Midweek Review
Post-Aragalaya Indo-Lanka relations and fake Immunoglobulin affair
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Amidst deepening political turmoil over the suspension of nearly 150 Opposition members, following an unprecedented Parliament security breach in India, on December 13, a group of Sri Lankan parliamentarians, led by Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, MP, visited the scene of chaos.
A total of 146 MPs in the Lok Sabha (Lower House) and the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) have been suspended for the rest of the winter session. Of them, 100 represented the Lok Sabha.
The Sri Lankan delegation was the first parliamentary group, from any country, to visit the new India Parliament, opened under controversial circumstances on May 28, 2023. The Opposition boycotted the inauguration, alleging that the BJP leader and Indian Premier Narendra Modi violated the constitution by opening the new triangular-shaped building, built at an estimated cost of $120m. The Opposition insisted that it should have been opened by the President.
The 22nd anniversary of the attack on the Indian Parliament fell on December 13, 2023. Gunmen attacked the building on Dec 13, 2001. They killed more than a dozen persons. India blamed Pakistan-linked terror groups for that attack, plunging relations between the two neighbours further, while also pushing the two nuclear-armed rivals to the brink of war.
Speaker Abeywadena’s delegation arrived in New Delhi on December 16 as the ruling BJP and the Opposition battled over the Parliament security breach. The first visiting foreign delegation, included Environment Minister Keheliya Rambukwella (SLPP), now under a cloud over the procurement of fake Immunoglobulin vials, as well as other medicines, during the continuing economic-political-social crisis here. The former UNPer has been accused of taking cover behind a life-saving Indian credit line, at the time he served as the Health Minister, even though the massive amounts involved in the scam, in fact had, been settled immediately in cash. In addition to the Speaker and Minister Rambukwella, there had been nine MPs and a few other officials, including the Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera.
The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) arrested Janaka Sri Chandragupta, who had served as the Health Secretary, as well as the head of the procurement committee at the time the Health Ministry allegedly perpetrated the massive frauds, as was unraveled during the probe, as the Sri Lankan delegation was visiting the Indian Parliament on Dec 18.
The revelation that the proprietor of Isolez Biotech Pharma AG, Sugath Janaka Fernando alias Aruna Deepthi, who had been remanded for supplying fake medicine in connivance with those tasked with procurement process falsely claimed that they were obtained from a Gujarat based company, made matters worse.
Collaboration in pharmaceuticals
The Indian High Commission in Colombo, the Foreign Ministry here, as well as Sri Lanka Parliament, dealt with the visit (Oct, 16-20) in separate media releases. Reference was made in the Sri Lankan Foreign Ministry statement to enhance collaboration in trade, investment, tourism, pharmaceuticals, education, defence and cooperation in the international fora.
Reference to collaboration in pharmaceuticals seemed ridiculous against the backdrop of the shocking exposure of the procurement of fake Immunoglobulin, a life-saving drug. Former State Health Minister Prof. Channa Jayasumana told the writer that the country’s once proud health service had suffered irreversible damage and deteriorated to such an extent there seemed to be no hope.
The Sri Lankan delegation called on Indian Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar on December 18. They were received by the Speaker of Lok Sabha Om Birla also on the same day. In addition, the Indian Speaker hosted a banquet lunch in honour of the visiting Sri Lankan delegation.
The delegation separately met the External Affairs Minister (EAM) Dr. S. Jaishankar. The visiting Parliamentarians from Sri Lanka witnessed the proceedings in both Houses of the Indian Parliament and also engaged in productive discussions with several MPs, cutting across party lines, during the visit, according to the Indian HC statement.
Soon after the delegation’s return from New Delhi, Minister Rambukwella called a media briefing at the Information Department where he declared he was not involved in the corruption case. The Minister explained his version of the procurement process and how he intervened to stop payments for fake products when the matter was brought to his notice.
But what he failed to say was that payments for the particular fraudulently obtained tenders had already been made by his Ministry in a rather haste manner in cash on the instructions of Chandragupta, even though they all claimed the drugs were procured on the credit line.
Sri Lanka Parliament couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for the continuing crisis in the health sector, particularly against the backdrop of a three-day debate on health sector corruption in early Sept this year, failed to produce the desired result. The ruling SLPP comfortably defeated an Opposition moved no-faith motion against then Health Minister Rambukwella on Sept. 08 in Parliament. The SJB-led effort failed to muster the required support. However, the SJB bid was definitely destined to fail. Altogether 113 MPs voted against, 74 voted for and the rest were absent. Obviously, those who had manipulated the entire process went ahead with the ‘project’ in the wake of the SLPP’s victory in Parliament.
Deputy Solicitor General (DSG) Lakmini Girihagama appearing with Senior State Counsel Heshani Wijesinghe making submissions on the progress of the CID investigations has told the Maligakanda Magistrate Court that prior to the Cabinet decision, taken in October 2022, tenders had been called in September 2022 and the 1st suspect Aruna Deepthi selected as the successful tenderer for human Immunoglobulin and Rituximab.
The DSG said according to the Ministry Chief Accountant Savidra Cooray the 1st suspect’s company Isolez Biotech Pharma had requested for payments for Rituximab supplied and the Secretary Health Chandragupta had approved the payment of Rs 107,799,481/= in three payments to the 1st suspect, directing it to be paid on a priority basis.
When the writer raised the issue with Minister Rambukwella, the bespectacled MP declined to comment on payments authorized by Chandragupta. The lawmaker claimed that he got to know about the matter through the media reportage of the DSG’s representations before the Maligakanda Magistrate.
The bottom line is that the Health Ministry made payments to a disgraced local company while deceiving the public by claiming the procurement had been made under the Indian credit line. The allocation for health sector procurement, according to Minister Rambukwella, has been USD 235 mn (USD 200 +USD 35) whereas the overall unprecedented assistance amounted to USD 4 billion extended in 2022. Whatever the criticism and concerns of India’s intentions and clandestine involvements here, if not for her prompt intervention, Sri Lanka could have gone up in flames under the then prevailing local circumstances. That is the unpalatable truth.
Against that background, perhaps India didn’t need to squander public funds on a visit by the Sri Lankan parliamentary delegation.
What Sri Lanka can gain from such a visit by a small group of its legislators is not clear though political parties here never declined opportunities for foreign jaunts on any flimsy excuse. During the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019) over 200 parliamentarians and parliamentary officials received the opportunity to visit China. China arranged group visits on a request made by the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, MP. As usual, political parties grabbed the opportunity without raising questions. The recently concluded visit to India, too, is no exception. That is the ugly truth.
Speaker mum on Wimal’s accusations
The big delegation was also the first since Foreign Ministry veteran Kshenuka Senewiratne recently succeeded Milinda Moragoda as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in New Delhi.
Post-Aragalaya Indo-Lanka relations cannot be discussed without taking into consideration high profile accusations that had been directed at India regarding her role in last year’s crisis. India never responded publicly to unsubstantiated accusations that the Modi government refused to evacuate the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his wife, Ayoma, over his refusal to sack Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe to pave the way for Speaker Abeywardena to assume duties as the caretaker President, as was the wish of Washington as well.
Sri Lanka Constitution doesn’t permit the Speaker to move up as long as the President, or the Premier, remained in office.
Speaker Abeywardena, too, never publicly contradicted National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa’s narrative based on the often repeated assertion that the outgoing US Ambassador Julie Chung asked Speaker Abeywardena, on the night of July 09, 2022, to assume presidency. Lawmaker Weerawansa first made the unprecedented accusation on April 25, 2023 at the launch of 09: Sengawuna Kathawa (09: The Hidden Story) at Sri Lanka Foundation.
The former minister repeated the accusation in public on several occasions ever since, though the Speaker has chosen to remain eerily silent, though it being even a matter of global interest as the American Ambassador in Sri Lanka had allegedly attempted to stage a midnight behind the scene constitutional coup here.
Ambassador Chung immediately contradicted the allegation though Speaker Abeywardena never responded to her stock denial or the former JVPer’s public allegation, in or outside Parliament. However, Speaker Abeywardena is widely believed to have privately acknowledged the US Ambassador’s uncalled for and unscheduled visit to his official residence, hours after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his wife boarded an SLN warship formerly of the US Coast Guard at the Colombo Port. They were taken to Trincomalee. The rest is history.
Sri Lanka needs to conduct a comprehensive inquiry into President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ouster, obviously instigated by outside forces in a campaign that lasted just three and half months, following the massive eruption of staged violence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, on the night of March 31, 2022, outside the President’s private residence.
While appreciating prompt life-saving assistance provided by India and ongoing efforts to foster closer relations at all levels, including between the two parliaments, Sri Lanka should do whatever necessary to ascertain the truth. The people have a right to know. Remember the adage those who fail to learn from history are condemned to repeat it!
In spite of NFF leader Weerawansa’s damning accusations in respect of India’s alleged role in the US-led project to change the government here, undemocratically, his colleague Mohammed Muzammil (NPP National List) was ironically a member of Speaker Abeywardena’s delegation. The other members were Deputy Speaker Ajith Rajapaksa, Deputy Chairman of Committees Angajan Ramanathan (SLFP), Keheliya Rambukwella (SLPP), Niroshan Perera (SJB), Varuna Liyanage (SJB), Weerasumana Weerasinghe (CP), M. Udayakumar (SJB), M. Rameshwaran (SLPP) and Jagath Samarawickrema (SLPP). Interestingly, MP Weerawansa, criticized US and Indian interventions during a speech he delivered in London on Dec 17, while his longtime parliamentary colleague was on a tour of India, courtesy the Indian External Affairs Ministry.
Speaker Abeywardena’s delegation didn’t include at least one member of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), represented in the current Parliament by 10 MPs, nor the smaller Tamil parties. Perhaps, India conducts a separate dialogue with them for obvious reasons.
Sri Lanka needs to examine the whole gamut of issues, taking into consideration widening US-India relations in response to perceived Chinese threat. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka seems to be incapable of addressing the issues at hand. The failure on the part of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government to inquire into external funding of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ouster is a case in point.
Ranil Wickremesinghe, who had been elected in July 2022, by Parliament, to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term, never ordered an inquiry though he acknowledged the conspiracy meant to oust him as the Premier thereby depriving him of the presidency.
The bone of contention is whether interested parties perpetrated the economic collapse to pave the way for the change of government and IMF intervention, thereby tying Sri Lanka to overall US and US-India strategies.
July 2022 bid to storm Parliament
Indian Parliament took stringent action against Opposition MPs for a security breach in Parliament, though they weren’t involved in the ‘raid’ at all. The BJP-led government found fault with the Opposition for relentless attacks over the ‘raid,’ particularly claims that the security breach was meant to highlight growing unemployment due to Premier Modi’s policies. Of course, no one can find fault with the Indian Opposition for seeking advantage at the expense of the BJP seeking a third consecutive term at the parliamentary polls scheduled for next year.
It would be pertinent to discuss the threat to the Sri Lanka Parliament last year. The violent protest campaign that had killed eight persons, including a ruling party MP, and destroyed several dozens of valuable properties belonging to those elected on the SLPP ticket in May 2022, in the aftermath of utterly stupid attacks on Galle Face protesters that was used as the continuing raison d’être by foreign sponsored rioters, for even an abortive bid to seize the Parliament.
Had they succeeded in taking over the Parliament in the immediate aftermath of setting fire to the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Kollupitiya residence and forcing him to resign, the situation today could have been far worse. Had that succeeded, we wonder what the rest of the plot would have been? Would we be ruled now by cardboard comrades, remotely controlled from Washington and New Delhi? But, as Weerawansa also claimed, plan ‘A’ went awry due to Speaker Abeywardena’s refusal to join the US-led plot, thereby paving the way for the implementation of plan ‘B’ under President Wickremesinghe’s leadership.
Let me reproduce three media statements issued by the Indian HC in Colombo to help the reader recollect the protest campaign that was brought to an end by UNP leader Wickremesinghe within 24 hours after he was elected the President by Parliament. Wickremesinghe achieved that by chasing those who occupied the Presidential Secretariat and other government properties as he declared he wouldn’t succumb to those who sought to remove him from politics.
On April 02, 2022, just 48 hours after the staged explosion of public anger outside the President’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, the IHC stated: “High Commission strongly denies blatantly false and completely baseless reports in a section of media that India is dispatching its soldiers to Sri Lanka. The High Commission also condemns such irresponsible reporting and expects the concerned to desist from spreading rumours.
On May 07, 2022, two days before goons ,unleashed from Temple Trees, attacked Galle Face protesters, possibly in an utter act of desperation over the failure of law enforcers to clamp down on so-called “peaceful” protesters, who had by then even commandeered the President’s office, IHC issued the following statement: “We have seen reports that a water cannon vehicle was imported by the Government of Sri Lanka, under a credit line extended by Government of India. These reports are factually incorrect.
No water cannon vehicles have been supplied by India under any of the credit lines extended by India to Sri Lanka. Credit line of USD 1 billion to Sri Lanka is intended to help the people of Sri Lanka with availability of food, medicines and other essential items required by the people of Sri Lanka in the current situation. Such incorrect reports don’t make any constructive contribution to the cooperation and efforts undertaken to address the ongoing challenges faced by the people of Sri Lanka.
On May 11, 2022, in the wake of destruction of lawmakers’ houses and killing of an MP, IHC stressed: “The High Commission would like to categorically deny speculative reports in sections of media and social media about India sending her troops to Sri Lanka. These reports and such views are also not in keeping with the position of the Government of India. The Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs of India clearly stated yesterday that India is fully supportive of Sri Lanka’s democracy, stability and economic recovery.
Two months later, India denied the evacuation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his wife. The IHC categorically denied what it called ‘baseless and speculative media reports’ that India facilitated the recent reported travel” of Rajapaksa and his brother, former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa, out of Sri Lanka.
“It is reiterated that India will continue to support the people of Sri Lanka as they seek to realise their aspirations for prosperity and progress through democratic means and values, established democratic institutions and constitutional framework.”
Midweek Review
AKD in dilemma over anti-terror laws he used to condemn
President Dissanayake’s government promptly utilized the PTA – the first since the presidential election – to deal with those who had been suspected of allegedly planning to mount an attack on Israelis in the Arugam Bay area. The government couldn’t have ignored the alleged threat, especially against the backdrop of the warning issued by the US Embassy here, of what it called a serious risk. In line with the statement, dated Oct. 23, the Embassy imposed travel restrictions on mission personnel as well, while strongly urging US passport holders to avoid the area.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA/No 48 of 1979)) that had been introduced in 1979 as a temporary measure by President JRJ in response to emerging threats from separatist terrorists and made into a permanent law in 1982 (No 10 of 1982) attracted considerable public attention over the past few weeks in the wake of the police making arrests under this draconian law.
The issue at hand should be freshly examined against the backdrop of the Janatha Vimukthi Peremauna (JVP), the dominant partner in the newly elected National People’s Power (NPP), having been at the receiving end of that piece of controversial legislation in the ’80s, particularly during their second violent uprising (1987-1990 period).
The JVP constantly demanded the repealing of the PTA at a time the party never dreamt of an opportunity to win a national election under any circumstances. In fact, the abolition of the PTA had been one of the JVP’s main demands throughout the war/insurgency and thereafter. However, now that the JVP-led NPP having had convincingly won the presidential (Sept. 21) and general (Nov. 14) elections and is in the process of consolidating its power, the powers that be have no option but to revisit its previous highly critical stand on the controversial Act.
Can President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, in addition to being the Defence Minister, as well as head of the National Security Council (NSC), do without the PTA.
Can the PTA be abolished and whatever existing/future security threats be dealt with other relevant laws, or replaced with a new law acceptable to all political parties represented in Parliament. But, that does not mean that concerns of those outside Parliament should be discarded without proper examination.
President Dissanayake’s government promptly utilized the PTA – the first since the presidential election – to deal with those who had been suspected of allegedly planning to mount an attack on Israelis in the Arugam Bay area. The government couldn’t have ignored the alleged threat, especially against the backdrop of the warning issued by the US Embassy here, of what it called a serious risk. In line with the statement, dated Oct. 23, the Embassy imposed travel restrictions on mission personnel as well, while strongly urging US passport holders to avoid the area.
The government had no option but to invoke the PTA again to deal with those who sought to humiliate the administration over the Mahaveer Naal events conducted in the Northern and Eastern provinces in memory of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran’s birthday.
Responding to the Mahaveer Naal events, Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala, first time entrant to Parliamen, accused Opposition activists of exploiting the situation to undermine the government. Wijepala, who had served as Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s private secretary when he served as a lawmaker, alleged that the involvement of the New Democratic Front (NDF) in the conspiracy, while shortly, thereafter, law enforcement authorities arrested the administrative secretary of the SLPP, Renuka Perera, for allegedly disseminating false information with regard to Mahaveer Naal.
It would be pertinent to mention that not all those who were apprehended for disseminating such false information been taken in under the PTA.
The issue is whether the government needs a draconian law, like the PTA, to deal with persons circulating videos of LTTE events during the conflict and after.
Apprehending people for circulating videos of such events seemed ridiculous when the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), having recognized the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people, received an audience with no less a person than President Dissanayake. The meeting between President Dissanayake and the ITAK delegation took place at the Presidential Secretariat amidst the continuing furore over people being arrested for circulating Mahaveer Naal content. Some of the ITAK members recently had paid tribute to the LTTE publicly while the government struggled to deal with bad press over Mahaveer Naal events.
The writer is of the view that commemoration of LTTE cadres should be permitted, regardless of their status. In fact, such events underscored the futility of the LTTE macabre cause. Mahaveer Naal automatically reminds the country of the atrocities that had been perpetrated by the LTTE over the years until their very end on the Vanni east front.
Let me remind those shedding crocodile tears for terrorists of the cold blooded killing of academic Rajani Thiranagama in Jaffna in late Sept 1989 during the deployment of the IPKF. Dr. Thiranagama was shot dead on Sept. 21 while cycling home from the Jaffna University, where she was Head of the Anatomy Department.
Yahapalana
bid to repeal PTA
While in the Opposition, Ranil Wickremesinghe relentlessly campaigned against the PTA. Wickremesinghe had an opportunity to explore the possibility of doing away with the PTA after he facilitated Maithripala Sirisena’s victory at the 2015 presidential election. Wickremesinghe’s broken promise due to delaying of the required action, should be discussed, taking into consideration Western governments’ unbending interest in abolition of the PTA. They felt that in the aftermath of the LTTE’s eradication, Sri Lanka didn’t require such a law.
Since the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009, the Western governments had been putting pressure on war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa to abolish the PTA. The JVP, too, backed the Western call to do away with emergency regulations and the PTA. However, President Rajapaksa resisted relentless Western pressures but the Yahapalana government initiated a high profile project to do away with the PTA over a year after the 2015 January presidential election.
Instead of doing away with the PTA as demanded by various interested parties, Wickremesinghe sought to replace the existing law with what he called the Counter Terrorism Act (CTA).
The committee that had been tasked with drafting the policy and legal framework of the proposed law was headed by Sagala Ratnayake, Minister of Law and Order and Southern Development. Obviously Wickremesinghe couldn’t have done away with the PTA without taking adequate provisions to counter terrorism. Wickremesinghe subjected the whole process to the scrutiny of Western governments. Among those invited for discussions on the CTA and an Amendment to the Code of Criminal Procedure Act on Dec. 16, 2016, were Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, Minister Sagala Ratnayake, British High Commissioner James Dauris, French Ambassador Jean-Marin Schus, EU Ambassador Tung-Lai Margue and several other foreign envoys.
However, the Yahapalana government couldn’t go ahead with the project. Wickremesinghe couldn’t muster the required support for his move as the Yahapalana parliamentary group gradually fell apart. By late 2017, the relationship in the coalition between the UNP and Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP had deteriorated to such an extent, agreement on such a significant piece of proposed legislation seemed very much unlikely. Their decision to go it alone at Local Government elections in early February 2018 sealed the fate of the Yahapalana alliance, and the much touted bid to introduce CTA in place of the PTA, fizzled out.
The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe alliance had been in turmoil since Wickremesinghe’s nominee for the post of Governor Central Bank, Singaporean Arjuna Mahendran, perpetrated the massive Treasury bond scams in Feb. 2015 and March 2016. The humiliating defeat suffered by both the UNP and the SLFP at the Local Government polls effectively ended their partnership while the CTA was put on the back burner. The government had been in such a desperate situation, the top leadership simply could not deal with the CTA and the matter was quickly forgotten.
Having neglected national security to their heart’s content, the UNP leadership relaunched the CTA project in the wake of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. The UNP saw an opportunity to pressure political parties represented in Parliament, as well as other interested parties, over the proposed CTA. However, Wickremesinghe’s move hadn’t received much anticipated support as those who opposed the PTA alleged that the new law never really changed the powers granted to law enforcement authorities.
In spite of the Easter Sunday attacks, the opposition to the PTA, and the proposed CTA, remained unyielding. Political parties, civil society and Western governments haven’t been able to reach consensus on anti-terrorism law legislation though all post-war administrations discussed the issues at hand at length.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, too, made an effort to amend the PTA. In late January 2022, President Rajapaksa’s Cabinet approved a spate of amendments to the PTA. But, the proposed amendments failed to secure the backing of those concerned about anti-terrorism law. The introduction of amendments meant that President Rajapaksa had absolutely no interest in at least examining Wickremesinghe’s brainchild CTA.
The civil society, legal scholars and other interested parties simply rejected the amendments on the basis the government failed to address their long standing concerns. The Rajapaksa administration in Dec. 2019 withdrew Wickremesinghe’s proposed Counter terrorism Bill to pave the way for a new initiative that was launched in June 2021. Obviously, it hadn’t been a priority for the Rajapaksa administration though under Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris’s leadership a Cabinet subcommittee deliberated a report prepared by Defence Secretary Gen. Kamal Gunaratne. That bid, too, failed and during Wickremesinghe’s presidency (July 2022-Sept 2024) nothing really happened with regard to the PTA.
New challenges
The European Union has linked the repeal of the PTA with its continuing relationship with Sri Lanka. The EU, in Oct. 2021 during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidencyk told Sri Lanka that the country must amend the PTA that gave law enforcement authorities sweeping powers to arrest and hold suspects, without trial, if it wanted to retain the lucrative GSP-plus trade status with the 27-member economic bloc.
President Dissanayake now faced the daunting task of addressing the concerns of the EU and various other members of the Western world with regard to anti-terrorism laws here.
Dissanayake’s administration cannot ignore the renewed calls for the abolition of the PTA or the introduction of suitable amendments. However, the government cannot weaken Sri Lanka’s defences against terrorism though the LTTE rump is unlikely to pose a conventional military threat. But, the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage proved responsibility on the part of the government to ensure the armed forces, the police and intelligence services had legal safeguards when dealing with terrorism.
*One of the major shortcomings in the amendments proposed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, according to civil society groups, is the failure on the part of the amended Bill to address problems with the admissibility of statements and confessions under the PTA. They have repeatedly pointed out provisions of the PTA waived the application of the Evidence Ordinance and there were no safeguards to be followed in recording confessions and statements from suspects.
*Another issue of concern is that the period of 72 hours after arrest and before production before a magistrate had not been amended. They have declared this is a loophole in the PTA that facilitated the torture of those arrested under the PTA while in custody.
*They are also concerned about the absence of sufficient judicial oversight during investigations conducted in terms of the PTA.
*As the definition of the acts which came within the offence of terrorism is of a broad and vague nature, those in authority tend to abuse the PTA. The amendments that had been approved by Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Cabinet in January 2022 hadn’t addressed concerns expressed by interested parties.
The above were some of the concerns raised by those demanding abolition of the PTA/suitable amendments to the law. Anti-terrorism laws in force in all countries regardless of their status always attract public criticism and can be described as a source of intense debate. Critics say that anti-terrorim laws violate even the basic freedoms enjoyed by the people.
Neighbouring India employs a spate of laws meant to deal with terrorism. Amendments have been introduced over the years and like here these laws have been abused though stakeholders accept the need for tough anti-terrorism laws to meet security challenges. India has gone to the extent of neutralizing those living overseas in case New Delhi felt they posed a threat. The ongoing controversy involving India and Canada over the alleged hit ordered by New Delhi in Vancouver is a case in point.
Sri Lanka, under any circumstances, cannot afford to do away with the PTA altogether. However, the government, in consultation with political parties represented in Parliament, should take tangible measures to ensure law enforcement didn’t deliberately abuse PTA for political or private purposes. There is no point in denying the fact that the PTA had been grossly abused over the years by all governments. Perpetrators hadn’t been properly dealt with thereby creating an environment for such abuses. However, the PTA had provided invaluable support for law enforcement operations as successive governments battled Northern and Southern terrorists.
During the war against the LTTE, the PTA had been a critical part of the government arsenal. Interrogation of suspects had been part of the overall security strategy meant to thwart attacks as law enforcement authorities battled LTTE terrorists assigned for covert operations in the South and especially suicide bombings.
Terrorist infiltration couldn’t have been averted without continuous operations, based on available information. The government had no option but to discourage people from the Northern and Eastern provinces from taking up residence in Colombo and its suburbs, as well as other predominantly Sinhala areas, as part of the overall measures to neutralize the threats on soft targets.
The LTTE targeted public transport in a bid to mount pressure on the government as it was retreating on the battlefield.
In spite of allegations of its misuse and abuse, the PTA had been quite useful in combating Southern and Northern terrorism. That is the undeniable truth. Whatever its shortcomings, the PTA cannot be done away with unless the government introduces a new anti-terrorism law that meets security requirements, in a challenging environment.
Though the West impose pressure on countries like Sri Lanka to undo such laws, they themselves have introduced even much harsher laws like the Homeland Security Act 2002 passed by the USA, primarily in reaction to the 9/11 attacks there, in the previous year, by Muslim terrorists, that claimed few thousand lives and somewhat similar draconian laws were introduced in England after the bomb attacks in London soon afterwards. But there is hardly a whimper from our Foreign Ministry that generally plays deaf and dumb like our diplomats about such unfair demands from us by the West.
Midweek Review
Hour of the Ethical Minority
By Lynn Ockersz
The theorists waxing eloquent,
In the raucous House by the Lake,
Are seeing their brute majority,
As bodying forth the majority will,
Or the ‘sovereignty of the people’,
And there is some merit in this,
But this is also the hour,
Of the unbending ethical minority,
Who wouldn’t be steamrolled,
Into bartering their consciences,
On being Whipped into saying ‘Yes’.
Midweek Review
US funding for Colombo port project involving Adani group and JKH in the balance
In response to US indictment, Adani has declared that his conglomerate is committed to “world-class regulatory compliance.” The international media quoted one of the world’s richest as having said: “This is not the first time we have faced such challenges. What I can tell you is that every attack makes us stronger. And every obstacle becomes a stepping stone for a more resilient Adani Group.”
Adani said so at an awards ceremony in Jaipur.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Dr. Ganeshan Wignarajah, in his capacity as an advisor to the Sri Lankan President, and member of the Geopolitical Cartographer board, as mentioned in the latest Indo-Pacific Defence Forum, dealt with the ongoing economic-political-social crisis here.
Dr. Wignarajah, who had served as the Executive Director of the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI) during the Yahapalana administration, quite confidently asserted (i) economic mismanagement (ii) Chinese loans and (iii) Covid-19 and other external shocks caused the unprecedented crisis.
The quarterly, published by the Commander of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, is meant to promote their overall political-military and social strategy in the Indo-Pacific region.
The Sri Lankan-born academic, in his article titled ‘Partners for Progress: Sri Lanka works with India, U.S. to bolster economy, stability,’ examined the developing situation here against the backdrop of, what he called, Chinese debt trap diplomacy. China has strongly refuted such accusations over the years. We haven’t forgotten the verbal battle between Yahapalana Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake and the then Chinese Ambassador Yi Xianliang over the former’s disparaging remarks on interest rates on loans provided by China. This was in late 2016, several months after the second mega Treasury bonds scam, perpetrated by the Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe-led government.
Dr. Wignarajah conveniently refrained from making reference to over USD 10,000 million in new International Sovereign Bonds that had been taken between 2015 and 2019, following the change of government. Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is on record as having declared procurement of USD 10,000 million, by the Yahapalana leaders, broke the back of the Sri Lankan economy. Instead, the academic cleverly hid the Yahapalana borrowings. Dr. Wignarajah declared (in verbatim): “Sri Lanka’s default demonstrates the risk of imprudent foreign borrowing, with relying on sovereign bonds with high interest rates to finance development projects or high-interest, low return Chinese loans.’’
As the article had been formulated before the presidential election that was held on Sept. 21, 2024, the professorial fellow in economics and trade at Gateway House, Mumbai, missed an opportunity to examine post-national poll developments.
The unexpected emergence of the National People’s Power (NPP), as the dominant political power, at the expense of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party (UNP), according to some, may change the dynamics of Sri Lanka’s relations with the US-led grouping that includes India. However, others assert that bankrupt Sri Lanka has no other option but to continue with the IMF agenda and an agreement on economic partnership, signed in July 2023, by Premier Narendra Modi and the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Wickremesinghe, who suffered a humiliating defeat in the presidential poll on September 21, and then at the parliamentary elections on Nov. 14, 2024, emphasized the responsibility on the part of his successor Anura Kumara Dissanayake to fully implement, what he called, the ‘Vision document’ with India.
The Press Trust of India (PTI) quoted Wickremesinghe as having said so on the sidelines of an event he attended at the Sri Sathya Sai Vidya Vihar school recently.
The SLPP-led Parliament that elected Wickremesinghe as the President in July 2022 to complete the remainder of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term, owed the country an explanation whether the former received the approval of the Cabinet to finalize the so-called ‘vision document.’ The latest Indo-Lanka agreement dealt with strengthening maritime, air and energy ties, as well as land connectivity between the two countries. There hadn’t been a proper discourse, at any level, regarding the ‘Vision document,’ though various interested parties promoted the controversial ‘Vision document’ in the run-up to the presidential election.
On behalf of India, Pathfinder Foundation requested the leading candidates at the presidential election, namely Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake, to go ahead with the ‘vision document.’
It would be pertinent to mention that Dr. Wignarajah has ceased to be an advisor to the Sri Lankan President in the wake of Wickremesinghe’s defeat. The advisor had been also involved with Pathfinder Foundation as a senior visiting fellow at the Foundation.
He has had the audacity to even deal in cavalier fashion with India’s intervention in 2022 to save Sri Lanka with reference to the Adani Group’s investments here as well as longstanding US projects, such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation that was rejected by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government.
Essentially, the expert addressed the issues at hand from the point of view of the US-India response to the Sri Lanka crisis.
New developments
The killing of Canada-based Sikh separatist leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar outside his Vancouver temple in June 2023 has caused an unprecedented diplomatic row between New Delhi and Ottawa. The killing that Canada had blamed on India without whatsoever hesitation led to tit-for-tat expulsion of diplomatic staff. Among those who had been expelled were the top most Indian and Canadian intelligence officials based in the respective capitals.
But what really upset New Delhi was the US and the UK throwing their collective weight behind Canadian accusations, thereby undermining the Modi government’s international standing. Perhaps, the harm that had been caused to the relations between Canada and India can never be restored.
International news agencies in Oct, 2024 quoted the spokesperson of the UK’s Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) as having said: “We are in contact with our Canadian partners about the serious developments outlined in the independent investigations in Canada. The UK has full confidence in Canada’s judicial system. Respect for sovereignty and the rule of law is essential.”
“The Government of India’s cooperation with Canada’s legal process is the right next step,” the official added.
On top of the simmering diplomatic row with Ottawa, the US has filed charges against an Indian government employee over his alleged involvement in a failed plot to kill an American citizen of Indian origin. The Federal Bureau of Investigation has identified a New York-based targeted person as a prominent advocate for Sikh separatism.
The US Attorney’s Office for New York declared in Oct, 2024 that it filed “murder-for-hire and money laundering charges” against Vikash Yadav.
Another suspect in the case, Nikhil Gupta, was extradited to the US earlier, in 2024, to face charges, while Yadav remains at large. There hadn’t been such high profile previous cases involving Indian government agents conducting clandestine operations in the West.
Canadian and US investigations have placed India in an utterly embarrassing position. In spite of strong Indian denials, both Canada and the US have maintained that India is under investigation.
The possibility of Canada and the US trying to establish a connection between those who had been involved in operations in their respective territories cannot be ruled out.
The state of crisis of Indian foreign relations with the West has to be discussed, taking into consideration the shocking Canadian declaration that no less than Home Minister Amit Shah, widely believed to be the second most powerful person in the country, sanctioned the Vancouver hit.
Regardless of Indian denial, Canada has refused to change its stand with regards to Shah’s direct involvement in targeting those India considered as a threat. There seems to be no way forward for India on the matter, especially in the West as both Canada and the US pursued investigations.
How could the Canadian and US common stand in respect of clandestine operations undertaken by India undermine India’s once robust relations with the West? Can the West jeopardize their relations with India, at a time they are in conflict with China and Russia?
The Modi’s government obviously has ended up with egg on its face and is struggling to cope up with extremely harmful media coverage. Shah is the chief aide to Premier Modi.
Against the backdrop of Canadian accusations directed at Shah, the US is also likely to probe the possibility of the powerful Home Minister having a hand in the New York operation. Whatever the outcome of Canadian and US investigations, New Delhi will have to address the collective responsibility on the part of the Indian Cabinet in authorizing clandestine operations overseas.
The Adani factor
When Wickremesinghe recently demanded that his successor President Dissanayake goes ahead with the ‘Vision document’ with India, he was probably turning a blind eye to the US indictment of Gautam Adani over high profile accusations regarding the USD 265 mn alleged bribery scam to benefit Indian government officials.
Perhaps, the US move against Adani, one of the closest associates of Modi, may destabilize Indo-US relations. Adani and seven others had been charged over, what the US called, the corrupt solar project. They have been accused of securities fraud, conspiracy to commit securities fraud, and wire fraud.
Dr. Wignarajah, in his piece to the US military magazine, praised the Adani projects here to the high heavens. Obviously, as the US indictment hadn’t been announced at the time the academic submitted his piece to the Indo-Pacific command, he couldn’t be faulted for the omission. However, the new Sri Lanka government shouldn’t try to side-step the issue by engaging in delaying tactics.
Unexpected bribery accusations that had been directed at the Indian conglomerate placed a major US funded project here under an extremely difficult situation, particularly because the US was to provide funding to the tune of over half a billion USD. The West Container Terminal at the Colombo port involved Sri Lankan blue chip John Keells and the Adani Group. Other participants are Special Economic Zone Limited and Sri Lanka Ports Authority in the USD 700 mn project.
The NPP government never expected the US to move legal action against the Adani group and may find it difficult to explain Sri Lanka’s continuing partnership with the Indian conglomerate. Unless of course, proper reassessment was made in respect of the Port project as well as other investments, particularly investment of U.S. 1.4 bn for wind power plants.
The US recently disclosed that though they promised over half a billion USD for the Colombo port project, the funding hadn’t been made available so far. Would denial of US funding undermine the implementation of the Port project. Construction began in Nov. 2022, five months after Parliament elected Wickremesinghe as the President.
The US stepped in during Ranil Wickremesinghe tenure as the President after previous plans for the East Container Terminal, involving Japan and India, had to be shelved due to protests. Sri Lanka had no other option but to offer the Colombo West Terminal project to appease New Delhi, furious about unilateral cancellation. The country paid a huge price for such cancellations, having announced mega projects without proper evaluation and consensus with stakeholders. There can be no better example than the idiotic cancellation of the Japanese-funded Colombo light rail project soon after the 2020 general election.
Japan reacted angrily to the unilateral announcement of the cancellation of USD 1.4 bn project funded by Japan through a soft loan.
What would be the fate of the West Container Terminal project in case Adani and JKH had to fund it in the absence of US financial backing? How could the US and India intend to maintain close links as desired by both powers against China in the backdrop of continuing bad press over attacks on Sikhs living overseas and the Adani fiasco.
The Congress-led Indian Opposition disrupted both Lower and Upper Houses of Parliament demanding a joint committee to investigate Adani’s companies in the agriculture, renewable energy, coal and infrastructure sectors. Unless India addresses accusations against Adani in a transparent manner, they can have long term repercussions, both domestically and internationally.
In the wake of the US indictment, Kenya cancelled multimillion-dollar deals with the Adani Group for airport modernization and energy projects. The mega company will also face scrutiny in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh.
The damage to US-India ties would be much more with legal action against Adani compelling India to play it safe. While the government remained silent on the issue at hand, Amit Malviya, the governing Bharatiya Janata Party’s IT head, declared in a post on the social media platform X that the US charges were “allegations and the defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty.” Critics asserted that this was nothing but a show of support by the Modi government for the Adani Group.
It would be interesting to see how the much weakened Opposition in Sri Lanka Parliament takes up the Adani issue. Parliament meets this week, though the issue is not on the agenda, an Opposition member may take the opportunity to comment on the politically sensitive matter.
Adani is the major Indian investor here. According to available data, Adani’s projects account for nearly 70% of overall Indian investments during the 2005-2019 period.
A story from the past
Undue Indian government intervention on behalf of Adani group was disclosed amidst unprecedented political turmoil here with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa under tremendous pressure in June 2022 with the country unable to finance basic needs with covert groups even having blocked worker remittances through official channels.
The revelation was made by then head of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) M.C.C. Ferdinando during an open hearing of the Committee of Public Enterprises (COPE) that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa told him that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had insisted that a 500-megawatt wind power project be directly given to the Adani group.
Embattled President Rajapaksa denied the disclosure. Within two days after the shocking declaration in Parliament, Ferdinando claimed that he lied after being overwhelmed by emotion. Of course no one took Ferdinando’s denial seriously for obvious reasons.
“On November 24, 2021, the President summoned me after a meeting and said, India’s Prime Minister Modi is pressuring him to hand over the project to the Adani group,” Ferdinando said, according to a video clip of his testimony made available by Parliament. According to the CEB head, he had received instructions from President Rajapaksa in this regard in Nov. 2021, just weeks after Adani visited Colombo.
Ferdinando was responding to questions posed by the then head of COPE Prof. Charitha Herath and another member about the circumstances the Adani group had chosen to construct a 500 MW wind power plant on the northern coast.
Ferdinando told the committee that he informed the President that the matter didn’t concern the CEB, but the Board of Investments. “The President insisted that I look into it. I then sent a letter mentioning that the President has instructed me and the Finance Secretary should do the needful. I pointed out that this is a government-to-government deal,” Ferdinando said.
During the heated hearings, Prof. Herath asked whether the wind power deal would be considered “unsolicited”. “Yes, this is a government-to-government deal, but the negotiations should take place according to the least cost policy mentioned in the act,” said Ferdinando.
On the following day, President Rajapaksa contradicted the CEB Chief. “Re a statement made by the #lka CEB Chairman at a COPE committee hearing regarding the award of a Wind Power Project in Mannar, I categorically deny authorization to award this project to any specific person or entity,” he tweeted.
“I have withdrawn that statement,” Ferdinando said. The media quoted the CEB Chief as having said that he only realized that he mistakenly made such a comment, when the Minister inquired from him about the matter on Saturday (June 11) morning.
Thereafter, Ferdinando issued a statement to Prof. Hearth on Saturday in which he tendered an apology, saying that due to “unexpected pressures and emotions”, he was compelled to name the Indian Prime Minister.
The public hearing took place on a Friday, a day after Parliament passed an amendment to the 1989 Electricity Act that removed competitive bidding. The main opposition, Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), alleged that the primary reason for bringing forward the amendment was to accommodate the “unsolicited” Adani deal. The SJB demanded that projects beyond 10 MW capacity should go through a competitive bidding process.
The amendments to the Sri Lanka Electricity Act were passed with 120 votes in favour of the amendments with 36 voting against in the 225-member Parliament amid strong resistance from power sector trade unions in the state-run Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB). Thirteen MPs abstained in the voting.
The story should be examined taking into consideration Adani’s pow vows with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa in late Oct. 2021 in Colombo.
-
News5 days ago
Sri Lanka’s first seven-star hotel ready for opening in 2025
-
Business4 days ago
Launching in Kandy of SL’s first seven-star hotel, valued at Rs. 9 billion
-
News7 days ago
Locally produced superphosphate to be introduced next year to save foreign exchange
-
Opinion3 days ago
Future of SriLankan
-
Business7 days ago
‘Hotel sector investment in tourism industry exceeding USD 15 billion despite facing stiff challenges’
-
Business4 days ago
Sri Lankan appointed Vice President, Global Rural Tourism Council
-
News4 days ago
Court to be moved against Ranil over loss of state funds
-
Business6 days ago
High powered Japanese business team visits Hambantota Port