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Presidential insecurity in spite of power and performance

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President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressing the Annual General Meeting of the Sri Lanka Institute of Directors on June 29 at the Presidential Secretariat, where he explaned the Domestic Debt Optimization (DDO) to members of the Chambers, business leaders and unions.

by Rajan Philips

The political posturing over debt ‘optimization’ is just that. Posturing! Those who were waiting in anticipation for the President to order a crewcut to the local banks, are now howling that the banks have been let off with ponytails of profits while the working classes were not given the same concession by leaving their hard earned EPF contributions similarly untouched. A loss of depositor confidence in the banks, which any haircut could have triggered, would have been a far worse and instantaneous disaster than Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s organic fertilizer fiasco. The government to its credit would seem to have avoided it quite neatly.

Equally, the adjustments to the EPF’s returns on its bond savings will play over the long run and will have little or no impact on immediate retirees, or others retiring in the short term or even the medium term. In the long term, not to forget the Keynesian wisdom that most of us will be dead, the economy is supposed to be doing well for the living. That’s the premise for policy. There is no policy making assuming perpetual doom.

The politics over debt is turning out to be a victory for President Wickremesinghe. Once again the opposition in parliament is left playing catch-up. This has been the case ever since Ranil Wickremesinghe became caretaker President. Yet, for all his Teflon performances on the economic front, the President remains politically vulnerable. Unlike other politicians, however, he is quite aware of his vulnerability politically and more so electorally.

To wit, his indefinite postponement of the local elections, maneuvering the timing of the presidential election to his advantage, and playing chess games with provincial and parliamentary elections. He keeps most people guessing and his potential adversaries confused. Add to all this the recent changing of guards in the Election Commission under his direct oversight. Clever and proactive as these moves are, they are also indicative of the level of political insecurity the President harbours in spite of the near-monarchical powers that he effortlessly wields.

External Validation

Evidence of this insecurity manifested itself quite patently in the revelations President Wickremesinghe made in London, in the course of a seemingly soulmate chat with the former Canadian Prime Minister and arch conservative Stephen Harper. The President was en route to Paris for the global debt summit convened by middle-of-the-road French President Emmanuel Macron. He stopped over in London to attend the 40th anniversary event (June 20-21) of the International Democrat Union (IDU), whose current Chairman is Stephen Harper.

The fact that the President chose to reveal details about the last moments of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency and the early moments of his own at the anniversary event of the IDU says a great deal about Ranil Wickremesinghe’s political sympathies and his craving for external validation. The transcript of the conversation released by the PMD in Colombo shows Mr. Harper confirming their ideological affinities straddling the global north-south divide and their mutual deification of the free run marketplace.

The International Democratic Union is the mutual admiration society of the Global Right that was created in 1983 at the height of the Reagan-Thatcher era in Western politics. The membership includes centre-right and rightwing parties, but the organization leans far more right than centre-right. The founding members were 19 conservative parties, 18 of whom were from the West and one from Japan. Prominent signatories included Margaret Thatcher, Helmet Kohl and Jacques Chirac. The main sponsors were Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation and then US Vice President George H.W. Bush.

Today there are 84 members representing conservative parties from the Global South. Members from South Asia include the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party, the Maldivian Democratic Party, and Sri Lanka’s United National Party. The BNP is in opposition, the BJP and MDP are in government, and the UNP is listed in the IDU website as an alliance with one member out of 225 in parliament, not to mention the Executive President. I do not know when the UNP became a member of the IDU, but I do know that no other UNP leader has invested so much time and travel on the IDU as Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Stephen Harper became Chairperson of the Union in 2018 after his electoral defeat in 2015 and retirement from national politics. In October 2018, when Maithripala Sirisena created a home-made constitutional crisis and fired Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister, Harper as Chairperson of the IDU released a statement denouncing Sirisena’s unconstitutional misadventure and expressing solidarity with then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Five years later, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become Sri Lanka’s first unelected (to parliament) President and had the occasion to recount to Stephen Harper in London the circumstances surrounding his sudden ascent to power after a crushing defeat at the hustings.

The Uncle and the Nephew

Stephen Harper is a dyed-in-the-wool conservative who took the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada that had traditionally been to the left of the Democratic Party in the US, all the way to the right of the US Republican Party. In international relations, he has been more hawkish than Thatcher and broke with Canada’s long foreign policy tradition of neutral middle power diplomacy observed by both Liberal and Conservative Prime Ministers. In internal Canadian politics, Harper used his conservative ideology to build support for his Party among immigrants from non-western countries by finding common cause with the inherently conservative and rightwing biases among swaths of the immigrant populations regardless of their racial or spatial origins.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is not a rightwing ideologue in the same mould as Stephen Harper, probably because of Sri Lanka’s political traditions involving a politically strong Left, politically and electorally strong centre-Left, and an all-party commitment to social welfarism. Before he became caretaker President, Ranil Wickremesinghe presented himself as an advocate of the ‘social market economy’ – a concept that was developed in West Germany after World War II, as a middle-of-the-road alternative between free-market capitalism and socialism. There hasn’t been much talk about the social market economy after RW became caretaker President.

On the contrary, the President has been using code words to blame social welfarism and socialism. To wit, blaming past political leaders for avoiding hard decisions and implementing policies that were popular with the voters; and making foreign policy decisions for partisan political benefits rather than to support national economic interests. For whatever reason, Ranil Wickremesinghe is not prepared to use the word socialism hypocritically, the way JR Jayewardene did in choosing the long title for the country: The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.

On matters of real policy and initiatives, however, there is no daylight between the uncle and the nephew. Even on the question of changing the system of executive presidency, Mr. Wickremesinghe has walked backed on his earlier promises and by positioning himself as a candidate for the next presidential election he is effectively cementing forever the practice of electing the President directly by the people.

What is more, Mr. Wickremesinghe is not content with saving the economy and reaping the reward of an elected term as President. He wants to change the contours of politics – by passing baleful laws, imposing stringent regulations, cultivating security forces to put down protesters, and bending the government machinery and independent commissions (like the Election Commission) to do his bidding.

If the President were to take care of the economy equally apolitically the national goodwill for him will spillover beyond political bounds. He would be venerated as the best caretaker Head of State and Head of Government Sri Lanka ever had. But inasmuch as Mr. Wickremesinghe tries to secure an elected term as President as his political reward for taking care of the economy, he is not going to be able to cash all the goodwill he might garner in his economic portfolio into large enough votes to win a presidential election.

Most of all, the President has no coherent political platform, he does not have the support of a cohesive political alliance, and he does not have a committed political following in the country other than due respect and apolitical goodwill for his handling of the economic situation. Sadly for the country, all of the above shortcomings of President Wickremesinghe are mirrored by his opponents and detractors. Between the two (the President and his detractors) there is no prospect for a positively radical breakthrough for the country.

The President has set a generous timeframe (till 2048) for the country to reach economic prosperity. But what is transpiring from one day to another – in terms of corruption, political meddling and dysfunctional institutions – is no different from what has been transpiring from the time the Rajapaksas got their collective hands on the levers of state power. The President is not interested in changing any of this. His opponents, on the other hand, are incapable of even holding the President accountable, let alone having the capability to change anything.



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‘There are no private universities in Sri Lanka’ – some considerations for higher education reform

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Academics involved in education policy like to say that there is no such thing as a private university in Sri Lanka. The only ‘universities’ in the country are state universities; anything else offering degrees is a private higher education institution (HEI). This position is technically accurate. Yet, in the discourse and imagination of the public, private universities are very real – people teach in them, students register in them, families pay fees, and such degree holders enter job markets in Sri Lanka and outside.

For decades, activists concerned for public higher education have ignored or resisted looking at private HEIs, as if such scrutiny would taint them. Others have worked in both types of institutions, carrying practices from each to the other. The apex body governing state universities, the UGC, has, meanwhile, ignored the concept of conflict of interest and appointed individuals in private higher education in committees and leadership positions. It is unsurprising then that some of the ideologies informing private higher education appear in reform agendas in the state sector.

This is a good time then to consider the varying types of private HEIs around us, and to take a look at some of the issues within them in the hope that higher education reform agendas will include private, as well as state higher education.

What is a ‘private university’?

First, some clarifications. In the public imaginary, a ‘private university’ is typically an institution that provides a foreign or local degree for which the student makes a payment. But this broad classification encompasses a host of diverse institutions and types of degrees which I detail below.

The Non-State Higher Education Division (NSHE) of the Ministry of Education has recognised 295 degrees by 32 institutions. Most of these are private companies and include a handful of established, well-known private HEIs that are ‘university like’. The degrees are local degrees conferred by the institutions accredited by the NSHE Division. While private HEIs conferring local degrees must be accredited by the NSHE Division, there appears to be no legal consequence for not doing so. In addition, there are several permutations of the private degree that miss the net of this Division and the Standing Committee on Accreditation and Quality Assurance (SCAQA) that assists this Division.

For one, degrees conferred by foreign universities offered, via these same private HEIs, are not vetted by the NSHE Division. Secondly, there is a growing plethora of private HEIs which have either no physical presence locally or only a dubious presence. The University Grants Commission has notified the public, through their website, that foreign universities listed in the Commonwealth Universities Yearbook and the World Higher Education Database are recognised, but refrained from giving any other details – which degrees? Offered by what modes? These details are not known. Some of the foreign universities in the lists may be legitimate entities in their own land but the degrees conferred locally, in their name, may not adhere to curriculum or teaching specifications of the NSHE Division or the UGC.

Another troubling phenomenon is the ‘top up degree’, which appears to work on the same principle as that of a pre-paid mobile connection: if I have a Diploma or an HND of a sort, I am eligible to complete a course of study which provides me with a degree, usually from a foreign university. The idea that someone who does not initially qualify for a degree programme should be able to work their way towards one is a progressive notion. This is the concept that open and distance learning (ODL) was based on initially, but which is now sadly exploited. ODL models are expected to provide opportunity for learning for those who may be excluded from traditional learning institutions. In Sri Lanka, however, we have seen ODL become a marketplace offering easy to obtain, for-fee qualifications by institutions with little commitment to superior teaching and learning.

Finally, a perusal of the many types of private HEIs and their varied degrees bring to mind another question – how should the private degrees, provided by state institutions (that are not educational institutions), be regulated? Who should do so?

All of these create a host of problems for the public – for hopeful students and parents and trusting employers. For the higher education sector, recruitment of academic staff, too, has become difficult due to this plethora of ambiguous higher education qualifications, as I discussed in a previous Kuppi article (‘Recruiting academics to state universities’).

Some issues in private HEIs – a bellwether for change in state universities

In this second part of this article, I will discuss some aspects of work in private HEIs – albeit the more established institutions – given that such issues may appear in reform agendas in future.

Across state universities, all permanent staff of a specific category are paid according to the same criteria. The picture is not so clear when it comes to private HEIs since they are different entities legally, typically companies. Private HEIs have salary scales and financial incentives that are different to each other. The more established private HEIs reportedly have attractive renumeration packages, possibly a reason for academics of state universities migrating eagerly to such institutions during sabbatical years and on retirement. This may not of course be the case with other less established, or improperly registered HEIs of which we know little. Academic staff of these more accepted private HEIs seem to value the high financial remuneration they receive (in comparison to state universities) as something that makes their work rewarding.

Attractive remuneration is important to sustain the good life and is at times seen as the institution’s way of encouraging good work. Yet, this has implications for the future of the institution: to continue to deliver on promised financial packages, institutions must continue to have large profit margins. One strategy has been to enroll multiple cohorts of students per year, even up to three or four intakes per year. This can result in exploitative work conditions, since staff must cater to all these cohorts in that same year. If there is inadequate staff, employees are further burdened. On the other hand, if there is a sudden drop in enrolments (degrees can go out of fashion) unexpected layoffs occur. Similar to other sectors that employ short-term contract staff – including state universities – in private HEIs, too, individual teachers, who are on short term contracts that need regular renewal, can feel pressured to work under difficult or exploitative conditions.

At the same time, even in the more established private HEIs, work norms differ from those of state universities in that they include promotional work that keeps the institution’s name in the eye of the public. The Marketing (or similarly named) unit comes up in conversations as one of the most important departments. It appears to weigh in on decision-making related to the number of staff, the amount of re-sits per exams, and other pedagogically important matters. This is a worrying example of how financial rationales interfere with pedagogically or academically sound processes, resulting in problematic results in the classroom. On the plus side, junior colleagues, who had experience in both state and private HEIs, also felt that they faced less harassment in private HEIs – primarily due to the private HEIs ability to take swift action in reported cases of harassment. This is a real indictment on state institutions and their reluctance to address chronic issues of harassment in our universities.

Yet, while we hear much about problems in state universities, we hardly hear of problems that staff in private HEIs face. One rationale for a lack of public expressions by staff is that expressions of discontent might lead to trouble given the importance of reputation for private HEIs. The worry about reputational damage is a growing concern in state universities, too, as evidenced by social media policies and internal conversations on reputational damage, consequent to negative publicity. Institutional worries of reputational damage are harmful in the long run since these impact not only freedom of expression by student and staff, but also research that is possible in and about the education sector.

Some thoughts at the end…


A close look at the private higher education sector is important given its strong presence in the country. Impending reform needs to regulate this diverse array of higher education offerings in the private sector, as well as the state institutions that offer privately-funded options of higher education (a topic for a separate Kuppi on its own). It is time we carefully considered how to build a whole system of higher education out of this broken mess.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Ready for solo spotlight

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Nish Peiris: Excited about future plans

Singer Nish Peiris is set to take the next big step in her music journey.

The talented vocalist, who has been seen and heard in the scene here for a short while, and was also featured with the now-defunct band, Inner Vision, has announced that she will be fully committing to her solo career, after completing her degree this year.

“I’m finishing my degree this year, and after that I’ll be fully committing to my solo music career,” Nish told The Island.

“I’ve already got a few tours lined up for next year, so I’m really excited for what’s ahead.”

Fans, no doubt, will remember Nish for her smooth voice and stage presence, and the good news is that she is now ready to chart her own path and bring new music to audiences at home and abroad.

With tours already planned for 2027, the year 2026 promises to be an exciting year for the young artiste as she steps into the spotlight on her own.

We wish Nish every success in this new chapter!

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Exclusive musical evening for Sri Lankans in Toronto

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Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, with Sri Lankans doing the needful

While Sri Lankan music lovers, in Dubai, are eagerly looking forward to being a part of the action on Saturday, 25th July, with Rajiv Sebastian in the limelight, Sri Lankans, in Toronto, Canada, are equally excited and are anxiously awaiting the arrival of Sri Lanka’s famous singer/entertainer Sohan Weerasinghe.

Having done the needful with The X-Periments, the legendary performer has now embarked on an exciting new chapter – a solo career – and Toronto, Canada, will see him do the needful, on Friday, 31st July, 2026, from 8.00 pm to 12.00 am, at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Sohan Weerasinghe: In Canada, and ready to do the needful on 31st July

Reports indicate that it’s a ‘sold out’ event – naturally with Sohan in the spotlight.

Gamini Hemalal: Creating all the excitement for Sri Lankans in Toronto

Having built his reputation through years of unforgettable performances, and hits that became part of our musical fabric, Sohan is ready to bring his own vision, sound, and stories directly to the audience, in Toronto, Canada, backed by the phenomenal Toronto Ceymphony Live Band.

Says Gamini Hemalal, who has been instrumental in reviving the Sri Lankan entertainment scene, in that part of the world:

“The countdown begins for the most exclusive musical event of the summer! Join us for a premium night of incredible music, elite hospitality, and a lavish buffet as the legendary Sohan Weerasinghe takes the stage live in Toronto!

“This is a high-end event, designed for those who appreciate exceptional entertainment and great food.”

Gamini, who is also a member of the Toronto Ceymphony Live Band, mentioned that it’s going to be an intimate musical evening with the celebrated Sohan Weerasinghe.

From packed auditoriums to intimate shows, Sohan continues to prove why he remains one of Sri Lanka’s most beloved entertainers.

For decades, Sohan Weerasinghe has been a household name in Sri Lankan entertainment.

Known for his captivating smooth voice and charismatic stage presence, Canada will experience it all on Friday, 31st July.

Next on the list of events, Gamini Hemal is working on, is Halloween night and he says “what we plan to do will be very interesting and unique … with a surprise guest star, as well!”

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