Features
Remembering Hiroshima: A painful lesson the world must not forget
The Pearl Harbour attack united American citizens like never before. Young men volunteered to fight, factories increased production, and the entire nation mobilised for war. Some may recall the fictional Rosie the Riveter flexing her muscles and with the words “We can do it”. As a result, many females started working in factories making munitions. The US would go on to play a decisive role in defeating the Axis powers.
Terrible tragedy of Hiroshima 80 years ago
On August 6, 1945, at 8:15 a.m., a single bomb dropped by a US aircraft changed the world forever. The city of Hiroshima in Japan was instantly turned into a fiery wasteland when the atomic bomb—nicknamed “Little Boy”—exploded in the sky above. It was the first time a nuclear weapon was used in war. Three days later, another bomb was dropped on Nagasaki. Together, these bombings brought World War II to a close, but at a terrible human cost.
The bomb that hit Hiroshima released energy equivalent to 15,000 tons of TNT. It killed approximately 140,000 people by the end of 1945. Some died instantly. Many others suffered for days and weeks with severe burns, internal injuries, and radiation sickness.
Visiting Hiroshima in the year 2000 with my son, and visiting the museum, it was horrifying to see the models of burning human beings and the melting of their skins. The only remnant of the bomb was one lone bombed building; the A-bomb dome or Genbaku dome in Japanese. The Memorial Peace Park in Hiroshima attracts many Japanese and foreign tourists today.
In the years that followed, the tragedy deepened. Radiation exposure led to a sharp rise in cancer and other health problems. By 1950, the number of deaths due to the bomb had risen to 200,000. Survivors faced long-term effects. Many were disabled for life.
One of the most painful legacies of the bombing was leukaemia, a form of blood cancer. Studies show that from 1950 to 2000, over 10,000 survivors developed cancer, with leukaemia rates 2 to 3 times higher than average, especially among children who were exposed. For many survivors, the pain didn’t end with physical scars. They also faced social rejection, mental trauma, and the loss of family and friends.
Sadako Sasaki
The Pearl Harbour attack provoked the US
On the morning of December 7, 1941, Hawaii’s peace was shattered by the roar of aeroplanes and the thunder of explosions. The Japanese Imperial Navy had launched a surprise attack on the United States naval base at Pearl Harbour, located on the island of Oahu. This event pushed the United States into World War II and marked a turning point in global history.
While the attack caused devastating military losses, it is essential to note that very few civilians were killed. The target was a military installation, and Japan’s main goal was to destroy the U.S. Pacific Fleet. In contrast to bombings later in the war that targeted entire cities, Pearl Harbour was a military strike, not an attack on civilians.
At exactly 7:55 a.m. that day, waves of Japanese fighter planes, bombers, and torpedo planes descended on the harbour. In less than two hours, the US Navy had suffered enormous damage: 8 battleships were damaged or destroyed, including the USS Arizona, which exploded and sank, killing over 1,100 men. More than 300 aircraft were damaged or destroyed. Over 2,400 Americans were killed, almost all of them military personnel. About 1,000 more were wounded.
Despite the heavy blow, key parts of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, such as aircraft carriers, were not in the harbour at the time. This helped America to comeback in the Pacific. The low civilian death toll is significant, especially when compared to later events such as the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, where hundreds of thousands of civilians perished instantly.
The day after the attack, President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered a powerful speech to Congress, calling December 7 “a date which will live in infamy.” The US declared war on Japan, officially entering World War II.
The Pearl Harbour attack united American citizens like never before. Young men volunteered to fight, factories increased production, and the entire nation mobilised for war. Some may recall the fictional Rosie the Riveter flexing her muscles and with the words “We can do it”. As a result, many females started working in factories making munitions. The US would go on to play a decisive role in defeating the Axis powers.
Although the bombing of Pearl Harbour was a strategic success for Japan in the short term, it was a strategic mistake in the long run. It awakened a sleeping giant. The US entry into the war helped turn the tide against Japan and its allies. In less than four years, the war ended with Japan’s defeat.
Sadako Sasaki and the sad Story of a thousand Origami paper cranes
One of the most heart-breaking stories to emerge from the aftermath of the Hiroshima atomic bombing was that of Sadako Sasaki, a young girl who became a global symbol of peace, hope, and the innocent victims of war.
Sadako was just two years old when the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima. Though she was not visibly injured, she was exposed to the radiation from the blast. For years, she lived a happy, everyday life. She loved running and was one of the fastest members of her school relay team.
But ten years after the bombing, Sadako suddenly fell ill. In 1955, at the age of 12, she was diagnosed with leukaemia—a type of cancer caused by radiation exposure. At the hospital, Sadako learned of an old Japanese legend. If a person folds 1,000 origami paper cranes, the gods would grant them a wish. A crane is a large bird with a long neck. In Japan it represents longevity, happiness, and eternal youth, because mythical beliefs say it lives a thousand years.
Clinging to hope and determined to live, Sadako began folding paper cranes one by one. She used medicine wrappers, scraps of paper, and anything she could find. Her goal was simple but powerful: to fold 1,000 cranes and be granted the wish to recover and live.
With quiet courage, Sadako continued to fold, even as her body gradually grew weaker. She is believed to have folded more than 1,300 cranes, far exceeding her target. But despite her strength and determination, Sadako passed away on October 25, 1955, surrounded by her family.
Sadako’s story touched hearts around the world. Her classmates and friends were inspired by her bravery and began a campaign to build a monument in her honour. Today, the Children’s Peace Monument stands in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park. On it are the words: “This is our cry. This is our prayer. Peace in the world.” Children from all over the world send paper cranes to Hiroshima every year, keeping Sadako’s spirit alive. The day I visited Hiroshima, hundreds of schoolchildren carried flowers to lay at the base of the Memorial.
Sadako Sasaki’s story serves as a poignant reminder of the human cost of war, particularly on children. Her paper cranes are not just folded paper—they are folded hope, love, and the desperate wish for peace. Though she did not survive, her message lives on: Let no child ever suffer like this again.
The aftermath of the N bomb
The day after the bomb, newspapers around the world carried the dramatic headlines. Most focused on the incredible power of the bomb and its potential to end World War II swiftly. But even amid celebration and shock, some newspapers and journalists raised early warnings about the terrible dangers of this new kind of weapon.
A few brave voices quickly pointed out the grave danger of entering the nuclear age. One of the most notable warnings came from the editorial page of The New York Times itself. Just days after the bombing, on August 9, 1945, the paper published an editorial titled “The Atomic Age”, which said: “For all we know, in unleashing atomic energy, man may be opening a door that he will never be able to close.” The editorial warned that although the bomb might help end the war, it also posed a serious moral and existential threat to the future of humanity.
Similarly, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch ran an editorial titled “Frankenstein’s Monster”, drawing comparisons to the famous tale of a man-made creation that grew out of control. The paper inquired whether humanity had created a force that could ultimately destroy its own creator.
Shortly after the bombings, a group of scientists who had worked on the Project began to speak out. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, first published in 1945, was born out of their concern. These scientists warned that nuclear weapons must never again be used in war. Their famous “Doomsday Clock” was created to symbolise how close the world is to self-destruction. Some newspapers quoted these scientists, noting that even those who built the bomb were now afraid of its power.
Outside the United States, the tone of newspaper coverage was often more sombre and critical. The Manchester Guardian in the UK (now The Guardian) was one of the first newspapers to question whether the use of the atomic bomb was morally justifiable.
The London Daily Mirror ran a headline: “Japan’s New Graveyard.” It warned that the bomb represented a new kind of horror—one that could erase entire cities in a flash and leave lasting suffering for generations.
In India, which was still under British rule, newspapers like The Hindustan Times and The Bombay Chronicle questioned the ethics of using such a powerful weapon on civilians.
Those early warnings—sometimes buried in editorial pages—have proven to be prophetic. The fears raised in August 1945 are still relevant today, as nuclear weapons remain a threat in global politics.
Lessons we must learn
After visiting Hiroshima in 2000 I was hoping that very soon the world will see a change to peace. Instead, 25 years later I find conflicts in many parts of the world. The world seems to have lost its conscience. Sri Lanka came out of a terrible conflict; however, I can see more hope for reconciliation here than in many other places. Wars in Indochina escalated in the 1970s but they all are peaceful and prospering countries today. Even without nuclear power, six million Jews were killed by the Nazis during 1941 to 1945. So, let us hope that the future will be better for the human race.
Today, nearly 80 years later, Hiroshima stands as a peaceful city. The Hiroshima Peace Memorial and Museum serve as a reminder of the horrors of war and the urgent need for peace. Every August, people around the world observe a moment of silence to remember the victims and pray that such a tragedy never happens again. Yet, looking at the world today, we must ask: Have we truly learned the lesson of Hiroshima?
In recent years, we have witnessed terrible wars and human suffering in different parts of the world. The Russia–Ukraine conflict has led to tens of thousands of deaths and millions displaced. Cities have been bombed, schools and hospitals destroyed, and children forced to grow up amid gunfire and fear.
In the Israel–Palestine conflict, we have seen neighbourhoods turned into rubble, families torn apart, and innocent lives lost on both sides. Airstrikes, ground assaults, and blockades have created one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent times. Wars only create widows, orphans and children without their mother or father, people without their spouses. War is not strange to us, Sri Lankans. The scars still remain, and the hatred towards the perpetrators still continues. In Sri Lanka, however, there are efforts being made to have lasting peace.
While these wars may not involve nuclear weapons, the suffering of ordinary people—especially children, women, and the elderly—is no less heart-breaking. The faces of survivors in Ukraine or Gaza today are hauntingly similar to those of Hiroshima’s Hibakusha (atomic bomb survivors and those affected by radioactivity).
The world has enough weapons now to destroy its population many times over. Yet, peace remains fragile, and global regulators remain ineffective.
As global citizens, we must raise our voices against violence. We must encourage our leaders to engage in dialogue, foster compassion, and cultivate understanding. We must remember that war is not a video game or a matter of pride and superiority. It is pain, destruction, and death.
On this August 6, let us honour the victims of Hiroshima by ensuring that their suffering was not in vain. Let us work to stop the madness of war and conflicts, wherever they occur. And let us teach our children not just history, but the value of peace.
by Sunil G Wijesinha ✍️
Consultant on Productivity and Japanese Management
Recipient of the “Order of the Rising Sun;
Gold and Silver Rays” by the Government of Japan.
bizex.seminarsandconsulting@gmail.com.
A prominent feature of the first year of the NPP government is that it has not engaged in the institutional reforms which was expected of it. This observation comes in the context of the extraordinary mandate with which the government was elected and the high expectations that accompanied its rise to power. When in opposition and in its election manifesto, the JVP and NPP took a prominent role in advocating good governance systems for the country. They insisted on constitutional reform that included the abolition of the executive presidency and the concentration of power it epitomises, the strengthening of independent institutions that overlook key state institutions such as the judiciary, public service and police, and the reform or repeal of repressive laws such as the PTA and the Online Safety Act.
The transformation of a political party that averaged between three to five percent of the popular vote into one that currently forms the government with a two thirds majority in parliament is a testament to the faith that the general population placed in the JVP/ NPP combine. This faith was the outcome of more than three decades of disciplined conduct in the aftermath of the bitter experience of the 1988 to 1990 period of JVP insurrection. The manner in which the handful of JVP parliamentarians engaged in debate with well researched critiques of government policy and actions, and their service in times of disaster such as the tsunami of 2004 won them the trust of the people. This faith was bolstered by the Aragalaya movement which galvanized the citizens against the ruling elites of the past.
In this context, the long delay to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act which has earned notoriety for its abuse especially against ethnic and religious minorities, has been a disappointment to those who value human rights. So has been the delay in appointing an Auditor General, so important in ensuring accountability for the money expended by the state. The PTA has a long history of being used without restraint against those deemed to be anti-state which, ironically enough, included the JVP in the period 1988 to 1990. The draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PSTA), published in December 2025, is the latest attempt to repeal and replace the PTA. Unfortunately, the PSTA largely replicates the structure, logic and dangers of previous failed counter terrorism bills, including the Counter Terrorism Act of 2018 and the Anti Terrorism Act proposed in 2023.
Misguided Assumption
Despite its stated commitment to rule of law and fundamental rights, the draft PTSA reproduces many of the core defects of the PTA. In a preliminary statement, the Centre for Policy Alternatives has observed among other things that “if there is a Detention Order made against the person, then in combination, the period of remand and detention can extend up to two years. This means that a person can languish in detention for up to two years without being charged with a crime. Such a long period again raises questions of the power of the State to target individuals, exacerbated by Sri Lanka’s history of long periods of remand and detention, which has contributed to abuse and violence.” Human Rights lawyer Ermiza Tegal has warned against the broad definition of terrorism under the proposed law: “The definition empowers state officials to term acts of dissent and civil disobedience as ‘terrorism’ and will lawfully permit disproportionate and excessive responses.” The legitimate and peaceful protests against abuse of power by the authorities cannot be classified as acts of terror.
The willingness to retain such powers reflects the surmise that the government feels that keeping in place the structures that come from the past is to their benefit, as they can utilise those powers in a crisis. Due to the strict discipline that exists within the JVP/NPP at this time there may be an assumption that those the party appoints will not abuse their trust. However, the country’s experience with draconian laws designed for exceptional circumstances demonstrates that they tend to become tools of routine governance. On the plus side, the government has given two months for public comment which will become meaningful if the inputs from civil society actors are taken into consideration.
Worldwide experience has repeatedly demonstrated that integrity at the level of individual leaders, while necessary, is not sufficient to guarantee good governance over time. This is where the absence of institutional reform becomes significant. The aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah in particular has necessitated massive procurements of emergency relief which have to be disbursed at maximum speed. There are also significant amounts of foreign aid flowing into the country to help it deal with the relief and recovery phase. There are protocols in place that need to be followed and monitored so that a fiasco like the disappearance of tsunami aid in 2004 does not recur. To the government’s credit there are no such allegations at the present time. But precautions need to be in place, and those precautions depend less on trust in individuals than on the strength and independence of oversight institutions.
Inappropriate Appointments
It is in this context that the government’s efforts to appoint its own preferred nominees to the Auditor General’s Department has also come as a disappointment to civil society groups. The unsuitability of the latest presidential nominee has given rise to the surmise that this nomination was a time buying exercise to make an acting appointment. For the fourth time, the Constitutional Council refused to accept the president’s nominee. The term of the three independent civil society members of the Constitutional Council ends in January which would give the government the opportunity to appoint three new members of its choice and get its way in the future.
The failure to appoint a permanent Auditor General has created an institutional vacuum at a critical moment. The Auditor General acts as a watchdog, ensuring effective service delivery promoting integrity in public administration and providing an independent review of the performance and accountability. Transparency International has observed “The sequence of events following the retirement of the previous Auditor General points to a broader political inertia and a governance failure. Despite the clear constitutional importance of the role, the appointment process has remained protracted and opaque, raising serious questions about political will and commitment to accountability.”
It would appear that the government leadership takes the position they have been given the mandate to govern the country which requires implementation by those they have confidence in. This may explain their approach to the appointment (or non-appointment) at this time of the Auditor General. Yet this approach carries risks. Institutions are designed to function beyond the lifespan of any one government and to protect the public interest even when those in power are tempted to act otherwise. The challenge and opportunity for the NPP government is to safeguard independent institutions and enact just laws, so that the promise of system change endures beyond personalities and political cycles.
by Jehan Perera
A new batch arrived at our Faculty again. Students representing almost all districts of the country remind me once again of the wonderful opportunity we have for promoting social and ethnic cohesion at our universities. Sadly, however, many students do not interact with each other during the first few semesters, not only because they do not speak each other’s language(s), but also because of the fear and distrust that still prevails among communities in our society.
General education reform presents an opportunity to explore ways to promote social and ethnic cohesion. A school curriculum could foster shared values, empathy, and critical thinking, through social studies and civics education, implement inclusive language policies, and raise critical awareness about our collective histories. Yet, the government’s new policy document, Transforming General Education in Sri Lanka 2025, leaves us little to look forward to in this regard.
The policy document points to several “salient” features within it, including: 1) a school credit system to quantify learning; 2) module-based formative and summative assessments to replace end-of-term tests; 3) skills assessment in Grade 9 consisting of a ‘literacy and numeracy test’ and a ‘career interest test’; 4) a comprehensive GPA-based reporting system spanning the various phases of education; 5) blended learning that combines online with classroom teaching; 6) learning units to guide students to select their preferred career pathways; 7) technology modules; 8) innovation labs; and 9) Early Childhood Education (ECE). Notably, social and ethnic cohesion does not appear in this list. Here, I explore how the proposed curriculum reforms align (or do not align) with the NPP’s pledge to inculcate “[s]afety, mutual understanding, trust and rights of all ethnicities and religious groups” (p.127), in their 2024 Election Manifesto.
Language/ethnicity in the present curriculum
The civil war ended over 15 years ago, but our general education system has done little to bring ethnic communities together. In fact, most students still cannot speak in the “second national language” (SNL) and textbooks continue to reinforce negative stereotyping of ethnic minorities, while leaving out crucial elements of our post-independence history.
Although SNL has been a compulsory subject since the 1990s, the hours dedicated to SNL are few, curricula poorly developed, and trained teachers few (Perera, 2025). Perhaps due to unconscious bias and for ideological reasons, SNL is not valued by parents and school communities more broadly. Most students, who enter our Faculty, only have basic reading/writing skills in SNL, apart from the few Muslim and Tamil students who schooled outside the North and the East; they pick up SNL by virtue of their environment, not the school curriculum.
Regardless of ethnic background, most undergraduates seem to be ignorant about crucial aspects of our country’s history of ethnic conflict. The Grade 11 history textbook, which contains the only chapter on the post-independence period, does not mention the civil war or the events that led up to it. While the textbook valourises ‘Sinhala Only’ as an anti-colonial policy (p.11), the material covering the period thereafter fails to mention the anti-Tamil riots, rise of rebel groups, escalation of civil war, and JVP insurrections. The words “Tamil” and “Muslim” appear most frequently in the chapter, ‘National Renaissance,’ which cursorily mentions “Sinhalese-Muslim riots” vis-à-vis the Temperance Movement (p.57). The disenfranchisement of the Malaiyaha Tamils and their history are completely left out.
Given the horrifying experiences of war and exclusion experienced by many of our peoples since independence, and because most students still learn in mono-ethnic schools having little interaction with the ‘Other’, it is not surprising that our undergraduates find it difficult to mix across language and ethnic communities. This environment also creates fertile ground for polarizing discourses that further divide and segregate students once they enter university.
More of the same?
How does Transforming General Education seek to address these problems? The introduction begins on a positive note: “The proposed reforms will create citizens with a critical consciousness who will respect and appreciate the diversity they see around them, along the lines of ethnicity, religion, gender, disability, and other areas of difference” (p.1). Although National Education Goal no. 8 somewhat problematically aims to “Develop a patriotic Sri Lankan citizen fostering national cohesion, national integrity, and national unity while respecting cultural diversity (p. 2), the curriculum reforms aim to embed values of “equity, inclusivity, and social justice” (p. 9) through education. Such buzzwords appear through the introduction, but are not reflected in the reforms.
Learning SNL is promoted under Language and Literacy (Learning Area no. 1) as “a critical means of reconciliation and co-existence”, but the number of hours assigned to SNL are minimal. For instance, at primary level (Grades 1 to 5), only 0.3 to 1 hour is allocated to SNL per week. Meanwhile, at junior secondary level (Grades 6 to 9), out of 35 credits (30 credits across 15 essential subjects that include SNL, history and civics; 3 credits of further learning modules; and 2 credits of transversal skills modules (p. 13, pp.18-19), SNL receives 1 credit (10 hours) per term. Like other essential subjects, SNL is to be assessed through formative and summative assessments within modules. As details of the Grade 9 skills assessment are not provided in the document, it is unclear whether SNL assessments will be included in the ‘Literacy and numeracy test’. At senior secondary level – phase 1 (Grades 10-11 – O/L equivalent), SNL is listed as an elective.
Refreshingly, the policy document does acknowledge the detrimental effects of funding cuts in the humanities and social sciences, and highlights their importance for creating knowledge that could help to “eradicate socioeconomic divisions and inequalities” (p.5-6). It goes on to point to the salience of the Humanities and Social Sciences Education under Learning Area no. 6 (p.12):
“Humanities and Social Sciences education is vital for students to develop as well as critique various forms of identities so that they have an awareness of their role in their immediate communities and nation. Such awareness will allow them to contribute towards the strengthening of democracy and intercommunal dialogue, which is necessary for peace and reconciliation. Furthermore, a strong grounding in the Humanities and Social Sciences will lead to equity and social justice concerning caste, disability, gender, and other features of social stratification.”
Sadly, the seemingly progressive philosophy guiding has not moulded the new curriculum. Subjects that could potentially address social/ethnic cohesion, such as environmental studies, history and civics, are not listed as learning areas at the primary level. History is allocated 20 hours (2 credits) across four years at junior secondary level (Grades 6 to 9), while only 10 hours (1 credit) are allocated to civics. Meanwhile, at the O/L, students will learn 5 compulsory subjects (Mother Tongue, English, Mathematics, Science, and Religion and Value Education), and 2 electives—SNL, history and civics are bunched together with the likes of entrepreneurship here. Unlike the compulsory subjects, which are allocated 140 hours (14 credits or 70 hours each) across two years, those who opt for history or civics as electives would only have 20 hours (2 credits) of learning in each. A further 14 credits per term are for further learning modules, which will allow students to explore their interests before committing to a A/L stream or career path.
With the distribution of credits across a large number of subjects, and the few credits available for SNL, history and civics, social/ethnic cohesion will likely remain on the back burner. It appears to be neglected at primary level, is dealt sparingly at junior secondary level, and relegated to electives in senior years. This means that students will be able to progress through their entire school years, like we did, with very basic competencies in SNL and little understanding of history.
Going forward
Whether the students who experience this curriculum will be able to “resist and respond to hegemonic, divisive forces that pose a threat to social harmony and multicultural coexistence” (p.9) as anticipated in the policy, is questionable. Education policymakers and others must call for more attention to social and ethnic cohesion in the curriculum. However, changes to the curriculum would only be meaningful if accompanied by constitutional reform, abolition of policies, such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act (and its proxies), and other political changes.
For now, our school system remains divided by ethnicity and religion. Research from conflict-ridden societies suggests that lack of intercultural exposure in mono-ethnic schools leads to ignorance, prejudice, and polarized positions on politics and national identity. While such problems must be addressed in broader education reform efforts that also safeguard minority identities, the new curriculum revision presents an opportune moment to move this agenda forward.
(Ramya Kumar is attached to the Department of Community and Family Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Jaffna).
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
by Ramya Kumar
Certain songs become ever-present every December, and with Christmas just two days away, I thought of highlighting the Top 10 Most Popular Festive Songs.
The famous festive songs usually feature timeless classics like ‘White Christmas,’ ‘Silent Night,’ and ‘Jingle Bells,’ alongside modern staples like Mariah Carey’s ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You,’ Wham’s ‘Last Christmas,’ and Brenda Lee’s ‘Rockin’ Around the Christmas Tree.’
The following renowned Christmas songs are celebrated for their lasting impact and festive spirit:
* ‘White Christmas’ — Bing Crosby
The most famous holiday song ever recorded, with estimated worldwide sales exceeding 50 million copies. It remains the best-selling single of all time.
* ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You’ — Mariah Carey
A modern anthem that dominates global charts every December. As of late 2025, it holds an 18x Platinum certification in the US and is often ranked as the No. 1 popular holiday track.
Mariah Carey: ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You’
* ‘Silent Night’ — Traditional
Widely considered the quintessential Christmas carol, it is valued for its peaceful melody and has been recorded by hundreds of artistes, most famously by Bing Crosby.
* ‘Jingle Bells’ — Traditional
One of the most universally recognised and widely sung songs globally, making it a staple for children and festive gatherings.
* ‘Rockin’ Around the Christmas Tree’ — Brenda Lee
Recorded when Lee was just 13, this rock ‘n’ roll favourite has seen a massive resurgence in the 2020s, often rivaling Mariah Carey for the top spot on the Billboard Hot 100.
* ‘Last Christmas’ — Wham!
A bittersweet ’80s pop classic that has spent decades in the top 10 during the holiday season. It recently achieved 7x Platinum status in the UK.
* ‘Jingle Bell Rock’ — Bobby Helms
A festive rockabilly standard released in 1957 that remains a staple of holiday radio and playlists.
* ‘The Christmas Song (Chestnuts Roasting on an Open Fire)’— Nat King Cole
Known for its smooth, warm vocals, this track is frequently cited as the ultimate Christmas jazz standard.
Wham! ‘Last Christmas’
* ‘It’s the Most Wonderful Time of the Year’ — Andy Williams
Released in 1963, this high-energy big band track is famous for capturing the “hectic merriment” of the season.
* ‘Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer’ — Gene Autry
A beloved narrative song that has sold approximately 25 million copies worldwide, cementing the character’s place in Christmas folklore.
Other perennial favourites often in the mix:
* ‘Feliz Navidad’ – José Feliciano
* ‘A Holly Jolly Christmas’ – Burl Ives
* ‘Let It Snow! Let It Snow! Let It Snow!’ – Frank Sinatra
Let me also add that this Thursday’s ‘SceneAround’ feature (25th December) will be a Christmas edition, highlighting special Christmas and New Year messages put together by well-known personalities for readers of The Island.
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