Features
Policeman cracks joke at Soulbury’s expense over game billiards
(Excerpted from Senior DIG (Rtd.) Edward Gunawardena’s memoirs)
Colombo Division was hectic, but it was good fun. All Three of us new ASPs, Brute Mahendran, Cosmo David and I were resident at the Officer’s Mess, Brownrigg Road. Today it is the Senior Officer’s Mess, Keppetipola Mawatha This is because during the JVP insurrection of 1971 the Inspectorate of the Police were equated to officer ranks of the armed services; and the Inspectors’ Mess became the Officers’ Mess. The Sergeants and Constables were also designated as Junior Officers and a Mess was established for them on Chaitya Road, Fort.
The Mess was housed in a substantial two storey building. It was in fact one complete unit of a C’ type twin bungalow. The ground floor consisted of two verandahs in the front and the rear, the ante room with a billiard table, a large dining room with a table for about twenty, the kitchen and pantry, outhouses for servants, a large garage and a stable for one horse.
The walls of the ante-room were studded with hunting trophies – heads of wild buffaloes, trunks of elephants, antlers of deer etc. Photographs of past Inspectors – General and group farewells to retiring Senior officers adorned the walls of the dining room. In a large antique glass almirah were silver trophies and other valuable silverware.
The heart of this entire set up was indeed the bar that was housed in a small room adjoining the dining room. A remarkable feature was that this bar was always well stocked with the best liquors and well patronized by the members. Other than on special occasions outsiders were seldom seen there. The main reason why it was well patronized was because all senior officers were encouraged to drink at the mess and not in other public places. There were no cash sales with transactions being strictly on credit.
The Mess Rules had to be strictly observed by all members. If the necessity arose the senior most officer present had the power to enforce discipline. Jamis, the Butler, also enjoyed certain powers even to the extent of cautioning errant officers and reporting them under the Mess Rules. A committee of officers was responsible for the day to day running of the mess, with the Hony. Secretary bearing most of the burden. In later years, at different times I held the offices of Hony. Secretary and President of the Mess.
Unlike today the Mess servants were paid on the profits made by the bar; and there were only three of them including the Butler. Nimalasena assisted Jamis whilst there was just one cook. Today an ASP has taken the place of the Butler while there are several sergeants and constables as bar tenders and kitchen staff. To cater to the needs of the times an eatery also functions within the Mess premises called Bobby’s restaurant. This modest food outlet has proved to be a boon to many officers.
Of a total of six rooms for residents one room was always kept vacant for officers from the outstations who visited the city for official purposes. Apart from the three of us, there was only one other resident member in 1958. He was a bachelor ASP who had come up from the rank of Sub-Inspector. An old Trinitian, T.B. Dhanapala was a fingerprint expert. His younger brothers were Ian who was with me at Marrs Hall in Peradeniya and Jayantha, an illustrious foreign service officer who brought honour to the country.
A visitor who came regularly to see TBD. was a Trinity friend of his, Col. John Halangoda. They were both excellent conversationalists. Whenever possible, it was with pleasure that I joined them in a chat. Sometimes we would talk for hours on Kandyan history, customs, the aristocracy, families and even the manner of cooking and special foods, sipping just one bottle of Beck’s beer!
Dhanapala was a man of erudition and culture. He epitomized the quality of men who joined the police as Sub-Inspectors at that time. Simple in his habits he was scrupulously honest. Once he confided in me how a multi-millionaire businessman who had even been officially honoured by the government had approached him when he was the Registrar of Finger Prints (RFP) to get his past criminal record destroyed. He had taken special precautions for the safety of these documents. It is ironical indeed that this man with a criminal record for stealing a brass garden tap as a collector for an old metal dealer reached the top of the business world. Dhanapala merely faded away. But he will be remembered as a man of honour.
Apart from being the focal point for official functions and social get-togethers, the Mess was the common meeting place for officers. With the Police grounds and the tennis courts situated in close proximity, this was the place where one could bathe, have a change of clothes etc. It was particularly well patronized during week-ends. It was common to see several officers and their guests play bridge and billiards or snooker.
Officers who regularly played bridge were C.C. Dissanayake, Bede Johnpulle, Jebanesan and Lionel Jirasinghe. R.E. Kitto who had been All-India and National sprint champion spent hours at the billiard table. The officers I remember who played with him were R.A. Stork and Royden Vanderwall.
Lord Soulbury the first Governor General had been an occasional visitor to the Mess as the guest of the Inspector-General. As related by Jamis the butler, the Governor-General had also been a keen billiards player. He had been quite proficient too; and like most others he had enjoyed a drink whilst playing. His preferred drink had been Gordon’s gin and tonic with a dash of bitters.
Soulbury’s usual opponent in billiards had been the young and brash Robert Ebenezer (RE) Kitto. The latter was such a free conversationalist, unafraid to use English slang, even the Queen’s representative had begun to enjoy his lively company. A story that went the rounds about Soulbury and Kitto is worth being repeated over and over again.
Playing a game, the former standing on his left leg had stretched his right leg on the green baize and prepared himself to play an intricate shot. Kitto who had downed several arracks had loudly remarked, ” Excuse me, Your Excellency, only three balls on the table”! Soulbury according to Jamis had laughed heartily and shaken hands with Kitto.
Those who did not play bridge or billiards also enjoyed themselves engaged in light conversation, relating jokes and often laughing loudly. The voice of Allen Flamer Caldera was loud and distinct. Frederick de Saram was a real live wire. He was for some reason or another also called. Kukul Saram. It was his daughter, Sirimanie, who married Lalith Athulathmudali.
In fact Kukul usually came with his wife and two daughters. Mrs. de Saram, I remember, was coaxed to play the piano for the husband to lead the singing. He had a baritone voice and his favourite songs were, “I’ve got a loverly bunch of coconuts”, and “Arapiya Lucia dora”. Allen Flamer Caldera’s daughter Jilska who was one of the finest women athletes of the time, also played the piano once in a while for her father and his friends to unwind. Jilska as I remember was a pleasant and beautiful girl.
Celebrating Christmas
There were two special days at the Mess during the Christmas Season. One was the day on which the carols were held on the Police grounds and the other was the Children’s Christmas party.
The Christmas Carols organized by DIG C.C. Dissanayake was an admirable event. The Police Band provided the music and representatives of all ranks including the women police dressed in uniform formed the choir. A remarkable feature was that the personnel of the band as well as the choristers were all not Christians. They belonged to all faiths and sang loudly and lustily.
Even at casual get-togethers Brute Mahendran, a Hindu, sang Christian ditties such as “Swing low sweet chariot” and “Steal Away” with a lot of feeling. The spirit of Christmas entered the lives of all at that time. Even after colonial values had rightfully faded away, it is a matter for satisfaction indeed to see that carols have today become a national cultural feature in the form of ‘Wesak Bakthi Gee’. There was a time when people spoke of Wesak Carols!
The singing of carols did not end on the Police Grounds. It was customary for the senior officers to walk across the grounds to the Mess. Wives and children also joined. And the carols continued with everybody around the piano. Of course, it did not take long for the carols to be replaced by the usual party songs. Fred de Saram, Allen Flamer Caldera, Leslie Abeysekera, Cossy Orr and Stanley Senanayake eventually led the singing to the immortal melodies of Sunil Santha & P.L.A. Somapala. Before breaking up for the evening everybody including the wives and children joined in the Baila singing and dancing.
The Childress’ Party.
The childrens’ Christmas party was the most important event in the annual year-end celebrations. It was a social event looked forward to by the families of all members. For the children of all ages up to 12-years, the event from 5 p.m. to 8 p.m. was three hours of screaming fun. The massive Christmas tree was an exceptionally large branch of pine brought from Nuwara Eliya. Decorated to especially suit the taste of children, attractive toys dangled from all parts of the tree. Different groups of officers and their wives organized games for the children. Numerous varieties of short eats, sweets and ice-cream all supplied by Elephant House were freely available.
The highlight of the childrens’ party was the arrival of Santa Claus sharp at 5 p.m. In fact it was his arrival that signaled the commencement of the proceedings. A remarkable feature of this party was that members and families irrespective of religion joined in the fun. Apart from Buddhists, Musafers, Bongsos and Mahendrans have also played the role of Santa Claus. Shelly Salvador was an officer who reveled playing this role over and over again.
It was the manner of arrival of Santa Claus that provided the kiddies party with the desired kick-start. Minutes before five the sound of jingle bells was heard in the distance. Children and adults awaited his arrival anxiously. Amidst the sound of crackers and the release of hundreds of balloons Santa emerged in his traditional dress.
The sensation was in Santa’s mode of transport. In my early years in the Police I have seen Santa arrive in decorated Jeeps, in a buggy cart, on horseback, on a bicycle , on a motorcycle with a side-car etc. I too was Santa once in the early sixties. My senior at St. Joseph’s Hubert Bagot who was the head of the Police Mounted Division had improvised for me a horse drawn chariot out of a bullock cart!
The annual officers sit-down dinner
This annual dinner which is also called the “First Aid Dinner” is the most important official social meeting for the gazetted officers in the calendar of events of the Senior Officers Mess. This dinner follows the commemoration parade of the St. John’s Ambulance Brigade which in Sri Lanka is made up almost entirely of the police. During my resident days at the Mess, the commandant of the St. John’s Ambulance brigade was Col. Dr. Rockwood. With the Queen as the patron, this was undoubtedly a prestigious honorary post.
In the fifties and sixties it was compulsory for all officers to attend this dinner. Mess dress had to be worn. This dress consisted of black vicuna trousers with overlaid black silk braids, white dress shirt and black bow, white waist-coat and a mini dress jacket. Black shoes, small black epaulets and miniature silver insignia and buttons completed the outfit.
All officers had to be present by 7.30 in the evening. Never have I seen late comers. The special guests, the Governor-General and the Prime Minister arrived by 7.40 p.m. piloted by police vehicles. The IGP and the DIGs who also arrived by 7.30 p.m. received the special guests. By the time they arrived all the officers had studied the table plan that was exhibited on the billiard table. At 8 O’Clock sharp the police band under the baton of Inspector Gerry Paul played “Roast Beef of Old England.” This was the dinner call.
The special guests who also included Col. Dr. Rockwood were all escorted to their respective seats by the IGP and the DIGs. All other officers occupied their seats in an orderly fashion. The dining table was long and extended beyond the rear doorway. A raised platform accommodated the rear end of the table. The table — cloth was of immaculate white and the cutlery, crockery, glasses and serviettes meticulously arranged.
Although the catering manager of Elephant House was present it was Jamis the butler with all his experience who with authority supervised the table arrangements. It was also under the supervision of Jamis that the Elephant House waiters filled the wine and water glasses. As for the IGP and the special guests, Jamis was in personal attendance.
The menu at this special dinner was perhaps the best that Elephant House could offer; and Elephant House was at that time the sole importer of meats, fruits and vegetables. The meats arrived as whole carcasses to be stored in the large cold rooms. I remember being introduced by my father, who was Assistant Manager at Fountain Cafe, to one Mr. Young an Englishman who was the butcher. His job was to carve the carcasses of cattle and sheep to parts. Elephant House also imported the choicest of hams, bacon, butter and cheese.
The menu in 1958, for example, served by Jamis and his liveried assistants, started with a shrimp cocktail followed by steaming Consomme Royale, the soup. The main courses that followed consisted of braised turkey and ham in cadjunut and early pea sauce; and baked seer in mayonnaise with lobster thermidor A desert of Knickerbocker Glory and cheese was followed by strong black coffee. Jamis was constantly on the move topping up the glasses with cognac, cherry brandy and creme de menthe.
The gavel that had been placed on the table in front of the IGP was indeed a rare piece of furniture. It was an exquisitely turned out wooden hammer. Sharp at 9.30 the IGP tapped the table thrice with this gavel and got up with a glass of cognac in his hand. The others too got up simultaneously with glasses in their hands for the evening’s first toast, ‘to the health and happiness of the Queen’.
This was followed with a toast to Ceylon. After these toasts, in an informal tone, the IGP announced, ‘Gentlemen you may smoke’. Many pulled out their own packs or cigarette cases while even the usual non-smokers too helped themselves from the silver cigarette boxes that were being taken round Once the IGP and the guests got up and moved to the ante room other officers too gradually followed.
The proceedings thereafter were informal with the Governor-General and Prime Minister chatting freely even with junior officers. The Probationary ASPS invariably had a special place. It was a part of their induction into the Senior Officer culture of the Ceylon Police with colonial values.
I wonder today whether this special mess function continues to exist. During the late seventies and eighties when I was in service I cannot recall attending a ‘First Aid Dinner’ Perhaps with the extraordinary police commitments during the years of the terrorist war this traditional event had to be done away with. Even if it has ceased to exist it is certainly not a matter for regret. Being an extravagant British Colonial legacy, wholly incompatible with the times, the demise of the ‘Police First Aid Dinner’ had to come sooner or later.
Features
People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy
Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.
The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.
A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.
Different Approach
Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.
Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.
The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.
Maintain Confidence
The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.
In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.
The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation
In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.
The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.
To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.
A Shared Strategic Vision
Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:
A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner
These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.
A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.
Good Governance: The Cornerstone
The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.
Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.
Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.
When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.
The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence
An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.
Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.
Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.
Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.
Human Rights: A Strategic Asset
There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.
Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.
Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.
Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.
Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre
At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.
Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.
Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.
An effective intelligence system should be:
* Predictive rather than reactive.
* Preventive rather than investigative alone.
* Integrated rather than fragmented.
* Technology-driven rather than paper-based.
* People-centred rather than institution-centred.
Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.
Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.
Intelligence Beyond National Security
Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.
Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.
Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:
* Economic planning
* Public health preparedness
* Disaster risk reduction
* Cybersecurity
* Energy security
* Food security
* Environmental protection
* Artificial intelligence governance
* Foreign policy
* Investment protection
An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.
Whole-of-Government Cooperation
One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.
Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.
A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.
Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.
Economic Prosperity Through Security
Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.
Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.
An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.
Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.
Investment creates employment.
Employment reduces poverty.
Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.
Social stability reinforces national security.
International Partnerships
No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.
Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.
Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.
Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.
Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.
Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.
Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.
The Relationship Between National Stakeholders
National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.
Government provides leadership and policy direction.
The judiciary safeguards justice.
Law enforcement protects public safety.
The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.
Civil society strengthens social cohesion.
Educational institutions develop future leaders.
The private sector generates investment and innovation.
International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.
Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.
When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.
The Strategic Path Forward
Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.
That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.
The pathway is straightforward:
Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation
This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.
The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.
A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.
A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.
The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace
By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)
Features
The perfect victim: How institutions respond
It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.
I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.
The myth of the perfect victim
One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.
In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.
What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.
Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.
Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?
The subject of scrutiny
When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.
“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”
“Why didn’t you go to the police?”
“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”
“Why did you continue interacting with him?”
“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”
“There is no smoke without fire.”
Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.
These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.
The silence that speaks
The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.
The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.
Post judgement reflections
At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.
Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.
(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
by Udari Abeyasinghe
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