Features
RISING AND FALLING NATIONALISMS IN NORTH AND SOUTH
by Jehan Perera
The election of Sivagnanam Shritharan as President of the ITAK has the potential to bring Tamil nationalism to the fore again. The ITAK is the largest Tamil political party and the mainstay of the now fragmented TNA which was an alliance of political parties that came into existence during the latter phase of the LTTE period, at their instance, and continued thereafter. However, the ITAK’s new President did not win his election overwhelmingly. His rival, who had played a much bigger role in mainstream national politics, obtained close to 43 percent of the vote. This reflects the realisation, within the Tamil community, that the path of dialogue and accommodation is not to be ruled out. The total military defeat of the LTTE, which followed their path of intransigence and a rigid adherence to the goal of a separate Tamil state, proved to be very costly and not a course that many would wish to follow again.
The newly elected ITAK leader’s initial pronouncements suggest a hardline stand, based on Tamil nationalism. Tamil nationalism, which precedes the LTTE and continues after its demise, does not necessarily entail a separate state, but is compatible with federalism and other variants of power sharing also. Mr Shritharan’s first visit, after winning the leadership contest, was to an LTTE cemetery where he paid his respects to the fallen fighters. In an interview soon thereafter, he recognised that “There may be some of us who have views or misunderstandings against the LTTE. However, most of our General Assembly members, more or less 184 people, have voted for me. This means they support my ideology. In other words, the major strength of the party is Tamil nationalism. They have clearly stated that it must begin from the graves of the late Eelam national liberation fighters.”
During the course of his post-election speeches, Mr Shritharan has framed his vision of the future in terms of federalism and the merger of the Northern and Eastern provinces and taken the position that the 13th Amendment is not adequate to meet the Tamil aspirations. Despite the potential that these sentiments have for provoking confrontation with the Sinhalese majority, the ITAK leader’s vision would have traction within the Tamil polity. There is a strong sense of being oppressed and neglected by the Sri Lankan state and by its political leaders, including the present leadership. President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s unexpected ascension to power in the aftermath of the Aragalaya protest movement gave rise to the hope of change. As a political leader who had never espoused racialism in politics, the President’s bold promise to settle the ethnic conflict through a political solution in Sri Lanka’s 75th year of Independence (which comes to a close this week) was viewed positively. At a minimum, the President’s proposal that the 13th Amendment could be implemented in full measure seemed sincere.
GOVERNANCE STAKEHOLDERS
The 13th Amendment represents the furthest that the Sri Lankan state has gone in devolving powers to the provinces. It came into being, less because the Sri Lankan government leaders believed in it, than due to severe Indian pressure on the government at that time. The Provincial Council system has never reached its full potential, unlike in India, where this same system, albeit on a much larger scale, has blossomed to make India one of the great economic powers in the world in which there is unity in diversity. There is a common misunderstanding that the 13th Amendment needs to be justified on the basis of economic efficiency. Therefore, it is advocated that power should be decentralised to front line government officials within the central government, or that it should be decentralised to only small local government authorities, such as the pradeshiya sabhas, urban councils and municipalities. However, the bid to get rid of the Provincial Council system on the grounds of economic inefficiency is invalid.
Retired government official and former Secretary to the President and Defense Secretary, Austin Fernando, has written, “In 2023, the total recurrent expenditure requirement for all PCs (Provincial Councils) was Rs. 485.25 billion and Rs. 391.75 billion was provided. The total capital expenditure requirement was Rs. 167 billion and Rs. 37 billion was provided. It is nonsensical to think that a supply of 22.1% of the total capital expenditure requirements of Provincial Councils would make LAs (local authorities) developmentally efficient and effective, even after conversion, as proposed.” This highlights the basic reason why power needs to be devolved in Sri Lanka. Without the devolution of power, the ethnic and religious minorities are at the mercy of the ethnic majority in all parts of the country. If there is devolution of power, which includes financial devolution, the Tamil and Muslim minorities will have power in decision-making in the areas in which they are a majority. They, too, will become stakeholders in the governance of the country.
An unfortunate feature of the present time is that the entire Provincial Council system has been put on hold for the past five or more years. Quite apart from full implementation of the 13th Amendment, which has never been done in violation of the Constitution, the 13th Amendment is not being implemented at all today except in form. The 13th Amendment has not been operational through Provincial Councils as provincial elections have been postponed. This has been for narrow and partisan political interests that have nothing to do with the devolution of power to the ethnic and religious minorities. In 2018, when the then government felt itself to be electorally vulnerable, they simply decided not to hold any election at all that would have exposed their weakness in terms of retaining a democratic mandate from the people. A similar situation continues to exist even at the present time and the government has gone a step further in also cancelling the local government elections indefinitely.
HOPEFUL SIGNS
It is not surprising that under these circumstances that newly elected ITAK leader would not wish to continue with the 13th Amendment but has instead called for a federal solution. However, the rise of Tamil nationalism is not only due to the failure of the present government to hold the Provincial Council elections. It is also due to the failure of the government to address the highly emotive issues of missing persons, persons arrested under the anti-human rights Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and take away as well as non-return of land belonging to the Tamil people. There is also the failure of the state to protect the rights of the Tamil people to the land they have traditionally cultivated in the East. Despite the President having made public and private assurances regarding the cattle farmers at Mylathamadu-Mathavanai and return of land to their rightful owners, nothing has happened. Nothing happens even when the judiciary, including Magistrates Court and Court of Appeal, makes rulings that the Sinhala farmers should return to their original places.
It is in this bleak situation that the challenges to peace and reconciliation emerge that requires experienced and wise political leaderships to deal with them. There are indeed signs of hope. One is the greater awareness among politically active sections of the population in the Sinhalese polity that nationalism is used to win votes and thereby elections regardless of the cost to the country and to its people. It was not a coincidence that Sri Lanka’s international economic bankruptcy occurred during the period of rule of one of the country’s most nationalistic set of government leaders. The university students and youth who participated in the Aragalaya protest movement seemed to understand this, as their slogans made it clear that they would not be fooled once again.
There are encouraging signs that narrow ethnic based nationalism is on the decline in the Sinhalese majority parts of the country over the past two years since the economic decline commenced. People are increasingly able to see the inter connection between ethnic conflict, militarisation, impunity, corruption and economic and social collapse. This growing sentiment has given rise to support for the peace movement within the influential Buddhist clergy. The initiative taken by a group of leading Buddhist monks, with a section of the Tamil Diaspora, has given rise to the Himalaya Declaration that they have co-authored together. Two of the monks involved in this initiative, Ven Prof Pallekanda Ratanasara and Ven Dr Madampagama Assaji were recently felicitated on obtaining leadership positions in the International Buddhist Confederation in New Delhi. In their speeches they affirmed that the Buddhist Mahanayakes were supportive of their initiative. The openings to peace and reconciliation that have emerged would be observed by experienced and wise political leaders who will unite the country to abolish corruption and abuse of power that only benefits a few and take the country in the direction of the wellbeing of all.
Features
The challenge of being positive about SAARC
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
Features
OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Features
Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
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