Features
Right to Recall Repeal of Port City Act
by Kumar David
The column today is about two separate matters. First, something futuristic but this country can never in a 100 years take a step forward unless there is a mechanism to remove from office outright scoundrels in public life. The second important topic is that right now this nation and its people must make it clear to future investors, global or domestic in the Port City (PC) that intolerable promises, if enacted, will be repealed. Let there be no crocodile tears as in the case of Argentina that Sri Lanka will be going back on its obligations since no country is bound by unconscionable promises that damage national interest. Let all be warned.
I will keep both sections short. I have learned that then, there is a chance people will read what one writes. The 2,000 and 3,000 word harangues in newspapers and websites are invariably not read to the end. I know from reader’s comments that they have given up in boredom halfway. If Shakespeare thought “brevity is the soul of wit and tediousness the limbs and outward flourishes” who are we to reckon that we can do better?
Right to Recall
I am well aware that implementation of the Right to Recall (R2R) is complicated. R2R is a procedure by which people can recall a person they have elected, for example a MP, for abuse of power or corruption. I also grant that in a proportional representation system where the unit of election is a whole district, unlike in constituency type electorates, it is difficult to identify who can participate in a recall referendum. A way has to be found round these difficulties otherwise a country can never enjoy electoral democracy while at the same time turning out of office rascals, scoundrels and opportunists if elected to parliament or provincial councils.
I quote at length from Wikipedia. “A recall election (also called a recall referendum, recall petition or representative recall) is a procedure by which, in certain polities, voters can remove an elected official from office through a direct vote before that official’s term has ended. Recalls, which are initiated when sufficient voters sign a petition, have a history dating back to the constitution in ancient Athenian democracy and feature in several current constitutions. In indirect or representative democracy, people’s representatives are elected and rule for a specific period of time. However, where the facility to recall exists, if any representative who comes to be perceived as not properly discharging responsibilities can be called back at request of a specific proportion of voters”.
A Constitution Amendment Bill to recall MPs and MLAs was introduced in the Lok Sabha by C. K. Chandrappan (1935-2012), Kerala State Secretary of the Communist Party and Lok Sabha member, in 1974. Atal Bihari Vajpayee (not Prime Minister at the time) supported the bill but it did not pass. Since then, recall has been implemented at Municipal level in Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Rajasthan. And R2R legislation has been enacted and is on the statute book in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Maharashtra and Himachal Pradesh for levels below parliament and state legislatures.
The reason legislation in the US and India has been confined below national and state, apart from the greed and resistance of the representatives themselves is complexity of execution. A president can be removed by impeachment and a prime minister by a vote of no confidence but that’s outside the direct intervention of the electors. What is imperative is a mechanism for voters to rid themselves of people they have elected if later he/she turns out to be a blackguard. An unfortunate necessity in any nation that habitually elects blackguards.
There are variations in R2R legislation formats between the US and India and between different Indian states. These details are of little significance for us now since the first priority is to popularise the concept and win mass acceptance. That should be easy, people will without hesitation endorse the concept but they will want to know more about implementation details. I am only kicking off the idea and asking others, more intelligent and knowledgeable to follow up. What is important at the moment is extensive public discussion. No civil society or political organisation will right now have the gumption to flag it but this will change because it has to. The political entities that may have the courage to invoke some debate are the NPP and the JVP but they too will not touch it till the existing system rots a lot more. For now I am only planting a seed.
Port City and Scoundrel Protection Acts must be repealed
The immediate task is to mount public protest campaigns and demonstrations to prevent passage of the Port City Bill (PCB) and the resolution before Parliament to grant scoundrels associated with the (Raja) Paksas and human rights violators impunity (Scoundrel Protection Resolution, SPR). Civil society, religious dignitaries, non-government political parties, student and women’s movements, citizens of all races and faiths, diaspora groups of all ethnicities and the people must campaign to throw back both. That’s the priority and it may be doable. However since a majority of SLPP, SLFP, and pro-Paksa perfidious Tamil parties and the Muslim turncoats who voted for 20A cannot be expected to suddenly sprout a conscience, there is a possibility that PCB and SPR will be passed. (What on earth is the LSSP doing? Tissa is angry that economic policy has failed to ameliorate the hardships of the poorest; but the Dead-Left has kept mum on PCB and SPR).
What if despite angry protests these two nasty proposals are passed. The Supreme Court is deliberating the constitutionality of PCB (why not SP too?). It may or may not demand that some provisions be put to a referendum, but after 20A no one is celebrating the court’s independence or high moral stature. What options are available if PCB is enacted and SPR endorsed? A declaration must be issued with the determination of Martin Luther nailing the Ninety-five Theses to the door of All Saints’ Church, Wittenberg that the next government reserves the right to reverse anything done under the PC Act. Chinese, foreign and local investors must have the riot act read out. If they act at the invitation of a morally decadent government in the teeth of the opposition of the people they have been warned!
The French Revolution was not bound by Louis XVI’s commitments nor were China and Vietnam beholden to decisions prior to October 1948 and April 1975, respectively. Argentina type ambiguity must be precluded; everybody, foreign or local, must be told clearly that anything done under the provisions of PCA will not be binding on future governments. If enacted sans a two-thirds majority and unless in addition ratified at a referendum it will be deemed unconstitutional. Furthermore, the American Ambassador, at a recent news conference, sounded a warning that the PC may be flagged by global authorities for fear of money laundering.
The weak link in building a united movement against PCB are Sajith Premadasa cum SJB which instead of expressing unconditional disapproval and demanding that the Bill be withdrawn have proposed technical amendments and pleaded with the Paksas to bring the proposed commission under parliament. This discordant note is rooted in the SJB’s class nature. The pro-business wing under the influence of Harsha de Silva, Eran Wickramaratne and I daresay Sajith himself would be satisfied with provisions to ensure that in addition to the Chinese, Western companies too could participate. From JR’s day the neo-liberal investment policies of the UNP sought to open Lanka to global markets unconstrained by domestic class concerns.
To add to this confusion SJB spokesperson Dayan Jayatilleke (official or unofficial?) has become jarring says Krishanta Prasad Cooray in Colombo Telegraph, 23 April. If DJ is serenading to his master Sajith’s dog whistle then it matters; if not don’t bother with the rest of this paragraph. If one can infer that on strategy Sajith rejects an opposition united front against the Double-Paksas, and on policy he desires retention of the Executive Presidency (EP), then both put Sajith on collision course with regime-opponents (though in line with DJ’s backing of the 52-day Mahinda Rajapaksa Prime Ministerial obscenity). SJB internal confusion on both counts is a hitch. There must exist explicit formal pronouncements on its position on EP and Sajith must state explicitly if he now regrets voting in favour 19A. Also let there be a pronouncement on whether the SJB intends to go it alone.
The labour market will be greatly affected – see Ceylon Federation of Labour General Secretary TMR Rasseedin’s statement “Colombo Port City Bill frontal attack on working people” in the Sunday Island of 18 April. But apart from this frontal assault on the working class the provisions of the Bill are so designed to cater to the interests of society’s upper classes and investors with hardly a concern for the welfare of the people at large. Even Tissa Vitarana warns “The luxury lifestyle of the few must be checked (soon) as otherwise those who are hungry may (be forced to) take to the streets”. [Parenthesis added]. While most criticism of PCB has focussed on sovereignty concerns and the undermining of parliamentary oversight it is important to understand its negative class implications. This underscores why the SBJ is pussyfooting. Eran Wickramaratne’s attack on SPR in Parliament was withering. Was it not obvious that PCB and SPR are twins born of the same womb, an executive presidency seeking authoritarian powers? How the SBJ can reconcile opposition to SPR with support for the executive presidential system is incomprehensible.
I have reached nearly 1650 words, but you will forgive me as I have touched on two important topics.
Manifesto of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association
(The HSRA was suspended by Gandhi in 1922 for being too radical)
Features
Putting people back into ‘development’ – a challenge for South
Should Sri Lanka consider an 18th IMF programme? Some academicians exploring Sri Lanka’s development prospects in depth are raising this issue. It is yet to emerge as a hot topic among policy and decision-making circles in this country but common sense would sooner rather than later dictate that it be taken up for discussion by the wider public and a decision arrived at.
The issue of an 18th IMF programme was raised with some urgency locally by none other than Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja,Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, one of whose presentations, made at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, was highlighted in this column last week, May 7th. An IMF programme is far from the ideal way out for a bankrupt country such as Sri Lanka but a policy of economic pragmatism would indicate that there is no other way out for Sri Lanka. Such a programme is the proverbial ‘Bird in the hand’ for Sri Lanka and it may be compelled to avail of it to get itself out of the morass of economic failures it is bogged down in currently.
While local economic growth possibilities are far from encouraging at present, such prospects globally are far from bright as well. Some of the more thought-provoking data in the latter regard were disclosed by Dr. Wignaraja. For example, ‘The IMF’s April 2026 World Economic Outlook projects global growth slowing to 3.1 percent in 2026; with downside risks dominating: prolonged conflict, geopolitical fragmentation, renewed trade tensions, bearing down hardest on emergent and developing economies.’
However, as is known, an ‘IMF bailout’ is fraught with huge risks for the people of a developing country. ‘The Silver Bullet’ brings hardships for the people usually and they would be required by their governments to increasingly ‘tighten their belts’ and brace for perhaps indefinite material hardships and discontent. For Sri Lanka, the cost of living is unsettlingly high and 20 percent of the population is languishing below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day.
These statistics should help put the spotlight on the people of a country, who are theoretically the subjects and beneficiaries of development, and one of the main reasons, in so far as democracies are concerned, for the existence of governments. Placing people at the centre of the development process is urgently needed in the global South and shifting the focus to other considerations would be tantamount to governments dabbling in misplaced priorities.
Technocrats are needed for the propelling of economic growth but a Southern country’s main approach to development cannot be entirely technocratic in nature. The well being of the people and how it is affected by such growth strategies need to be prime focuses in discussions on development. Accordingly, discourses on how poverty alleviation could be facilitated need urgent initiation and perpetuation. There is no getting away from people’s empowerment.
In the South over the decades, the above themes have been, more or less, allowed to lapse in discussions on development. With economic liberalization and ‘market economics’ being allowed to eclipse development, correctly understood, people’s well being could be said to have been downplayed by Southern governments.
The development issues of Southern publics could be also said to have been compounded over the years as a result of the hemisphere lacking a single and effective ‘voice’ that could consistently and forcefully take up its questions with the global powers and institutions that matter. That is, the South lacks an all-embracing, umbrella organization that could bring together and muster the collective will of the South and work towards the realization of its best interests.
This columnist has time and again brought up the need for concerned Southern sections to explore the potential within the now virtually moribund Non-Aligned Movement to reactivate itself and fill the above lacuna in the South’s organizational and mobilization capability. In its heyday NAM not only possessed this institutional capability but had ample ‘voice power’ in the form of its founding fathers, with Jawaharlal Nehru of India, for example, proving a power to reckon with in this regard. The lack of such leaders at present needs to be factored in as well as accounting for the South’s lack of power and presence in the deliberative forums of the world that have a bearing on the hemisphere’s well being.
The Executive Director of the RCSS, Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha, articulated some interesting thoughts on the above and related questions at a forum a couple of months back. Speaking at the launching of the book authored by Prof. Gamini Keerewella titled, ‘Reimagining International Relations from a Global South Perspective’, at the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo, Amb. Aryasinha said, among other things: ‘Historically, there is a precedent that has been realized by the Non-Aligned group of countries – unfortunately, rather than being reformed and modified at the end of the Cold War, it has been tossed away.’
The inability of the nominally existent NAM to come out of its state of veritable paralysis and voice and act in the name of the South in the current international crises lends credence to the view that the organization has allowed itself to be ‘tossed away.’ The challenge before NAM is to prove that it is by no means a spent force.
As indicted, NAM needs vibrant voices that could advocate value-based advancement for the global South. Moral principles need to triumph over Realpolitik. Such transformative changes could come to pass if there is a fresh meeting of enlightened minds within the South. Pakistan by offering to mediate in the ongoing conflict between the US and Iran, for instance, proved that there are still states within the South that could look beyond narrow self-interest and work towards some collective goals. Hopefully, Pakistan’s example will be emulated.
Along with Pakistan some Gulf states have shown willingness to work towards a de-escalation of the present hostilities in West Asia. This could be a beginning for the undertaking of more ambitious, collective projects by the South that have as their goals political solutions to current international crises. These developments prove that the South is not bereft of visionary thinking that could lay the basis for a measure of world peace. That is, there are grounds to be hopeful.
NAM needs to see it as its responsibility to make good use of these hopeful signs to bring the South together once again and work towards the realization of its founding principles, such as initiating value-based international politics and laying the basis for the collective economic betterment of Southern people.
Features
Artificial Intelligence in Academia: Menace or Tool?
(The author is on X as @sasmester)
I have often been told by university colleagues how soulless and dangerous ‘artificial intelligence’ (AI) is to academia and humanity. They lament that students no longer read anything as they can now get various AI programmes to summarise what is recommended which is mostly in the English language to Sinhala or Tamil or get easier versions in English itself. They get their assignments and even dissertations fully or partially written by AI. And I am led to believe that universities do not have reliable detection software to assess plagiarism and academic fraud that have been committed using AI beyond the software freely available on the internet with their own limitations. This is due to financial restrictions in these institutions. Even these common malpractices have been done mostly with the aid of free AI programmes which are readily available, which means cheating in this sense is free and mostly safe. For teachers, this is a ‘menace’ in the same way ‘copying’ once was. But its implications are far worse.
But given the global investments made over AI, it cannot be wished away despite the enormous negative impact its use has on the environment, particularly due to its massive demand for energy. So, AI is with us to stay, and it has a considerable role to play in human civilisation even though like most innovations and inventions, this too carries its own burden of negativity. In this context, instead of demonising AI and lamenting its replacement of human agency and ingenuity, one needs to think seriously about how to deal with and engage with it reflectively and pragmatically as there is much it can offer if people are intelligent enough to make rational and sensible choices.
When I am making these observations, I am restricting myself to a handful of practices involving only writing both in university-based examination processes and in the fields of creative writing.
My initial introduction to AI was through the Research Methods class I used to teach in New Delhi. In 2022, this class was supposed to go to Dharmshala in Uttar Pradesh for fieldwork training, and we needed to write a funding proposal quickly. One of the students in the class, already familiar with ChatGPT introduced by OpenAI as a free programme in 2022, did the proposal with its help before the two-hour class was over. I edited it soon after and sent it off to the university administration for funding which we received. That stint of field work was completed in five days and was the most detailed work undertaken as a training programme up to that time in the university which had considerable output ranging from a documentary film to a detailed ethnography based on the findings.
While the technical details, the format of the proposal and its basic writing were done by AI due to the time constraints the class faced, its fine-tuning was done by me and a few students. AI could not then and even now cannot undertake that level of specificity without close human intervention. But the film, the ethnography and the actual process of research had nothing to do with AI. It was the result of human labour, thinking, planning and at times creativity and ingenuity. This was an early example of how AI could coexist in an academic environment if its technical usefulness was clearly understood and potential for excesses was also understood. But this was a time, easily accessible AI was just emerging, and we did not know much about it. But I was fortunate enough to have intelligent students in my class who gave me a crash course into this kind of AI use, which I followed up with my own reading and experimentation later on. As a result, I am keener now to see how it can be used for the betterment of academic practice rather than taking an uncritically demonising position, which I know will not lead anywhere.
But how is this possible? The lamentations of my colleagues about the abuse of AI in academic practice is not unfounded. It is a serious threat that remains mostly unaddressed not only in our country but almost everywhere else in the world too. This is mostly because the advancements of AI even in day-to-day free usage have far exceeded any thoughts for actionable codes of ethics to ensure its practice is sensible and ethical. At the same time, I cannot see why a student should not use AI to correct his spelling and grammar in assignments. I also cannot see why a student cannot seek AI’s help to secure research material from secondary sources available online which I have been doing for years. For instance, the originals of specific books and rare manuscripts might not be available in any repositories in our part of the world. In such situations, what AI might find us is all we have access to in a world where we are restricted in our mobility due to semi-racist visa regimes of failed empires and former superpowers as well as our own lack of ability to travel due to our own unenviable economic conditions. But unfortunately, the materials we need are often only available in research centers and libraries in those nations.
Similarly, when it comes to academic prose, it makes no sense now to take years to translate works from multiple languages to Sinhala and Tamil. This has always been a time-consuming, cumbersome and expensive process. Non-availability of Sinhala and English translations of core originals in languages such as English, French, German and so on has been a long-term problem for our country. But this can now be done well – at least from English to our languages – quite quickly and with a very low margin for error by using specific AI programmes which are meant to do precisely this. What this means is a quick expansion of knowledge in local languages which would have ordinarily taken years to achieve or might not have been possible at all. But still, this needs significant human intervention and time towards perfection. However, I do not think AI-based translations work as well for fiction and poetry or creative works more generally. But the ability for AI to emulate nuance and feeling in language is fast emerging. These are two clear examples of improving technical abilities in research and writing in which AI can be of help.
But looking for sources of information with help the help of AI or using it as a tool to undertake essential translations from one language to another is quite different from simply using it without ascertaining the accuracy of collected information, getting AI to do all your work without any reflection or without any hard work at all, including engaging AI to do the final product in a writing assignment — be that a term paper or a work of fiction. If one proceeds in this direction, as many unfortunately do nowadays, then, our ability to think and be creative as a species will become diminished over time and our sense of humanity itself will take a toll. This is what my colleagues worry about when they say AI is making younger generations soulless.
It is here that ethical practices on how to use AI responsibly without compromising our sense of humanity must play a central role. But these ethical practices must be formally written and taught, followed by viable programmes for detection and publication if unethical practices are followed. This needs to be the case particularly in teaching institutions as well as the broader domain of creative writing. After all, what is the fun in reading a novel or a collection of poetry written by AI?
It is time people began to think about what AI can do in their own fields without falling prey to its power and their own laziness. This brings to my mind Geoffrey Hinton’s words: “There is no chance of stopping AI’s development. But we need to ensure alignment; to ensure it is beneficial to us …” Similarly, as Yann LeCun observed, “AI is not just about replicating human intelligence; it’s about creating intelligent systems that can surpass human limitations.” In this sense, it is up to us to find our edge in creativity and common sense to find the most sensible way forward in using AI.
Features
Engelbert’s 90th birthday bash
The legendary Engelbert Humperdinck, who is known for his hit songs such as ‘A Man Without Love’, ‘Release Me’, ‘Spanish Eyes’, ‘The Last Waltz’, ‘Am I That Easy To Forget’, ‘Ten Guitars’ and ‘I Can’t Stop Loving You’, turned 90 on 02 May, 2026, and there were some lovely Hollywood-related celebrations.
Before his birthday, Engelbert’s new single ‘I’ve Got You’ was released – on 23 April – and Engelbert had this to say: “‘I’ve Got You’ is especially close to my heart. It speaks to love, loyalty, and the quiet strength we find in one another”.
The main birthday event was held at The Starlight Cabaret, in Los Angeles, California, and Sri Lankan Raju Rasiah, now based in the States, and his wife Renuka, who are personal friends of Engelbert, were invited to participate in the celebrations, along with Ingrid Melicon – also a Sri Lankan, now domiciled in America.
The invitation said “An evening of music, memories and celebration. Let’s make it a night to remember!” And it certainly turned out to be a night never ever to be forgotten!

Invitees experienced a “magical entrance” with Engelbert’s name lighting up the screen and showing him performing his hit songs.
The invitees were also presented with a unique gift – a necklace with Engelbert’s face, engraved with the words “Remember, I Love You.”
Engelbert’s son, Bradley Dorsey, sang a tribute song ‘Only You’ for his dad, while Eddy Fisher’s daughters, Tricia and Joely, also got on stage to entertaining the distinguish gathering.
Engelbert didn’t perform but got on stage for the cutting of the birthday cake.
There was also a video compilation of birthday wishes from fellow celebrities, and the lineup included Gloria Gaynor, Micky Dolenz, Wayne Newton, Pat Boone, Lulu, Judy Collins, Deana Martin, Angélica María, Rupert Everett, Matt Goss, and more.

Birthday boy Engelbert Humperdinck
At 90, Engelbert is still performing. He’s on THE CELEBRATION TOUR for his 90th year, with over 50 international dates in 2026, including Australia, Germany, the US, and Canada. He’ll be at Massey Hall in, Toronto, on 06 October, 2026. He said: “The stage is my home… Canada has always been a highlight”.
He performed 60+ concerts, worldwide, in 2025, and says karaoke keeps his songs fresh: “Most of my songs are on karaoke because people love to sing them”.
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