Features
Ranasinghe Premadasa :Triumphs and Turmoil
This article marks Ranasinghe Premadasa’s 100th birth anniversary, reflecting on his impactful legacy as a leader of Sri Lanka.
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
A month before the shameful ethnic riot broke out in Colombo in June 1983, a top-secret intelligence assessment was sent from the Near East South Asia office of the Central Intelligence Agency to Washington. The assessment made a few key judgments: ‘President J. R. Jayewardene’s United National Party (UNP) government will continue to dominate Sri Lanka until at least 1989.’ The results of the October presidential election and the December referendum to extend the life of the current UNP-controlled Parliament for six years were seen as a personal triumph for the healthy 76-year-old President and a strong vote of confidence in his leadership and Western-style, free enterprise economic policies. The fresh mandate provided Jayewardene an opportunity to complete Sri Lanka’s transition to a high-growth, free-market economy with several ambitious development projects aimed at self-sustained growth.
However, the paper (Sri Lanka: Jayewardene’s approach to Democracy and Free Enterprise declassified by the CIA) further assessed that economic growth brought thorny problems. The government borrowed heavily to pay for development that would not yield dividends for several years. The UNP’s most urgent priority was to curb massive deficits in the national budget, which accounted for an unusually high percentage of gross domestic product. The country faced growing strains in its balance of payments, and overall economic stability was a concern. Jayewardene’s re-election implied that Sri Lanka would continue playing a moderate and constructive role in world forums, maintaining a pro-Western orientation while seeking to promote investment opportunities. The UNP’s dominance and the weakness of traditional opposition parties enhanced political stability but also risked corruption and indifference within the party ranks.
Communal disharmony was the most serious potential threat to Sri Lankan stability. Despite Jayewardene’s commitment to fostering better relations between the Sinhalese majority and Tamil minority, powerful UNP members were less conciliatory, and Tamil dissidents were likely to launch sporadic terrorist attacks. This situation was expected to worsen if Tamil agitation for a separate state flared into widespread bloody confrontation. A significant concern was the impact on democratic practices and communal relations once Jayewardene left power, particularly if a less committed democrat inherited the presidency, the paper observed.
What is most interesting is that this paper described the personalities of key political leaders in the country, including JRJ’s successor. The CIA paper assessed the succession issue, stating, “Although we believe that Jayewardene enjoys good health, his advanced age increases the possibility that he will die during his six-year term. Under the 1978 constitution, the Prime Minister, Ranasinghe Premadasa, would become Acting President until parliament chose a successor from among its members. As the undisputed leader of the UNP’s Parliamentary contingent, we believe Premadasa would be the most likely candidate to be chosen to fill out Jayewardene’s term. In this event, we would expect him to continue the UNP’s free market, development-oriented policies.”
“Premadasa, 58, sees himself as Jayewardene’s heir apparent. Highly popular, capable, and hardworking, he displays a common touch that Jayewardene lacks and has proved himself a major vote-getter for the party. According to Embassy reporting, Jayewardene holds Premadasa’s political skills in high regard, depends on the Prime Minister, and works closely with him.”
“Ironically, Premadasa’s low-caste origins, which have undoubtedly added to his popular standing, could derail his succession to the presidency. Sri Lanka has been governed since independence predominantly by members of the goigama (cultivator) caste, the highest in status and numerically the largest. Premadasa is the only major political figure on the current scene who is of significantly lower caste, and Embassy reporting indicates that some elements in the UNP are anxious to prevent his succession. We believe recent suggestions that the constitution be amended to provide for an office of vice president reflect an attempt to thwart Premadasa’s candidacy by appointing a suitably high-caste vice president who would then automatically succeed Jayewardene.”
“The UNP has thus far displayed none of the debilitating infighting that has plagued Sri Lanka’s other major parties. Although presidential hopefuls are looking around for support, we see little prospect of any dramatic power plays as long as Jayewardene remains healthy.”
However, R Premadasa, the man who ruled Sri Lanka after JRJ, showing ample qualities of a statesman, ended his life on the street. He was killed by a suicide bomber identified as Kulaveerasingam Veerakumar (alias ‘Babu’) of the LTTE, an armed group initially financed and trained by India. Unfortunately, it is questions that torn the political fabric, as the political dynamics resembled a vicious battle. Premadasa’s routine on the day of his death exemplified his dedication. Rising early at 4 am, he began with yoga and perused the newspapers by 5:15 am. Intent on addressing the ruling United National Party’s rally at Colombo’s Galle Face Green, he instructed his public relations officer to gather facts highlighting his presidency’s achievements since 1988.
Later that morning, at 11:30 am, Premadasa inspected the procession he would lead from Sugathadasa Sports Stadium to the rally. Despite security warnings about Tamil Tiger threats, he personally supervised the preparations, engaging with supporters along the route. Tragedy struck when a young man approached, concealing a bomb. The assassin was cleared through the security cordon by his valet, an LTTE plant in his household, and permitted entry to the inner circle. The explosion occurred, killing Premadasa and several others instantly, marking the end of a turbulent era in Sri Lanka’s history.
Premadasa’s rise from humble beginnings in Keselwatte, a poor neighbourhood in Colombo, to the presidency epitomized his ambition and resilience. Despite his flaws, he remained deeply connected to his roots, yet his presidency was marred by controversies and violence that shaped Sri Lanka’s future trajectory. His death, mourned by some and celebrated by others, closed a chapter in Sri Lankan history defined by both progress and profound challenges.
His abbreviated leadership prompted many studies. Josine van der Horst’s book explores the intricate connections between Buddhism and political power during R. Premadasa’s presidency in Sri Lanka. It scrutinizes the aftermath of Premadasa’s assassination, offering insights from informants who discussed the event’s unusual circumstances and broader implications. Meanwhile, Rajan Hoole’s critical examination in “The Arrogance of Power” challenges the official narrative attributing Premadasa’s assassination solely to the LTTE. Highlighting discrepancies in the investigation process and allegations of collusion within Premadasa’s security detail, Hoole suggests alternative theories that cast doubt on the LTTE’s singular culpability.
Bradman Weerakoon’s perspective in “Rendering Unto Caesar” provides a detailed account of the immediate aftermath and subsequent inquiries into Premadasa’s death. Weerakoon, a close associate of Premadasa, acknowledges public perceptions of LTTE involvement but questions the thoroughness of the investigation and the broader political context. He discusses intertwined narratives surrounding Premadasa and Lalith Athulathmudali’s deaths, noting unresolved political tensions and conspiracy theories that have persisted without a comprehensive independent inquiry.
Writing a preface to the Premadasa Philosophy, Ranil Wickremasinghe, then the Prime Minister, noted, “Ranasinghe Premadasa was extraordinary in several senses. He was extraordinary in the magnitude of the social obstacles he faced and triumphed over. He was extraordinary in the extent of the creative constructive work he was able to do, positively changing the everyday life of large numbers of people. He was also extraordinary in the range and richness of his thinking. It is this last aspect which is brought out in sharp relief in this slender anthology of his thoughts. The range, depth, originality, creativity and sharpness of his ideas easily mark him out as a major political, social, and economic thinker, a major conceptual thinker, by any contemporary standard. Here then was the philosopher-politician, the profundity of whose thought is only matched by the sincerity of his compassion for people.”
Premadasa was a diligent reader, and he endeavoured to represent developing nations against extortion by wealthy countries. “However far, however close, or however powerful any nation may be, it has no right to aspire to control another nation,” Premadasa said. “It is these same imperatives, sanctity of territorial sovereignty and integrity, which lead the government and the people of Sri Lanka to condemn interference by major powers in the affairs of smaller states. Whether this interference is in Central Asia, Central America, or the Caribbean, it is unjustified. The existence of governments or the assumption of office by governments which are disliked by their neighbours, is no excuse for overt or covert intervention. External invasion, subversion, or destabilization is the theft of decision making from citizens of the nation. We in the Non-Aligned Movement may only be able to resist these intrusions with words. But let the words ring loud and clear – interference is wrong; interference is unprincipled; interference must stop,” he said at the 8th Non-Aligned Conference in Harare, Zimbabwe, in 1986.
Premadasa’s tenure was defined by significant economic reforms aimed at privatizing state enterprises and attracting foreign investment, alongside populist measures to alleviate rural poverty. However, his methods faced criticism for their ruthless suppression of dissent, including crackdowns on the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna rebels and alleged involvement in political assassinations. Despite efforts to engage with Tamil separatists like the LTTE through dialogue and military pressure, suspicions persisted regarding his handling of internal conflicts. His administration also struggled with heightened external interference in Sri Lanka’s affairs, worsening internal crises. Despite these challenges, Premadasa made concerted efforts to uplift the country from poverty and achieve substantial economic transformation. Regrettably, Sri Lanka seems not to have fully absorbed the lessons from its past leaders’ legacies, as political instability and external interference continue to afflict the nation.
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result for this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
Features
Egg white scene …
Hi! Great to be back after my Christmas break.
Thought of starting this week with egg white.
Yes, eggs are brimming with nutrients beneficial for your overall health and wellness, but did you know that eggs, especially the whites, are excellent for your complexion?
OK, if you have no idea about how to use egg whites for your face, read on.
Egg White, Lemon, Honey:
Separate the yolk from the egg white and add about a teaspoon of freshly squeezed lemon juice and about one and a half teaspoons of organic honey. Whisk all the ingredients together until they are mixed well.
Apply this mixture to your face and allow it to rest for about 15 minutes before cleansing your face with a gentle face wash.
Don’t forget to apply your favourite moisturiser, after using this face mask, to help seal in all the goodness.
Egg White, Avocado:
In a clean mixing bowl, start by mashing the avocado, until it turns into a soft, lump-free paste, and then add the whites of one egg, a teaspoon of yoghurt and mix everything together until it looks like a creamy paste.
Apply this mixture all over your face and neck area, and leave it on for about 20 to 30 minutes before washing it off with cold water and a gentle face wash.
Egg White, Cucumber, Yoghurt:
In a bowl, add one egg white, one teaspoon each of yoghurt, fresh cucumber juice and organic honey. Mix all the ingredients together until it forms a thick paste.
Apply this paste all over your face and neck area and leave it on for at least 20 minutes and then gently rinse off this face mask with lukewarm water and immediately follow it up with a gentle and nourishing moisturiser.
Egg White, Aloe Vera, Castor Oil:
To the egg white, add about a teaspoon each of aloe vera gel and castor oil and then mix all the ingredients together and apply it all over your face and neck area in a thin, even layer.
Leave it on for about 20 minutes and wash it off with a gentle face wash and some cold water. Follow it up with your favourite moisturiser.
Features
Confusion cropping up with Ne-Yo in the spotlight
Superlatives galore were used, especially on social media, to highlight R&B singer Ne-Yo’s trip to Sri Lanka: Global superstar Ne-Yo to perform live in Colombo this December; Ne-Yo concert puts Sri Lanka back on the global entertainment map; A global music sensation is coming to Sri Lanka … and there were lots more!
At an official press conference, held at a five-star venue, in Colombo, it was indicated that the gathering marked a defining moment for Sri Lanka’s entertainment industry as international R&B powerhouse and three-time Grammy Award winner Ne-Yo prepares to take the stage in Colombo this December.
What’s more, the occasion was graced by the presence of Sunil Kumara Gamage, Minister of Sports & Youth Affairs of Sri Lanka, and Professor Ruwan Ranasinghe, Deputy Minister of Tourism, alongside distinguished dignitaries, sponsors, and members of the media.
According to reports, the concert had received the official endorsement of the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau, recognising it as a flagship initiative in developing the country’s concert economy by attracting fans, and media, from all over South Asia.
However, I had that strange feeling that this concert would not become a reality, keeping in mind what happened to Nick Carter’s Colombo concert – cancelled at the very last moment.
Carter issued a video message announcing he had to return to the USA due to “unforeseen circumstances” and a “family emergency”.
Though “unforeseen circumstances” was the official reason provided by Carter and the local organisers, there was speculation that low ticket sales may also have been a factor in the cancellation.
Well, “Unforeseen Circumstances” has cropped up again!
In a brief statement, via social media, the organisers of the Ne-Yo concert said the decision was taken due to “unforeseen circumstances and factors beyond their control.”
Ne-Yo, too, subsequently made an announcement, citing “Unforeseen circumstances.”
The public has a right to know what these “unforeseen circumstances” are, and who is to be blamed – the organisers or Ne-Yo!
Ne-Yo’s management certainly need to come out with the truth.
However, those who are aware of some of the happenings in the setup here put it down to poor ticket sales, mentioning that the tickets for the concert, and a meet-and-greet event, were exorbitantly high, considering that Ne-Yo is not a current mega star.
We also had a cancellation coming our way from Shah Rukh Khan, who was scheduled to visit Sri Lanka for the City of Dreams resort launch, and then this was received: “Unfortunately due to unforeseen personal reasons beyond his control, Mr. Khan is no longer able to attend.”
Referring to this kind of mess up, a leading showbiz personality said that it will only make people reluctant to buy their tickets, online.
“Tickets will go mostly at the gate and it will be very bad for the industry,” he added.
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