Editorial
People have spoken

Thursday 8th May, 2025
Sri Lankans have spoken, and what they have said is being interpreted in different ways. That the ruling NPP would be the overall winner in Tuesday’s local government (LG) polls was a foregone conclusion. Its stunning win in last year’s general election, where it obtained 159 out of 225 seats in Parliament, was still fresh when the country went to the polls again. A decline in its vote share was also expected. The Opposition managed to recover lost ground to some extent, but it has a long way to go before it can make a decisive comeback.
JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva, addressing a press conference yesterday morning, sought to downplay the NPP’s failure to prevent a drastic drop in its vote share during the past six months or so; he claimed that the local government polls were called ‘village elections’, where voters were swayed by various factors other than national issues. That may be generally so, but the NPP made an otherwise grassroots level voting event assume the same importance as a national election, with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake himself leading its LG election campaign. The President and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya fervently appealed to the people to vote for the NPP in the LG elections and help consolidate its hold on power. The NPP polled 6.86 million votes (61.56%) in the last parliamentary election, but it could obtain only 4.5 million votes (43.2%) in Tuesday’s LG polls.
Tilvin argued that the NPP’s performance had been better than the SLPP’s in the 2018 LG polls. What he left unsaid was that the SLPP polled 44.6% of votes and secured 231 councils and 3,360 seats while it was in the Opposition, with the UNP-led Yahapalana government and President Maithripala Sirisena going all out to queer the pitch for it. In contrast, the NPP faced Tuesday’s LG polls after winning a presidential election and parliamentary polls late last year. It won 266 councils with 3,926 members. However, it will be able to form stable administrations on its own in only about 133 LG institutions, according to reports available at the time of going to press. This figure is subject to change.
Many local councils, including the Colombo MC are hung, and their members will have to elect their heads. The NPP, which has condemned all its political rivals as rogues, will not be able to enlist the support of the Opposition members to muster working majorities in such councils.
The NPP has come to terms with the fact that its popularity is on the wane, and growing public disillusionment is beginning to weigh on its government. Votes it polled in the North and the East in the last general election helped it secure a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Its support base has shrunk significantly in those parts of the country, where the traditional Tamil political parties have made a comeback. The ITAK has secured 307,657 votes (2.96%) and 377 seats; it has won 37 councils.
The NPP did everything in its power to win the LG polls. The President, the Prime Minister, and all MPs including ministers, were actively involved in its election campaign; the government obviously outspent its rivals in electioneering, gave pay hikes to state workers and subsidies to farmers, put on a mammoth show of strength on May Day, held a relic exposition, branded the Opposition as a bunch of thieves and promised jobs to the youth. Most of all, President Dissanayake himself issued a veiled threat of fund restrictions for the councils to be won by parties other than the NPP. But the government failed to achieve the desired result. Instead of trying to mislead the public, the NPP should figure out what the people have given it a knock for, work on its mistakes and improve its performance. Mere rhetoric won’t do.
Similarly, the Opposition should stop labouring under the delusion that the NPP’s broken promises, the anti-incumbency factor and adverse social media campaigns against the NPP leaders, will enable it to turn the tables on the incumbent government. The SJB, the SLPP, the UNP, etc., have been able to improve their electoral performance significantly, compared to that in the last general election, but they have a lot more ground to cover before they can savour power. The SJB’s votes have increased from 1.9 million (17.66%) in last year’s parliamentary election to 2.2 million (21.6%). The SJB has secured 14 local councils, but it would have been able to bag some more if it had changed its campaign strategy and worked harder. The SLPP, too, has made significant gains; its votes have increased from 350,429 (3.14%) in last year’s general election to 954,517 (9.17%).
The Opposition parties, too, would do well to heed the message the people have conveyed; they have to work harder to win back public trust and secure enough popular support to win elections.
Thankfully, another election has passed without violence or rigging. The Election Commission and the police deserve praise for a job well done.
Editorial
Salt scarcity: More than a question of taste

Saturday 24th May, 2025
Sri Lanka is never short of issues, ranging from frivolous to serious, so much so that one cannot keep track of them.
The government insists that salt has been imported in sufficient quantities, and the claims of a persistent salt shortage are false. It is apparently far removed from reality.
Yesterday, Minister of Trade Wasantha Samarasinghe proudly announced the arrival of a ship carrying salt, at the Colombo Port. Nothing could be more absurd in an island state than its government’s boastful claim that a salt scarcity has been overcome by importing that commodity.
However, this is not the first time Sri Lanka has imported salt, but on previous occasions governments imported it promptly when there occurred significant drops in the local production thereof; salt scarcities like the present one never occurred previously, much less became a political issue.
A salt shortage does not occur overnight. It takes months to manifest itself. The signs of the current one were felt a few months ago; it has come about because the government let the grass grow under its feet, ignoring warnings and waiting until salt disappeared from shelves to act. Now, it is boasting of the arrival of imported salt.
Salt prices have risen steeply, and a kilo of salt sells at Rs. 400, we are told. It is doubtful whether the salt prices will come down in the foreseeable future, for Sri Lanka is notorious for sticky prices.
The NPP would not have been able to savour power if not for the stinging scarcity of essentials that prompted the people to take to the streets in 2022. A chronic shortage of fuel became the undoing of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. Needless to say, shortages of essential commodities have the potential to bring down governments in this country.
The SLFP-led United Front government collapsed in 1977 mostly due to the scarcity of food items such as rice. Hence prudence demands that the current dispensation learn from its predecessors and do everything in its power to make essentials available at affordable prices.
In fact, the current salt shortage is more than a taste enhancer being in short supply. It is a question of the ability of the incumbent government to make strategic decisions to forestall trouble. There’s the rub.
It may not be fair to ask whether the current administration is worth its salt simply because of the prevailing salt shortage, but the question is whether a government that cannot ever much as ensure a continuous supply of salt, which is cheap and easy to produce locally, will be able to prevent a shortage of costly petroleum fuel? Hypothetical as this question may be, anything is possible in this country. Whoever would have thought that the Rajapaksa government would ever exhaust the country’s foreign exchange reserves in a couple of years and cause scarcities of fuel, milk food and many other imported goods, and, above all, its leaders would have to run away?
It is high time the incumbent government stopped bellowing rhetoric and concentrated on delivering tangible results to the public.
Editorial
Lajja!

Friday 23rd May, 2025
The Constitutional Council (CC) has rejected President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s nominee for the post of the Auditor General. The Opposition has torn into President Dissanayake—and quite rightly so—for his attempt to have one of his cronies elected to the post of Auditor General at the expense of a highly deserving officer with 30 years of experience in the Auditor General’s Department. The rejected nominee has only five years of experience in the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, the Opposition has alleged.
Various professional associations, such as the Sri Lanka Audit Services Union, the Association of State Assistant Auditors Union, and State Auditors Union, have demanded to know why President Dissanayake overlooked the most deserving candidate for the post of Auditor General. But the government has chosen to remain silent.
The JVP-led NPP based its election campaigns on promises of good governance, etc., and flayed its political opponents for cronyism, which, it said, had ruined the public service. Now, the NPP is drawing criticism for cronyism.
The manipulation of the CC process yields adverse consequences. The incumbent government is all out to oust IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon. The controversy over his conduct would not have arisen if the Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe government had not undermined the CC process to have him appointed IGP in early 2024. The CC was divided over his appointment; four members voted in favour of it, and two against it, with two others abstaining. The CC consists of 10 members, but it had only nine members at the time. The previous regime engineered a tie in the CC vote by interpreting abstentions as opposition to the appointment at issue and had Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardenea cast what was made out to be a tie-breaking vote!
One of the main reasons why President Ranil Wickremesinghe became unpopular in spite of his courageous political leadership for breaking the back of the country’s worst-ever economic crisis was that he succumbed to the arrogance of power, defended the corrupt and other undesirables, and enabled his cronies to secure sinecures and top posts in the public service. He blatantly undermined the CC and even sought to make the judiciary bend to his will, but in vain. No surprise that he came a poor third in the 2024 presidential race.
Are we to conclude that some of his predecessors’ sordid practices have rubbed off on President Dissanayake?
Politicians intoxicated with power cannot bring themselves to stomach defeat, and therefore the government will do everything in its power to have an NPP loyalist appointed as the Auditor General to ensure that its interests will be served in state audits. They know more than one way to shoe a horse or skin a cat. Hence the need for robust constitutional safeguards to prevent governments from undermining the CC process to achieve their political ends.
The CC deserves praise for having intrepidly torpedoed President Dissanayake’s move to appoint a fellow university alumnus as the Auditor General. Such bold decisions will go a long way towards safeguarding the integrity of the key institution tasked with depoliticising the public service. However, the CC has not stipulated selection criteria for the nominees for the high posts. If they had been in place, President Dissanayake or his predecessors would not have been able to nominate their cronies for the top positions in the state institutions, according to their whims and fancies. The CC stands accused of either rejecting or endorsing nominees in an ad hoc manner. Parliament and the CC must take up this issue and introduce selection criteria so that not even a government capable of mustering a majority in the CC will be able to have officials appointed to top posts on the basis of their political affiliations.
The NPP is rapidly forfeiting its good governance credentials. Out of its sheer desperation to seize control of the hung local councils, it has unashamedly opted for a political honeymoon with the very councillors it condemned as crooks before the 06 May local government elections. In power politics, expediency takes precedence over scruples. Horse-trading over the hung local councils as well as the President’s attempt to elevate a crony to the post of Auditor General has proved that the current dispensation is not capable of resisting the corrupting influence of power. It’s the NPP government’s moment of shame or lajja!
Editorial
Nation burning amidst political bickering

Thursday 22nd May, 2025
British apparel manufacturer, NEXT, has closed its production unit in Katunayake, causing a loss of 1,400 jobs. However, it will continue operations at its other factories, according to media reports. It has cited high operational costs as the reason for its decision to close down the Katunayake factory.
The factory closure in question should be considered a wake-up call for Sri Lanka in view of the vulnerability of its export sector, especially the apparel industry, vis-a-vis the ongoing big power tariff wars, the rising global protectionist trend, and free trade agreements among other apparel manufacturing countries and the developed nations. One can only hope that the disturbing news from Katunayake will jolt the government and the Opposition into stopping their political battles and making a joint effort to strategise to navigate the daunting challenges the country’s export sector is facing.
Gomi Senadhira, an expert on international trade policy, who served as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the World Trade Organization, has, in an article published in this newspaper today, sounded a prescient warning, which must not go unheeded. For many years, he has written extensively about challenges and problems Sri Lankan exporters are facing and suggested how to overcome them, but it is doubtful whether successive governments and policymakers ever take such expert opinion on board. Commenting on the Free Trade Agreement India and the UK have inked recently, Senadhira has warned that the prevailing conditions in the UK market, 12% duty as against 0% duty for Vietnam, Bangladesh and Cambodia, don’t augur well for the bulk of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports. Duty-free access to India would further aggravate the situation, Senadhira has said, for it will reduce Sri Lanka’s apparel exports very significantly unless urgent action is taken to improve the conditions on market access through the Developing Countries Trading Scheme or other arrangements. He has called for a proactive intervention by the government to save Sri Lanka’s apparel sector.
Negative global economic developments not only take their toll on Sri Lanka’s export sector, resulting in a drop in foreign exchange reserves, but also have the potential to wipe out tens of thousands of jobs, giving rise to serious social problems and political instability. Hence the pressing need for strategic planning to face any eventuality. But the government and the Opposition are busy fighting a political battle over some local councils.
The government is apparently labouring under the fatalistic belief that the US tariff issue will go away, and it will be plain sailing for Sri Lankan exporters thereafter. The Opposition is apparently cherishing the delusion that it will be able to fix the economy without much effort if it is voted into power.
Ironically, when Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s father, President Ranasinghe Premadasa, launched his ambitious garment factory project, the JVP let out a howl of protest, inveighing against him for what it described as making Sri Lankan women ‘stitch underwear for white women––suddhiyanta jungi mahanawa. It also coined a pithy slogan, ‘Kellanta garment, Kollanta pavement’ —’garment factories for girls and pavement hawking for boys’. Today, the JVP has had to protect the garment factories and save jobs. It must redouble its efforts to achieve that end, and the Opposition led by President Premadasa’s son should assist the government in that endeavour. There is no gainsaying that a long-term solution is for Sri Lanka to diversify its exports and export destinations while entering into free trade agreements with other nations. But as the apparel industry is one of the mainstays of the country’s economy at present, everything possible will have to be done to ensure its wellbeing.
Meanwhile, it is only wishful thinking that Sri Lanka will be able to achieve its development goals unless urgent steps are taken to stop the flight of young human capital. It behoves those who are wielding political power, others in pursuit of it, and public officials to put their heads together and make a serious effort to eliminate the factors that are driving the country’s youth away. Sadly, the government and the Opposition are at each other’s throat over political issues.
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