It was not a coincidence that Sri Lanka’s international economic bankruptcy occurred during the period of rule of one of the country’s most nationalistic set of government leaders. The university students and youth who participated in the Aragalaya protest movement seemed to understand this, as their slogans made it clear that they would not be fooled once again.
There are encouraging signs that narrow ethnic based nationalism is on the decline in the Sinhalese majority parts of the country over the past two years since the economic decline commenced. People are increasingly able to see the inter connection between ethnic conflict, militarisation, impunity, corruption and economic and social collapse. This growing sentiment has given rise to support for the peace movement within the influential Buddhist clergy. The initiative taken by a group of leading Buddhist monks, with a section of the Tamil Diaspora, has given rise to the Himalaya Declaration that they have co-authored together. Two of the monks involved in this initiative, Ven Prof Pallekanda Ratanasara and Ven Dr Madampagama Assaji were recently felicitated on obtaining leadership positions in the International Buddhist Confederation in New Delhi. In their speeches they affirmed that the Buddhist Mahanayakes were supportive of their initiative. The openings to peace and reconciliation that have emerged would be observed by experienced and wise political leaders who will unite the country to abolish corruption and abuse of power that only benefits a few and take the country in the direction of the wellbeing of all.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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