News
Promise to grant police and land powers under 13 A: Udaya flays Sajith
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila yesterday (10) condemned Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa for declaring his intention to fully implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila alleged that the declaration was made by presidential candidate Premadasa with his eye on Northern Province Tamil vote.
The Presidential election is expected to be held in Sept/Oct this year.
The PHU leader was referring to SJB’s Leader’s assurance given at an event held in Kilinochchi over the weekend. MP Premadasa emphasised that unlike other leaders he wouldn’t give false promises.
Colombo District MP Gammanpila said that the fellow Colombo District lawmaker wouldn’t have said so if he realised the implications of full implementation of police and land powers in terms of the 13th Amendment forced on Sri Lanka by India.
The late JR Jayewardene enacted 13th Amendment in Nov 1987 in accordance with Indo-Lanka Agreement of July 1987 that was forced on Sri Lanka after the notorious “parippu” drop over northern Sri Lanka by the Indian Air Force uninvited.
MP Gammanpila said that during the past 37 years eight presidents, including the SJB leader’s father, Ranasinghe Premadasa (Dec 1988- March 1993) refrained from granting police and land powers as they realised the inherent danger in such a move.
Recalling the merger of the Eastern Province with the Northern Province in terms of the Indo-Lanka Accord and the subsequent de-merger in Oct 2006, MP Gammanpila said that he deeply regretted the way the Opposition Leader disregarded warnings issued by the Maha Sangha and other concerned parties in this regard.
Full implementation of the 13th Amendment meant that the Eastern province would have to be re-merged with the Northern Province at the expense of the only Muslim majority Provincial Council in the country, MP Gammanpila said.
MP Gammanpila stressed that granting of police powers to a re-merged Northern-Eastern Province would pose a significant security threat. The JHU leader warned the SJB leader not to play politics with national security in a desperate bid to secure the backing of the northern electorate.
MP Gammanpila asserted that the SJB leader wouldn’t have promised full implementation of the 13th Amendment if he was aware of the ground situation here as well as developments in various parts of the world.
MP Gammanpila told The Island that 13th Amendment should be an issue handled cautiously by all political parties. Having defeated separatism 15 years ago, it would be a grave mistake on the part of the SJB leader or any other political party chief to encourage separatism at any level.
The bottom line was that Sri Lanka couldn’t under any circumstance grant police powers to provinces without risking a major security issue, he said.
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Unions resist tripartite EPF management plan
… warn of dire consequences
A group of trade unions and civil society groups has requested President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to abandon his government’s controversial plan for the proposed tripartite management of the EPF.
The group has told the President: “We strongly object to the government’s plan to transfer the EPF to a tripartite board—jointly promoted by the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon (EFC), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO)—and to increase the investments of those funds within private equity and debt markets.
“While the EFC and the government jointly project this plan as a ‘modern governance framework’, it poses a serious threat to the EPF’s financial stability, fiduciary conduct, and returns to workers’ life savings, with severe consequences for broader macroeconomic stability. Rather than replacing the corruption existing in the public sector, this tripartite framework paves the way for a corporate takeover of the EPF. Through this, the fund is exposed to unlawful business practices such as insider trading using internal information of EPF investments, conflicts of interest and corporate bailouts of unstable private companies.
“Sri Lanka’s corporate sector has a tremendously negative track record, which you alluded to during your victorious election campaign in 2024. This was recently unravelled by the multi-billion-dollar illicit capital flight through trade misinvoicing, which your administration is now actively working to curb in the imports sector.
“The recent banking sector fraud exceeds Rs. 13 billion; widespread corporate tax evasion destabilised the fiscal position (Sri Lanka Auditor General’s Department Annual Reports) and consequently inflated the tax burden on the general public. The EFC has found it convenient to remain silent about these crimes, possibly assuming that their silence would preserve their social standing. Considering this inherent corruption within Sri Lanka’s corporate sector and its disregard to the living standards of the general public, there is no realistic basis to integrate corporate interests to actively manage the EPF. The corporate sector of Sri Lanka has not developed sufficiently on technical and ethical grounds to safely entrust the largest retirement savings pool in the country. The EPF is a captive fund that has no mechanism for the owners to divest if the management is corrupt. This further increases the possibility of corporate fraud when the management of the fund is jointly held with the corporate sector.
“Furthermore, during the recent public discussion with trade unions, Deputy Minister of Finance Dr. Anila Jayantha pointed out that the domestic debt restructuring (DDR) would inflict a loss of Rs. 600 billion to the EPF. Our independent calculations—formally submitted as an affidavit to the Supreme Court approved by the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations in 2024—reveal that nominal loss alone is Rs. 634.4 billion. When factoring in foreclosed reinvestment returns, the true loss skyrockets to Rs. 1,711 billion, wiping out 48% of the fund’s projected gross income for the 2023 – 2028 period. Under the pretext of safeguarding the banking system, this colossal robbery preserved high yields on government bonds held by commercial banks and high-net-worth individuals, subsequently reaping them astronomical profits. Now, the exact same plunder is rearing its head again disguised as a tripartite committee.”
“The main arguments supporting our resistance and viable alternatives for optimising EPF management directly under the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), are outlined below.
“Objections to the government’s tripartite proposal:
1. The “International best practice and conflict of interest fallacies”
The government holds that tripartite management of pension funds is the “international best practice” and that there is a “conflict of interest” in CBSL managing the EPF. They are key pillars justifying government’s tripartite proposal.
These two positions are shockingly misleading given that four of the five largest pension funds in the world, in Norway, Japan, the U.S., and Singapore, are managed directly by state bodies or central banks. Therefore, ‘international best practice’ in pension fund management is the exact opposite of what the government and the IMF are proposing. We hence reject these baseless positions.
2. Corporate captivity and bailouts
It is clear that the EFC is desperately pushing for this proposal at a time of global uncertainty, to cushion the effects of the crisis and maximise gains. Under corporate influence within the proposed tripartite board, the private conglomerates can use the multi-trillion-rupee EPF to continue their unstable commercial operations without having to risk their own capital or savings to do so. This will severely erode the financial stability of the EPF and its returns.
3. Risk of front running
“Because the EPF is a colossal fund, its investment decisions can alter asset prices. This creates immense monetary value for the information generated by its investment decisions. Corporate representatives on the proposed tripartite board will be perfectly positioned to use this information to trade ahead of the EPF (front-running), buying assets cheaply and dumping them onto the EPF at inflated prices for guaranteed corporate gain, resulting in a reduction of returns to the EPF.
4. Unavoidable loopholes
“Presence of a separate group of investment analysts, trade union representatives and government officials within the proposed tripartite structure cannot prevent pre-market corporate access to EPF’s investment decisions. Investment proposals made by the analysts has to be first approved by the proposed tripartite committee, making it impossible to prevent corporate access to insider information on EPF investments.”
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