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Editorial

People have spoken

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Thursday 8th May, 2025

Sri Lankans have spoken, and what they have said is being interpreted in different ways. That the ruling NPP would be the overall winner in Tuesday’s local government (LG) polls was a foregone conclusion. Its stunning win in last year’s general election, where it obtained 159 out of 225 seats in Parliament, was still fresh when the country went to the polls again. A decline in its vote share was also expected. The Opposition managed to recover lost ground to some extent, but it has a long way to go before it can make a decisive comeback.

JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva, addressing a press conference yesterday morning, sought to downplay the NPP’s failure to prevent a drastic drop in its vote share during the past six months or so; he claimed that the local government polls were called ‘village elections’, where voters were swayed by various factors other than national issues. That may be generally so, but the NPP made an otherwise grassroots level voting event assume the same importance as a national election, with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake himself leading its LG election campaign. The President and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya fervently appealed to the people to vote for the NPP in the LG elections and help consolidate its hold on power. The NPP polled 6.86 million votes (61.56%) in the last parliamentary election, but it could obtain only 4.5 million votes (43.2%) in Tuesday’s LG polls.

Tilvin argued that the NPP’s performance had been better than the SLPP’s in the 2018 LG polls. What he left unsaid was that the SLPP polled 44.6% of votes and secured 231 councils and 3,360 seats while it was in the Opposition, with the UNP-led Yahapalana government and President Maithripala Sirisena going all out to queer the pitch for it. In contrast, the NPP faced Tuesday’s LG polls after winning a presidential election and parliamentary polls late last year. It won 266 councils with 3,926 members. However, it will be able to form stable administrations on its own in only about 133 LG institutions, according to reports available at the time of going to press. This figure is subject to change.

Many local councils, including the Colombo MC are hung, and their members will have to elect their heads. The NPP, which has condemned all its political rivals as rogues, will not be able to enlist the support of the Opposition members to muster working majorities in such councils.

The NPP has come to terms with the fact that its popularity is on the wane, and growing public disillusionment is beginning to weigh on its government. Votes it polled in the North and the East in the last general election helped it secure a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Its support base has shrunk significantly in those parts of the country, where the traditional Tamil political parties have made a comeback. The ITAK has secured 307,657 votes (2.96%) and 377 seats; it has won 37 councils.

The NPP did everything in its power to win the LG polls. The President, the Prime Minister, and all MPs including ministers, were actively involved in its election campaign; the government obviously outspent its rivals in electioneering, gave pay hikes to state workers and subsidies to farmers, put on a mammoth show of strength on May Day, held a relic exposition, branded the Opposition as a bunch of thieves and promised jobs to the youth. Most of all, President Dissanayake himself issued a veiled threat of fund restrictions for the councils to be won by parties other than the NPP. But the government failed to achieve the desired result. Instead of trying to mislead the public, the NPP should figure out what the people have given it a knock for, work on its mistakes and improve its performance. Mere rhetoric won’t do.

Similarly, the Opposition should stop labouring under the delusion that the NPP’s broken promises, the anti-incumbency factor and adverse social media campaigns against the NPP leaders, will enable it to turn the tables on the incumbent government. The SJB, the SLPP, the UNP, etc., have been able to improve their electoral performance significantly, compared to that in the last general election, but they have a lot more ground to cover before they can savour power. The SJB’s votes have increased from 1.9 million (17.66%) in last year’s parliamentary election to 2.2 million (21.6%). The SJB has secured 14 local councils, but it would have been able to bag some more if it had changed its campaign strategy and worked harder. The SLPP, too, has made significant gains; its votes have increased from 350,429 (3.14%) in last year’s general election to 954,517 (9.17%).

The Opposition parties, too, would do well to heed the message the people have conveyed; they have to work harder to win back public trust and secure enough popular support to win elections.

Thankfully, another election has passed without violence or rigging. The Election Commission and the police deserve praise for a job well done.



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Editorial

Selective transparency

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Saturday 27th December, 2025

The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?

PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.

The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.

When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.

Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?

Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.

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Editorial

Desperate political sandbagging

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Friday 26th December, 2025

There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.

The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.

Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.

The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.

The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.

All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.

Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.

The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.

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Editorial

Christmas spirit, relief and pledges

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Thursday 25th December, 2025

Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.

Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.

The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.

Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.

All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.

Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.

About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.

The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.

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