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On the verge of manhood

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Peradeniya campus

by Jayantha Perera

Seniors’ ragging of ‘freshers’ was rampant on the Peradeniya campus. Marcus Fernando Hall, where I was a fresher, was notorious for ragging. A gang of nasty seniors woke us up at 4 am and forced us to crawl naked around the hall pond, pretending to be reptiles looking for water. Some seniors were lenient and wanted to have a good time with freshers. They asked us to sing, dance, or write letters promising to marry off sisters to their lordships – seniors. Once, I wrote a long letter promising to marry off my only sister to a senior. (I had only three brothers). He read the letter, thanked me for my generosity, and asked whether my sister was pretty. When I hesitated to reply, he told me he was uninterested in my sister.

The registration of undergraduates on the ground floor of the Senate provided an ideal opportunity for seniors to catch freshers for ragging. Seniors ordered freshers in their halls of residence to wear long-sleeved white shirts for the registration and to return to their halls after the registration. Seniors waited for them about 100 yards away from the Senate building, picked up freshers, and took them to their rooms for ragging.

During the ragging season, freshers had a busy life. Attendance at the University Health Clinic for a health checkup was mandatory. Weak hearts and poor eyesight were common defects among freshers. A nurse declared me fully colour-blind. Another fresher found that he had only one testicle.

I attended University Welfare Committee interviews to obtain free financial assistance. In the personal information form, I wrote that my mother had no income. Prof Sarachchandra, Chief Welfare Officer, called me for an interview. I told him about Amma’s difficulties in getting essential food with the stipend she received from my granduncle. He was sympathetic and gave me a cheque for Rs. 100. Then he approved a bursary of Rs. 300 per term. He told me although poverty was quite common in rural communities, villagers had enough resources to survive. However, for the urban poor, living was difficult unless a family member earned wages or made profits from a small business. He said he understood the difficulties I encountered.

Ragging lasted for two weeks and ended with an ‘initiation ceremony’. After taking the hall oath, freshers drank cheap arrack and danced until dawn the following day. They promised to respect seniors, not grab their girlfriends, and introduce them to female batch-mates with good recommendations. From the third week, all became equal, and university identity preceded other alliances such as school, region, religion, and ethnicity.

The most famous teacher among the freshers was Professor Sarachchandra, who taught Sinhala and literary criticism. He was a student of Professor A. J. Ayer, a world-renowned logician and philosopher at London University. About 200 students attended his class at the Arts Theatre. Sarachchandra brought a bundle of cyclostyled pages of books and distributed them among the students. He read a poem or an extract from a book aloud, inviting students to express their views, feelings, and thoughts. Most of the time, the class laughed at those students who expressed their opinions and beliefs, which were irrelevant to the discussed topic. Sarachchandra was patient and listened to each student who wanted to talk. Although we did not take notes during his lectures, we knew we had learned a lot.

Professor K N Jayatilleke taught logic and the scientific method. He was also a renowned Buddhist and Pali scholar who studied at Cambridge under the famous philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. Jayatilleke taught us deductive and inductive methods and how to use Venn diagrams to develop precise statements and definitions of phenomena. ‘Is there a God?’ was a popular question we discussed in the classroom. He summarised all the points we put forward on the blackboard and wrote his views in two lines at the bottom.

The teacher who taught us economics was a clever man with his own teaching style. He first gave us a summary of the topic and a question or two. He wanted us to discuss the issue and our answers in the next class. Economic history was my favourite subject. A Tokskyist taught us political theory. He criticised the British monarch and the Parliament and ridiculed maxims such as ‘The Queen can do no wrong’ and ‘The Queen reigns but not administers.’ He taught us how to think critically and independently and to approach a complex issue by dividing it into a series of questions.

It was a novel experience for me to associate with female colleagues. The names of some of my colleagues were new to me. At school, my friends were Hillary, Bonaventure, Joseph, Ivan, Winston, Bernard, and Lucian. At the University, my friends were Premathileke, Piyaseeli, Piyadasa, Gamage, Tilakaratne, and Wijeratne. In the first term, I got used to such names. The other significant difference was that most of them were Buddhists, and I was a Catholic. With religion came many different cultural practices.

I went to the Catholic Church on the campus on Sundays. My friends went to the Dalada Maligawa during the weekends and to a nearby Buddhist temple on a full moon day. They worshipped their parents by kneeling and touching their feet. I usually greeted my mother and other female relatives by kissing their cheeks. When they left home, their parents told them, “Theruwan saranai” (may the triple gems bless you). My mother bid me farewell by saying “Jesu pihitai” (may Jesus bless you). Parents usually brought cooked food sufficient to serve many friends of their sons or daughters. I was thrilled when my granduncle sent me a large cake from Kandy for Easter, which I shared with my friends. Most of them did not know Easter. For them, April’s Sinhala and Tamil New Year was the time to celebrate. I once visited a friend in his village during the New Year season. I was amazed to see how well women played the rabanas and men competed in thirikkal (cart) races.

Freshers joined various political parties. I was interested in joining JVP, but JVP leaders were reluctant to accept me as a JVP member. A friend told me that was because I was a Catholic and came from an urban school. I then joined the Communist Party (Peking Wing). I took part in campus student elections and political seminars held in Kandy. A friend from the Science Faculty became an ardent political theorist with great sympathy for the poor. He engaged in various welfare programs in rural areas. Once, he returned to the hall at midnight and found no food. He shouted at the hall steward and demanded food. The steward told him that dinner time was 8 pm, and he was late. My friend barked, “I can be anywhere in the universe. You should keep my dinner regardless of the rules.”

I occasionally visited the SK shop in Kandy (which my granduncle introduced to me). I obtained milk powder, packets of biscuits, writing paper, file covers, and pens on my granduncle’s account. I shared writing papers, Marmite and Horlicks (a hot milk beverage) with my two room-mates. When I got my bursary, I gave my two younger brothers some money. I frequently travelled home to see Amma and my brothers.

I often thought about Thaththa and imagined discussing my new subjects with him in the backyard of our house. I wanted to tell him how well I did in Sinhala, economics, and philosophy. Sometimes, my mind wandered. Once, I lost the teacher’s critical line of argument. When he wrote ‘V’ on the blackboard, I asked him “V stands for what?” He told me ‘Vimala’ (a girl’s name), suggesting I was thinking of a girl during my lessons. The entire class laughed. But immediately he said ‘V’ was for vishwaya (universe).

At the end of the third term, I returned home to revise for the General Arts Qualifying examination (GAQ). My younger brothers were at Padiyapellala. Nihal was at the minor seminary in Colombo. Amma was thrilled to have me at home. On Sundays, we went together to church, where she proudly introduced me to her friends. She boasted about me, saying I might someday become a university lecturer.

This calm and happy interlude in my life was shattered again when Amma fell ill. She got a severe throat and lung infection. We had about Rs. 50 at home, and within three days, it dwindled to Rs. 10, as medicine cost a lot. She was lying on the floor with great pain. I did not want to go to my granduncle to get more money.

Amma

could not eat any food because of her throat infection. I was worried that I too, would get the virus and fall sick. I decided to eat bread with brown sugar for all three meals. I bought a loaf of bread in the morning for 25 cents. I soaked a piece of bread in water and forced Amma to swallow it, and I ate a slice of bread with sugar. For lunch, I ate another piece of bread with sugar and fed Amma with bread and water. Dinner was also bread with sugar. I left for Peradeniya when Amma recovered from her illness.

Soon after the examination, I visited my granduncle’s shop at Padiyapelalla. One morning, at the cashier’s desk, I met the most beautiful girl in my life. She was about 16 years old and came with her sister, who was about 10 years old. The girls were breathtakingly pretty and talked with a different accent. The elder sister told me that the sugar she had bought from the shop was not properly wrapped, and by the time she reached home, there was no sugar in the packet. I asked her, “What can we do for you?” She said, “Please give me another sugar packet; otherwise, my mother will punish me!”

I told a shop assistant to give her a packet of sugar. That decision was correct. But no sooner had they left than the senior workers criticised me for giving them an extra sugar packet. One asked me, “Do you know those two girls are of the lowest caste? They are padu (untouchable) girls. That is why they are so pretty. A young man like you should be cautious because they are known for charming men with their beauty and 64 mayam (strategies). You should not walk alone in villages because they may trap you to marry one of their girls!” Their nagging went on for over an hour. Fortunately, the story did not reach my granduncle. I never saw the two girls again.

The GAQ results were out in mid-August. I did well and was among the four ‘exhibition’ prize winners. I consulted several professors before deciding whether to do a special or general degree. My desire was to do law. Peradeniya University did not offer law as a subject. It was available only at Colombo University. I could have joined the law faculty in Colombo with good advanced-level results. But I did not want to burden Amma as she had little money. Also, studying law requires a good knowledge of English as it is taught in English. I was not confident I could switch from Sinhala to English to read law. At that time, I had the false impression that legal studies were for wealthy and well-connected students.

I applied for a special course in sociology. The Professor of Sociology asked me to translate two passages from English to Sinhala to check my English proficiency. One passage was from an anthropology textbook, and the other from a political science textbook. I translated the first passage without any difficulty. The other was a difficult passage. Two days later, at the interview, he told me that I got 1 out of 10 for the translation while others got 0/10; therefore, he would allow me to study sociology! I did not know whether he was joking or serious. I expected to get at least 5/10 for the translation. His statement hurt me. I should have enrolled in Philosophy or Sinhala ‘special’ degree. In fact, the heads of the philosophy department and the Sinhala department invited me to read their ‘special’ degree courses. I did not join them because I thought a sociology degree would help me find a job after graduation.

The Professor taught two students in the English medium. A lecturer taught the seven Sinhala medium students. He arranged a special English class at the English Department to help us understand Sociology textbooks written in English. Social and Political Thought class was at the Department of Political Science. The Professor stammered a lot, making his lectures challenging to follow. He brilliantly summarised the ideas of thinkers such as Aristotle, Plato, Aquinas, Machiavelli, and Gandhi. By the end of the year, I understood the main currents of social and political thought and how they had affected various political regimes and civilisations. This knowledge formed the foundation of my future studies.

I conducted field research with visiting researchers at the department. Professor Nur Yalman of Chicago University recruited me as a research assistant to study the changing Buddhist culture in rural Sri Lanka. I visited about 20 Buddhist temples and discussed with about 50 bhikkus topics, such as whether Armstrong landed on the Moon. Only 30% of them believed that Armstrong reached the Moon. A communication specialist engaged me in fieldwork on mass communication and development in rural Sri Lanka. Each of them paid me a daily stipend. I bought my first saree for Amma with the money I earned from the fieldwork.

The Sociology department’s annual field trip to the Udawalawe region was a memorable episode in my second year at the University. Our first stop was at the Ratnapura Resthouse, where the Government Agent of the District, a Sociology graduate, hosted us for lunch. We had lots of beer and a sumptuous lunch. Each ate with a spoon, fork, and napkin tucked into the shirt or blouse. One vegetable served at lunch was murunga (drumstick). We did not know how to scoop the flesh from open lengths of murunga with a spoon. Most of us did not touch the dish, saying that we did not like murunga.

At Embilipitya, we stayed at a government circuit bungalow. We spent one day at the famous Victorian-era mansion of Maduwanwela Dissawa (Chieftain) in Thanamalwila. We learned from villagers that the government held elephant kraals in the 1940s near the small stream there. They explained how the hasthi rajaya (lead elephant) in one of the kraals attempted to break the stockade to protect its herd and how a marksman shot and killed it. We sang the song Panamure ath rajaya, written in memory of the elephant, before leaving the spot. Although our interactions with the local people were limited, we had an opportunity to observe rural living and to listen to folklore.

I sat next to a female undergrad on the bus during the trip. At the journey’s end, my friends thought I was ‘hitched’ to her. They mockingly blessed us for being the fortunate ones on the field trip! When I returned to Peradeniya, I had strange disorientation and loneliness. I thought I was sick. A friend told me that I was in love. He promised to talk to the lady concerned. I told him that I was not ready to start a relationship. About 40 years later, I checked facts and rumours of the bygone era with her. With more effort from each side, our mutual interest could have led to a lasting life relationship.



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Dilemmas of ‘hurting economies’ – the case of Sri Lanka

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Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (right) and Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.

However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’

This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.

Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’

Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.

Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.

There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’

Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.

As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.

This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.

Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.

On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.

It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.

One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.

Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.

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Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands

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(L-R) D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture; Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, K. D. Lal Kantha, Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives at the signing ceremony.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.

The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.

Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.

This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.

“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”

“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.

The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.

A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.

By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.

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War on Iran may hasten unraveling of New World Order

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It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.

When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.

Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.

The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In  Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.

Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.

These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.

Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.

If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”.  Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.

Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.

Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.

Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.

However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.

These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.

by  N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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