Features
Ranil is running out of time and tricks, now it’s time the people had their say
by Rajan Philips
The first part of the title needs no elaboration. The second part is an unfolding question that has many answers to it, and which one of them will eventually prevail also depends on multiple factors. Objective circumstances, agency roles and subjective leadership moves are all at play. The simplest way to exit in politics is to resign. No amendment, no majority, or no referendum is needed.
The last President, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, unwittingly established a new precedent in Sri Lankan politics when he resigned from office after running away from it. All that said, Sri Lankans could also be thankful to Mr. Rajapaksa for leaving the way he did, unlike say Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel whose belligerence has created the most explosive situation for the region and the world in the 21st century.
No one is expecting President Wickremesinghe to resign before his carryover term from his predecessor is over. But there are plenty of speculations and suspicions about Mr. Wickremesinghe’s political intentions and the tricks that he might play to extend his stay in power. When it comes to elections, no matter what elections, no one has a clue about what the President is going to do. The truth is even the President may not be knowing what he is going to do, because he is constantly looking for winning conditions for him to call an election.
The tricks he plays!
For Ranil Wickremesinghe, winning conditions are hard to come by. Absolute power has come to him late in life, but there is no assurance of winning an election in spite of his powers and even after such a long time in politics. The alternative to not winning an election is not to have an election. Or keep changing election timing to improve winning chances. President Wickremesinghe has been trying everything. And he has everyone else chasing whatever election rabbit he pulls out of his scheming cap.
He cancelled the local government elections without saying anything about it, while letting everyone else agitate over it. He floated the idea about provincial council elections to keep everyone guessing. He got his sidekicks to spread rumours about advancing the presidential election even though as an interim president he is not entitled to do so.
Then came suggestions that he might try to advance the timing through a constitutional amendment. That was a dead end move because there was never going to be two-thirds majority support for it in parliament, where the opposition parties have been clamouring for parliamentary elections to be held after local government elections.
The one power that the President now has is to dissolve parliament and have new parliamentary elections. Mr. Wickremesinghe will not do that because he cannot put together a winning coalition, and the MPs who are supporting him in parliament now are scared to face an election. So, he opens a new window for distraction – electoral reforms, which have now taken a life of their own with the gazetted appointment of a Presidential Commission that is tasked to complete its work before April, unwittingly, but also fittingly for April Fools day, 2024!
In between came suggestions for abolishing the presidency, because the President is said to have figured out that he is not likely to get more than 50% votes on the first count, and he is not going to be high in the second or third preferences of those who are not going to vote for him in the first place. Put another way, Ranil Wickremesinghe is not the first, second or third best presidential candidate to a majority of Sri Lankan voters. That seems to be the assessment of all the president’s men. Hence the move to abolish it, as the last resort.
Mr. Wickremesinghe has played the abolition card before – in the dying days of the yahapalana government, when he suggested abolition after the UNP decided on Sajith Premadasa as its presidential candidate for the November 2019 presidential election. It became a laughing proposition then. Even Mangala Samaraweera laughed out loud.
This time, Anura Kumara Dissanayake has made a brilliant counter proposition that a constitutional amendment to abolish the ‘executive presidency’ should be coupled with the dissolution of parliament leading to a new general election.
The election itself could be coupled with a referendum on abolishing the executive presidency. To be clear, abolishing the executive presidency means only removing the elected presidency and reducing its powers to those appropriate for a head of state in a parliamentary democracy. To be clear as well, such a reform of the presidency should not require a referendum, as argued expertly by Dr. Nihal Jayawickrama in the Sunday Island last week.
Even so, there will be no harm in piggybacking a referendum question on presidential reform during a parliamentary election. A clear referendum result will put an end to a very longstanding question. In any event, the abolition kite never took off, let alone flew.
Finally, the nation, or nations, heard from the horse’s mouth that there will be elections, that is the presidential and parliamentary elections as and when they are due. Addressing the Special General Convention of the United National Party at the Sugathadasa Indoor Stadium in Colombo, last Saturday (October 21), President Wickremesinghe reportedly “outlined the timeline for upcoming elections in line with the constitutional provisions” – presidential election in 2024, followed by parliamentary elections, and local government elections in the first half of 2025. One would think that the President was not merely repeating the constitutional timeline for presidential and parliamentary elections which most people know, and that he was implicitly confirming that the two elections will be held as they come due.
Many are understandably skeptical and unsure if the President is being sincere or whether he is pulling another fast one. Like how he shooed away the local government elections. The sudden appointment of a new, nine-member commission on election reforms headed by former Chief Justice Priyasath Dep, certainly reinforces people’s skepticism about the President’s sincerity.
The specific tasking of the commission to make study the potential for enabling concurrent representation in both the parliament and the provincial councils is yet another example of Mr. Wickremesinghe’s presidential panache for making seemingly innovative, but which are in fact nonsensical suggestions. This might be the reason why there seems to have been no mention of provincial council elections at the UNP convention. There may not be any mention of them at all until we find out if the President is serious about enabling elected representatives to be concurrent members of both the parliament and the provincial councils.
Smart Dekma
Let us look at it another way. The theme of the UNP convention was “Smart Country – 2048.” One would have thought that country has seen the last of such cliches after the sensational collapse of Gota’s “Saubhagyaye Dekma” nonsense. Now we have the new Ranil version – Smart Country 2048, in pure English. Thankfully, it is not being splashed across the country as the Gota prototype was.
That is also because the UNP now is mostly a one-man state show. It does not have the prop up of 6.9 million who voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa or 5.5 million who voted for Sajith Premadasa. Put another way, Smart Country has little chance of blossoming into a winning national platform.
My point here is something else. 2048 is the President’s target year for Sri Lanka reaching economic self-reliance and take off. With all the focus on the digital, the take off could turn out to be a virtual one. To make this a real one many concrete steps and short flights will have to be taken for the next 25 years starting from now. But we haven’t heard anything by way of a concrete plan or program from the President. Nor has the President demonstrated that he is assembling a political team that is worthy of the grand economic project that he claims he is launching.
There is nothing transparent about the team the President might be having outside parliament. And everything is transparent about the team of MPs that he has in parliament – their corruption, incompetence and their becoming increasing unelectable. The President has not articulated anything about whether the current political system and the institutional machinery are adequate for the grand purpose of delivering economic liberation by 2048.
Nor has there been any hint of what might come after him, for after all he is not expecting to be around till the day of deliverance in 2048. All that the country has had from him, politically speaking, is one trick after another to scupper one election or another. The last of them is the President’s recitation of the election timeline at the UNP convention.
So, it is understandable that there are criticisms and concerns that the President is pulling another fast one on the people. And the political counter to the President’s manoeuvres and machinations has already started. The time for fast ones is over, and there should not be any more postponement of elections. The President’s manoeuvres are likely to be countered both within parliament and outside parliament.
The opposition parties could request the Election Commission to make early announcement of election timelines – voter registration, nominations, and polling date, to keep the pressure on the President not to cancel or postpone the presidential election or the parliamentary election. The forthcoming budget process and debate could be used to ensure that sufficient funds are allocated for the two elections, and to get repeated commitments from the President that there will be no budgetary excuses to cancel or postpone either the two national elections.
Next to resigning or retiring, the most straightforward exit from power is electoral defeat. Ultimately the people will decide if President Wickremesinghe deserves to stay in office beyond the five year term for which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was elected in November 2019. Mr. Wickremesinghe’s best argument for the people’s vote is that he has managed to restore economic stability from the chaos that was handed to him. But the stability that he is now presiding over is tenuous at best and will not be sustainable when the country starts repaying its debts.
He may have deserved an extended stay in power to look after the economy if he had just done that – look after the economy without playing tricks with elections. Instead, President Wickremesinghe has been using and abusing the power of his office either to avoid facing the electoral test or to bolster his electoral prospects. Now it is time the people got their turn to exercise the power of their vote to say who shall be the next President or who will form the next government.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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