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Pulling back from the precipice: A Pathfinder perspective

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The way out of Sri Lanka’s most challenging external financing crisis is to negotiate an arrangement with the IMF and agree on a preemptive debt restructuring, Pathfinder Foundation has said in a media statement.

An IMF programme could include strengthening the government’s revenue base (widening the tax base and improving tax administration); improving the primary balance in the budget (revenue – (expenditure-interest payments)); proactive, data-driven and non-interventionist monetary policy; a flexible and realistic exchange rate policy to assist in building up external reserves; commercialisation of SOE operations, including full cost-recovery in the pricing of electricity and fuel, restructuring of the CEB and the CPC, the implementation of the Statements of Intent and addressing the losses being incurred by SriLankan Airlines, the Foundation said.

Pathfinder Foundation said that the Gross Official Reserves have declined to USD 1.6 bn as at end-November. Repayments over the subsequent 12 months amount to about USD 7 billion.

“The authorities have responded with import and capital controls as well as a fixed exchange rate based on moral suasion by the CBSL and rationing of foreign exchange by the commercial banks. This has resulted in a scarring of the economy which will inevitably have an adverse impact on growth, employment and incomes. Inflation is rising and is on the verge of reaching double digits and shortages constantly emerge of essential goods and services,” the Foundation said.

The Pathfinder statement in full: “The Road Map, presented by the CBSL, identified a number of potential sources of debt- and non-debt-creating inflows to fill the external financing gap. The securitisation of remittance flows has been added to the menu of options recently. However, to date there has been an alarming depletion of external reserves and an inexorable increase in the external financing gap.

“If the authorities have clear visibility of sufficient inflows to arrest the steady deterioration in the country’s external position, one can be hopeful of a turnaround to avoid the possibility of a debt default which would greatly amplify problems, such as rising inflation; pressure on exchange and interest rates; losses in the real value of incomes; decline in business confidence; and disruption to the supplies of basic goods and services. If the anticipated inflows are not forthcoming in sufficient quantities to fill the external financing gap, there will be no option but to turn to the IMF to avoid further scarring of the economy and creating greater shortages of essential goods and services.

“It is extremely unlikely that it would be possible to obtain IMF assistance without a debt rescheduling as the Fund does not support countries where the debt is considered unsustainable. Equally, it is not practical to reach agreement on debt restructuring without an IMF programme. So, the twin pillars of the way forward would need to be negotiating an arrangement with the IMF and agreement on a preemptive debt restructuring.

“Attempting to undertake stabilisation of the economy without the cushion of financing that can be mobilised through an IMF programme would be like performing on the high-trapeze without a safety-net. There needs to be a less painful blend of adjustment and financing. However, it must be highlighted that pain cannot be avoided. An IMF programme would impose significant burdens on the people. The main thrust of this article is that this pain would be less than the severe dislocation that is already being caused by squeezing the economy to make up for the dollar illiquidity. The conditionality attached to IMF programmes are intended to stabilise the economy (contain inflation and balance of payment pressure) and improve its creditworthiness.

“An IMF programme could include, inter alia, the following: strengthening the government’s revenue base (widening the tax base and improving tax administration); improving the primary balance in the budget (revenue – (expenditure-interest payments)); proactive, data-driven and non-interventionist monetary policy; a flexible and realistic exchange rate policy to assist in building up external reserves; commercialisation of SOE operations, including full cost-recovery in the pricing of electricity and fuel, restructuring of CEB and CPC, the implementation of the Statements of Intent and addressing the losses being incurred by SriLankan Airlines.

“An IMF Extended Fund Facility can provide balance of payment financing of up to USD 1 bn per year for three years. The amount made available would be calibrated according to the strength of the reforms undertaken. An IMF programme would also unlock direct budgetary support from the World Bank, Asian Development Bank and possibly a few bilateral donors (over and above their usual project loans). Both balance of payments and budgetary support are most urgently required for the twin deficit Sri Lankan economy. Based on indications in 2020, up to USD 2 bn in all can be mobilised through these sources, depending on the strength of the reforms undertaken. Engagement with the IMF will also transmit positive signals to both investors and creditors, both at home and abroad. It can also pave the way for an eventual upgrading of the sovereign rating, which would improve the prospect of attracting foreign investment and credits.

“The second pillar, preemptive restructuring, must also be pursued concurrently with negotiations with the IMF. Not only can this facilitate the obtaining of a Fund programme but it can also create some leeway to stabilise the economy and place it on a path of sustained growth. Debt restructuring can be achieved through: extending maturities; modifying coupon (interest) rates; and hair-cuts on the principal (write-downs). One or more of these modalities can be used to reach an agreement with creditors that places Sri Lanka’s debt servicing on a sustainable path. Ideally, about a 3-year window should be created where debt servicing is suspended. This can release a very substantial amount of scarce foreign exchange to finance imports. The impact on growth, employment and incomes would be materially positive. In considering debt restructuring, it is important to realise that the most significant usual downside is a loss of access to international capital markets. In Sri Lanka’s case, this has already happened with the downgrading of the sovereign rating. So, the most important disadvantage is no longer a factor. Another concern relates to the impact on domestic holders of USD denominated sovereign debt, mainly banks. A mitigating factor is that a significant share of these holdings have been bought at a discount from the secondary markets. In other countries, Central Banks have exercised regulatory forbearance to assist financial institutions which have required such support to repair their balance sheets.

“It must, however, be recognised that it could take 4-6 months to negotiate an IMF programme and a preemptive debt restructuring agreement. The present trends in external reserves on the one hand and net drains on foreign currency on the other indicate that bridging finance is required to meet obligations over the next 6 months to avoid a debt default. The package of assistance offered by India is an encouraging start and needs to be finalised as soon as possible. It has to be supplemented by financing from other friendly countries, like Japan. There is scope for India and Japan to work together to support Sri Lanka at this critical juncture. Their willingness to step forward is likely to be greater, if it is known that Sri Lanka has taken a decision to approach the IMF. While our development partners will be wary of having to make an open-ended commitment, they are likely to find bridging finance more palatable.

Time has almost run out. Urgent, focused and pragmatic attention to these pressing issues is of paramount importance. An IMF programme can be at the heart of a medium-term strategy to overcome the current challenges and give Sri Lankans greater hope about the future prospects of the economy.”



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CIABOC tells court Kapila gave Rs 60 mn to MR and Rs. 20 mn to Priyankara

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USD 2.3 billion Airbus deal

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) yesterday told the Colombo Magistrate’s Court that former SriLankan Airlines CEO Kapila Chandrasena had admitted delivering a total of Rs. 60 million in three instalments of Rs. 20 million each to the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and Rs. 20 million to Aviation Minister Priyankara Jayaratne. The funds were allegedly linked to the controversial Airbus aircraft deal.

Chandrasena, who was arrested on March 12 over bribery allegations connected to the deal, was further remanded until April 2 by Colombo Chief Magistrate Asanga S. Bodaragama. He was produced before court yesterday by prison officials.

Investigators say Chandrasena is accused of accepting a US$2 million bribe in the transaction and conspiring to secure a total of US$16 million. They also allege that €1.45 million was transferred to a bank account in Singapore.

Prosecutors told court that Chandrasena had created a shell company in Brunei in his wife’s name to channel the kickbacks into its Singapore account.

The case stems from a 2013 agreement in which SriLankan Airlines purchased 10 aircraft valued at US$2.3 billion. Court proceedings are ongoing.The court fixed the date for March 24 to consider evidence with regard to issue warrants for Priyanka Neomali Wijearatne and Shamindra Rajapaksa.

By AJA Abeynayake

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Opposition moves no-faith motion against Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody

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Kumara Jayakody

Opposition lawmakers yesterday handed over a no-confidence motion against Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody to Speaker Dr Jagath Wickramaratne over alleged irregularities in coal procurement, etc.

Chief Opposition Whip MP Gayantha Karunathilaka submitted the motion to the Speaker yesterday morning. It has been signed by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, members of the SJB, and several other Opposition representatives.

The motion accuses the Minister of failing to fulfil his primary responsibility of ensuring the procurement of adequate and high-quality coal for the Lakvijaya Coal Power Plant at Norochcholai. It states that such negligence in managing a critical national energy asset amounts to a serious breach of ministerial responsibility.

It further notes that the Minister has been formally charged before the Colombo High Court by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) under Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The charge relates to an alleged act of corruption during his tenure as Procurement Manager of the Ceylon Fertiliser Company Limited.

The Opposition maintains that the combination of administrative failures and pending legal proceedings undermines the Minister’s ability to hold office, warranting a vote of no confidence.

By Saman Indrajith

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NJC takes up cudgels on behalf of Sallay, who played pivotal role in combating terrorism 

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The National Joint Committee (NJC) has raised concerns over the arrest and detention of retired Major General Suresh Sallay, calling for due process and caution in handling sensitive national security matters.

Issuing a statement signed by Dr Anula Wijesundera, the NJC has said the former senior military officer served the country for decades in the armed forces and intelligence services during critical periods of the conflict against terrorism.

While acknowledging that all citizens are subject to the law, the Committee has stressed that due process, fairness and respect for institutions tasked with safeguarding national security must be upheld.

Full text of the statement: The National Joint Committee (NJC) expresses deep concern regarding the recent arrest and detention of Retired Major General Suresh Sallay under a detention order.

Major General Sallay served Sri Lanka for decades in the armed forces and in the intelligence services during some of the most challenging periods of our country’s struggle against terrorism.

While all citizens are subject to the rule of law, the NJC believes that due process, fairness, and respect for the institutions that safeguard national security must be upheld at all times.

Particularly troubling are reports that sensitive intelligence-related details, including references to intelligence structures and personnel, are being publicly discussed in ways that could compromise operational security. The exposure of intelligence methodologies or personnel in the public domain can place lives at risk and weaken the effectiveness of national security institutions.

Sri Lanka has already experienced the grave consequences of such actions in the past. The Millennium City incident in 2002 led to the exposure of intelligence operatives who had been working against terrorist networks. Following the disclosure of their identities, many of those officers became targets of retaliation by the LTTE, resulting in the tragic loss of numerous lives and the dismantling of critical intelligence networks at a time when the nation most needed them.

It is therefore imperative that lessons from that painful episode are not forgotten.

It is also important to recall that prior investigations and public records confirm that intelligence warnings regarding potential attacks were received in Sri Lanka before 21 April 2019. The tragic loss of life that followed was therefore not the result of an absence of intelligence, but rather the failure of responsible authorities to act effectively upon those warnings in time to prevent the attacks. The numerous Commissions and Committees have identified these individuals and recommended action against them.

Equally relevant to the current public discussion is the factual record that Major General Suresh Sallay was neither serving as the Head of the State Intelligence Service nor present in Sri Lanka at the time when the attacks took place.

The NJC urges all authorities involved in the present investigation to ensure that the legal process is conducted with the utmost professionalism, transparency, and responsibility, while safeguarding sensitive national security information.

At a time when Sri Lanka continues to face evolving security challenges, the morale and integrity of the armed forces and intelligence services must be protected. Public confidence in these institutions is essential to the safety and stability of the nation.

The National Joint Committee therefore calls upon all responsible stakeholders — including investigators, public officials, media institutions, and civil society — to act with caution and responsibility so that the pursuit of justice does not inadvertently undermine the very institutions entrusted with protecting the country.

Sri Lanka’s patriots must remain vigilant to ensure that the sacrifices made by our armed forces and intelligence officers are not disregarded, and that national security institutions are not weakened in ways that could endanger the country in the future.

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