Features
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s Historic Win and his Promising Start
by Rajan Philips
It is no exaggeration to say that no previous Sri Lankan political leader has achieved what Anura Kumara Dissanayake accomplished this week. His leap from 418,553 (3.16%) in 2019 to 5,634,915 (42.31%) and victory in 2024 – a 14-fold jump in five years – is in itself unprecedented, not only in Sri Lanka but likely also elsewhere. More importantly AKD did what he did without the proverbial political spoon in his mouth. Up till now everyone who achieved high political office in this country had a feudal head start and/or got an early seat on the political party train that was always on a track to the station of power. Those tracks are still there, but the old trains have been cannibalized through the corruption and nepotism of their operators.
The long and short view
In my view, there are two sequential aspects to AKD’s historic win – one immediate and the other long term. In the more immediate sense, it certainly helped AKD that the last person to win a presidential election before him arrived with a political foot in his mouth. The voting story of this election is that with the implosion of the Rajapaksas following the disaster of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, the contest became a race between three candidates – AKD, SP and RW – for the 6.9 million votes that Gotabaya Rajapaksa polled in 2019. AKD beat the other two hands down.
The overnight conventional wisdom is that AKD benefited from the vote split between SP and RW, and that if one of them had given way to other AKD would not have won the election. The vote tallies and distributions between 2019 and 2024 do not quite support this assessment. On the contrary, the distribution of votes seem to show that in a two person race against either SP or RW, AKD would have polled over six million votes and still won the election.
In the longer historical view, as opposed to the immediate post-Gota context, I would argue that AKD’s historic success is a testament to the resilient possibilities of Sri Lanka’s political system and culture, and it gives the lie to the hyped up narrative that the country has been an unmitigated basket of failures for all the 76 years after becoming independent in 1948. That nothing good ever happened in 76 years. This is an obvious exaggeration, if not a patent falsehood.
While this narrative was a part of the NPP’s campaign and could at least partly be justified as normal election rhetoric, some of the commentating fellow travellers of the NPP took the narrative to absurd limits and flew in the face of the same history that some of them learnt and even taught in our schools and universities.
Put another way, AKD’s victory is proof that things can work in Sri Lanka, and that nearly a century of state welfarism and the progressive political ethos that sustains it have enabled vast cross-sections of the Sri Lankan society to improve their living conditions and life prospects, and to inspire committed individuals like Anura Kumara Dissanayake to emerge as leaders and succeed in democratic politics at the highest level.
Nor should there be any denying that all of Sri Lanka’s progressive ethos is the main achievement of the country’s left movement from the 1930s, the same movement that schismatically gave birth to the now victorious NPP’s own progenitor, the JVP, among so many others along the way. All of this is not to diminish AKD’s impressive achievement, but to applaud it.
No one on the left has come anywhere near to achieving political power that Anura Kumara Dissanayake has now achieved. On the one hand, those who took the parliamentary path to achieving socialism did so in spite of their sharing the same social advantages with many on the political right. On the other hand, those who spurned the parliamentary path as a bourgeois dead end, made no headway in spite of pursuing a violent route that only brought more grief and not much good.
To the credit of Anura Kumara Dissanayake, he has demonstrated that the left can contest and win an election without the old vehicle of the united front or the new bandwagon of a multi-party alliance. And more remarkably, he has demonstrated that it is possible to succeed within the democratic electoral process, and that turning to violence is not necessary for achieving political ends.
Promising First Steps
All the same, achieving electoral victory is only the start of the political journey and not the end of it. Especially when political goals are inspired by the common good and not driven by private or familial gain. Making private gains and promoting family interests through political means is easily achieved and in short order. Pursuing the common good, both substantive (as in resurrecting the economy) and procedural (as in reforming the constitution), on the other hand, involves a long and grinding journey that requires a team of equals and friendly rivals, but all having the discipline, dedication, and the necessary skills.
In electoral politics, the first steps after victory go a long way in showing the sincerity, the commitment, and the ability of the winner and the winning party to follow the people’s mandate, honour their trust, and deliver on the electoral promises. So far, as the newly minted President, Anura Kumara Dissanayaka has been making all the right moves and avoiding obvious mis-steps. His decisions are good outcomes forced by the virtue of necessity, on the one hand, and constrained by his own commitments, on the other. His first steps are both laudable and promising.
With himself as President and only two MPs in parliament, the only way President Dissanayake could have convened the now dissolved parliament would have been through deals with one or two parties and their MPs in parliament. Such deals would invariably have involved cabinet positions, governor positions, diplomatic postings and keeping the current parliament on extended life support. The same old quagmire that Sri Lankan politics has been wallowing in for the last 30 years. The quagmire that Ranil Wickremesinghe would not free himself from, in any of his three incarnations this century – as peace prime minister, yahapalanaya prime minister, and economic rescue president.
President Dissanayake has made it look so easy. He dissolved parliament immediately, as he had promised to do before the election; and has scheduled parliamentary elections for November 14, and the convening of the new parliament for November 21. After two years of delays and dilly dallying by Ranil Wickremesinghe, and all the planetary explorations for years before that by the Rajapaksas, President Dissanayake has ensured that Sri Lanka will be having both a new president and a new parliament in a span of two months.
For the intervening caretaker period, he has struck a cabinet of three and neatly divided the portfolios between himself as President, Harini Amarasuriya as Prime Minister, and veteran parliamentarian Vijitha Herath. All born in and after 1968, they are a breath of fresh air for a polity that has been overburdened by old men for an overly long time. Sri Lanka not only has the smallest cabinet ever, but also for the first time a cabinet without family or extended and extensible family members – with the possible exception, perhaps, of the cabinet of SWRD Bandaranaike.
The President’s focus rightly seems to be on the economic front, as it should be, and he is showing a steady hand and readiness for consultations as he takes initiatives to navigate the country through its continuing economic crisis. Minister Vijitha Herath, whose list of portfolios includes Public Security, appears to be finally bringing some reprieve to the vexed Visa question, which Tiran Alles turned had into a global skullduggery and which Ranil Wickremesinghe handsomely ignored while lecturing everyone on how to run a country.
For her part, Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya has reportedly issued a directive advising schools not to invite politicians to school functions. A charming piece of educational initiative that would have served the country very well had it been in place from the time CWW Kannangara introduced the free education system.
Most of all, for the first time in 47 years, Sri Lankan voters have the opportunity to have a clean slate of new parliamentarians in the November parliamentary election. The NPP will assuredly field a slate of new candidates who have never been in parliament. Hopefully, their list will include candidates with a range of educational qualifications and life experiences, and will scrupulously exclude family members and individuals with a criminal record. At the minimum, the NPP’s list should put the onus on the other parties to prune their own lists and get rid of all the deadwood and rotten mangoes that have been in out of parliament from as far back as 1970.
Based on the presidential election results, the NPP has more than a fair chance of forming a majority government. Of the 160 polling divisions in 22 districts, the NPP (AKD) won 106 and SJB (SP) 48, with six in the Jaffna District won by the Common Tamil Candidate. The NPP vote is likely to stay steady and grow, while the SJB votes will revert back to their respective political parties for the parliamentary election. This would be more so in the seven districts where Sajith Premadasa came first, five of which are in the north and east and the other two are Badulla and Nuwara Eliya. Also 28 of the 48 polling districts where Sajith Premadasa came first are in these seven districts.
The dynamic of the elections and the top of mind issues for the voters will likely be different in the parliamentary election from the presidential election. The voter turnout in the presidential election dropped by 5% nationally from 84% in 2019 to 79% in 2024, and the turnout was lower in each district as well. Whether the campaign for the parliamentary election will energize more voters to turn out in November remains to be seen. What seems to be clear is that energy and enthusiasm are now mostly with the NPP.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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