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Remembering Gamini Dissanayake on his 83rd birth anniversary – March 20, 2025

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Gamini Dissanayake

By Vijaya Chandrasoma

As we approach the 83rd birth anniversary of Gamini Dissanayake, which falls next Thursday, my mind goes back to the days I used to work for him at the Mahaweli Authority, some 40 years ago. Memories of a wonderful human being and a visionary leader who would have made the world of a difference to the fortunes of our beautiful island, had he not been assassinated during a political rally in October 1994.

His assassination came two weeks before the presidential election in October. Dissanayake was the candidate of the United National Party, which had been defeated by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in the parliamentary elections held in August of that year. He had taken over the leadership of the UNP from former UNP Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe for reasons too obvious to mention here.

The UNP presidential campaign collapsed after Dissanayake’s assassination and Chandrika Bandaranaike defeated the reluctant, most unlikely UNP candidate, Gamini’s wife, Mrs. Srima Dissanayake, a charming lady and a brilliant attorney, but a terrible politician, by a landslide. The rest, as they say, is history.

The fortunes of Sri Lanka fell to the evil machinations of the Rajapakse dynasty, Mahinda, Gotabaya, Namal, Ranil, Chamal et al, who, while bringing about a brutal peace in 2009, reduced the economy of the country to extreme poverty by extreme corruption.

In my opinion, Gamini, had he been alive to win the presidency, would have provided the hope for economic and social development in Sri Lanka that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake presents today. Same last name, similar hopes, nearly three decades too late.

I started this essay only to write about some of the many memories I share with Gamini Dissanayake, first as a friend in the 1960s, then as the junior to Neville Samarakoon, Q.C., later Chief Justice, who provided legal representation for the company I was working for, on a damages case in Badulla in the 1970s; finally, as my boss at the Mahaweli Ministry. He employed me as a “catcher”, as political appointees are contemptuously called, and gave me a chance to make something of a life that I had been assiduously screwing up until then.

I don’t remember how, when and where I met Gamini. He was a year younger than I was. We went to different schools, and we had vastly different interests. He was very much involved in serving the people, while my entire life has been devoted to serving myself. But my ex-wife and I felt that we had always been friends with Gamini and Srima.

I got to know Gamini better during the trips Mr. Samarakoon, Gamini and I spent an evening together at the Bandarawela Hotel, for the aforementioned damages case in Badulla. A few evenings of delightful conversation with two of the smartest men I have met, until the case was settled.

After this, our meetings were sporadic till the UNP won the election in 1977, when I went to his home to congratulate him on his triumph. He was his usual ebullient self, and asked me why I don’t come and see him more often. My answer was that I didn’t feel comfortable in the company of “big shots”; but we were both comfortable in the friendship we shared.

Then in 1985, Gamini met my ex-wife at a St. Bridget’s Convent event. He inquired after me and asked her what I was doing. Seeing that she was too embarrassed to answer that I was playing the horses and doing not much else, he said, “tell him to come and see me”.

Which I did, and he offered me a job in the Mahaweli Program, as an aforementioned catcher, with the lofty title, “Project Manager, Kotmale Project”, a title that sounded good but meant little. My main function was to liaise with tea planters, most of whom were friends, and communicate any complaints they had to the Ministry. The job was not an absolute sinecure. Tea estates were visited, complaints noted, reports filed. But it also involved spending many wonderful evenings with planter friends in their homes or at those beautiful up-country clubs, with quaint English names like Dickson’s Corner.

As time passed, we realized that we had a lot in common, both in our liberal political views and our abiding love of the English language. When he saw that I had above-average skills in written English, he promoted me to an even loftier position as Director, Mahaweli Center, in Green Park, Colombo.

My main function was to run the Mahaweli Center, the publicity arm of the Authority. I also used to accompany the Minister when he visited the Mahaweli settlements and his electorate in the Central Province. The latter trips were made usually by helicopter, and we spent a night or two together in luxurious government residences in Nuwara Eliya or the cottages built for Swedish Skanska personnel in Kotmale, equipped with helipad, clubhouse, swimming pool, squash and tennis courts.

I made notes of the speeches he made at these various political and social events, and delivered edited copies to the Colombo newspapers. The Minister had total confidence in me that the edited versions of his speeches would be faithful to his actual words and convictions.

One event that sticks in my mind is the night I accompanied Minister Dissanayake for the Dudley Senanayake Memorial Oration at the BMICH in 1987, where British Liberal Party leader in the 1970s, David Steele and Minister Dissanayake were scheduled as the Keynote Speakers. At the end of the event, the minister was chatting with Mr. Steele, and insisted that he spend the following day with him at his electorate in Nuwara Eliya. Mr. Steele gratefully accepted the invitation. On the way home, he asked me to make the necessary arrangements, book the helicopter and inform his people in Nuwara Eliya to take good care of him. As he dropped me at home, he said (and I must confess I saw this coming), “Vicky, I am not feeling too well, you take him, okay.”

I picked Mr. Steele up from his hotel in the morning, and we took the helicopter from the Air Force base in Colombo. Unfortunately, the pilot was unable to make it through Ramboda Pass because of heavy mist (this was in 1987), and we were compelled to turn back. We stopped for lunch at the Kotmale dam site and returned to Colombo. It was a wonderful day for me, chatting with a British political leader whom I had greatly admired.

The most memorable trip I had with the Minister was in October 1987. I dropped in, as was my wont, at his Alfred House Gardens home, after work. The Minister was involved in a lively discussion with his senior advisers about the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord that had been signed between the two nations on July 29, 1987.

The discussion was continuing when I decided to call it a day. I was on my way home, when I decided to stop for a drink and play a little Blackjack at my favorite casino in Kollupitiya. That evening was a rare event for me, in that I had an amazing winning streak right from the get-go; after a mere 30 minutes, I had won far more than I expected. I was also tired after a day’s work, so decided, for a change, to quit while I was ahead, and go home.

When I got home, I was told that Minister Dissanayake had been phoning me, asking me to contact his office as a matter of urgency. The urgent matter being that I had been included in a Sri Lankan delegation to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Vancouver, under the leadership of Minister Dissanayake; that I should hand over my passport to his secretary immediately, to get a visa to Canada. We were scheduled to leave for Vancouver the following morning! The karmic merit I had earned of leaving the casino and rushing back to the bosom of my loving, if surprised, family had paid immediate dividends.

The Sri Lankan delegation to the CHOGM was led by Foreign Minister, A.C.S. Hameed. Minister Dissanayake was the Special Representative of the President, with the responsibility of seeking the assistance of heads of government, like the host, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and other Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth of Nations, including Margaret Thatcher, Lee Kwan Yew, David Lange, to name a few, to persuade Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to instruct the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to implement the terms of the Indo Sri Lankan Peace Accord, which he had signed in Colombo in July. Which the Indian Peace Keeping Force had been neglecting over the past three months, colluding instead in helping the Tigers to eliminate other, smaller Tamil groups.

The delegations of the member Commonwealth nations had given us the questions their leaders were prepared to answer during their TV interviews. President Jayawardena’s Secretary and I tailored the questions accordingly for the Rupavahini interviewers. PM Lee Kwan Yew was especially supportive, and did not restrict us in any way. But I do remember the Iron Lady, Margaret Thatcher, specified that she would answer one question, and one question only – whether she approves of the Indo Sri Lanka Peace Accord.

Then came the bombshell – for me. Minister Dissanayake, who always had a wry sense of humor, decided that I should interview PM Lee Kwan Yew, on TV! I was dumbstruck. I have a mortal fear of speaking before an audience – I believe the phobia is called stage fright. My imploring objections were summarily dismissed, with that charming and amused smile. I was scheduled to interview the Great Man the following day. I had a dismal night, even contemplating suicide, and had to rush the following morning to buy a decent suit.

I am getting ahead of myself. I had the great good fortune to be in the same room while Sri Lankan TV interviewed world leaders, a highlight of my life. Everything seemed to be going smoothly, until it was the Iron Lady’s turn. She walked into the room with a commanding presence, followed at a respectful distance by her formidable bodyguard. I was in the presence of a lady I was immediately in awe, even fearful, of. A fear that most men reserve only for their wives.

Then came my moment of doom, the interview with PM Lee Kwan Yew, a leader I had always admired, though from a great distance. I had never imagined that I would have the honor of shaking his hand and sitting next to him. While the TV crew were doing their preparatory work, my interviewee saw that I was agitated, pretty obvious because I was sweating profusely. I managed to stutter to him, “please forgive me, sir, I have never interviewed anyone before in my life.” He smiled, put me completely at my ease, and after my first question, took over the interview. A most impressive and persuasive performance in support of the Sri Lankan position; and, more importantly to me, one that saved me from making an absolute ass of myself before a worldwide TV audience.

Minister Dissanayake had an annoying habit of waking up, fresh as a daisy, at four o’clock in the morning, and assuming that us mere mortals were equally self-disciplined. In Colombo, he used to call me at such unearthly hours, saying that he was picking me up in a few minutes for an early morning walk on Galle Face Green. In Vancouver, I had to suffer similar telephone calls at those early hours, waking me up and summoning me to his hotel suite to discuss the programme for the following day.

We had quite a lot of free time during the Conference, especially in the evenings. Many of us visited Vancouver’s watering holes to indulge in our favorite pastime. I was pleasantly amazed that just about every tavern in Vancouver had an attraction I had never come across in other parts of the world, a beautiful young lady who shed her clothes in three enticing stages, details of which I will leave to your imagination. Suffice to say that my favorite Scotch tasted maltier. But marital fidelity prevented me from occupying the seats directly below the stage, appropriately named the Gynecologist’s Row.

Our Vancouver mission was a complete success. The IPKF began their offensive against the Tigers within a month of our return from Vancouver. An offensive which led to the two darkest decades of violence and tragedy in Sri Lanka’s history. Which also led to the tragedy of Gamini Dissanayake’s assassination.

There are many more memories I shared with a man who was a true leader of our country, but I have already occupied too much space.

I was in the US at the time of his assassination. Just as many Americans never forget where they were when Kennedy was shot, I will never forget two such moments in my life. One, when my father came home one night in 1948, with the news that “they had shot Gandhi”, a lifelong hero; and two, the moment my then-wife called me from our home in Los Angeles in October, 1994, with tears in her voice, that Gamini had been killed.

I lost a friend that day, the best boss I could have ever dreamed of working for, and the man who gave me an opportunity to salvage a semblance of self-respect.



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The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics

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Zahran and other bombers

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

by Jehan Perera

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China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy The Global Times

The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.

Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.

On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.

This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.

Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.

Implications for Global Trade

This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.

This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.

Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.

Implications for Sri Lanka

China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.

The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.

Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!

(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Daughter in the spotlight …

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Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!

The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.

Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”

Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.

‘Nidahase’,

says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.

In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.

Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.

The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo

Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.

“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.

“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.

Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.

She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.

And this makes interesting reading:

“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”

Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.

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