Features

On the verge of manhood

Published

2 years ago

2024/07/7

Thilina Walpola

Peradeniya campus

by Jayantha Perera

Seniors’ ragging of ‘freshers’ was rampant on the Peradeniya campus. Marcus Fernando Hall, where I was a fresher, was notorious for ragging. A gang of nasty seniors woke us up at 4 am and forced us to crawl naked around the hall pond, pretending to be reptiles looking for water. Some seniors were lenient and wanted to have a good time with freshers. They asked us to sing, dance, or write letters promising to marry off sisters to their lordships – seniors. Once, I wrote a long letter promising to marry off my only sister to a senior. (I had only three brothers). He read the letter, thanked me for my generosity, and asked whether my sister was pretty. When I hesitated to reply, he told me he was uninterested in my sister.

The registration of undergraduates on the ground floor of the Senate provided an ideal opportunity for seniors to catch freshers for ragging. Seniors ordered freshers in their halls of residence to wear long-sleeved white shirts for the registration and to return to their halls after the registration. Seniors waited for them about 100 yards away from the Senate building, picked up freshers, and took them to their rooms for ragging.

During the ragging season, freshers had a busy life. Attendance at the University Health Clinic for a health checkup was mandatory. Weak hearts and poor eyesight were common defects among freshers. A nurse declared me fully colour-blind. Another fresher found that he had only one testicle.

I attended University Welfare Committee interviews to obtain free financial assistance. In the personal information form, I wrote that my mother had no income. Prof Sarachchandra, Chief Welfare Officer, called me for an interview. I told him about Amma’s difficulties in getting essential food with the stipend she received from my granduncle. He was sympathetic and gave me a cheque for Rs. 100. Then he approved a bursary of Rs. 300 per term. He told me although poverty was quite common in rural communities, villagers had enough resources to survive. However, for the urban poor, living was difficult unless a family member earned wages or made profits from a small business. He said he understood the difficulties I encountered.

Ragging lasted for two weeks and ended with an ‘initiation ceremony’. After taking the hall oath, freshers drank cheap arrack and danced until dawn the following day. They promised to respect seniors, not grab their girlfriends, and introduce them to female batch-mates with good recommendations. From the third week, all became equal, and university identity preceded other alliances such as school, region, religion, and ethnicity.

The most famous teacher among the freshers was Professor Sarachchandra, who taught Sinhala and literary criticism. He was a student of Professor A. J. Ayer, a world-renowned logician and philosopher at London University. About 200 students attended his class at the Arts Theatre. Sarachchandra brought a bundle of cyclostyled pages of books and distributed them among the students. He read a poem or an extract from a book aloud, inviting students to express their views, feelings, and thoughts. Most of the time, the class laughed at those students who expressed their opinions and beliefs, which were irrelevant to the discussed topic. Sarachchandra was patient and listened to each student who wanted to talk. Although we did not take notes during his lectures, we knew we had learned a lot.

Professor K N Jayatilleke taught logic and the scientific method. He was also a renowned Buddhist and Pali scholar who studied at Cambridge under the famous philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. Jayatilleke taught us deductive and inductive methods and how to use Venn diagrams to develop precise statements and definitions of phenomena. ‘Is there a God?’ was a popular question we discussed in the classroom. He summarised all the points we put forward on the blackboard and wrote his views in two lines at the bottom.

The teacher who taught us economics was a clever man with his own teaching style. He first gave us a summary of the topic and a question or two. He wanted us to discuss the issue and our answers in the next class. Economic history was my favourite subject. A Tokskyist taught us political theory. He criticised the British monarch and the Parliament and ridiculed maxims such as ‘The Queen can do no wrong’ and ‘The Queen reigns but not administers.’ He taught us how to think critically and independently and to approach a complex issue by dividing it into a series of questions.

It was a novel experience for me to associate with female colleagues. The names of some of my colleagues were new to me. At school, my friends were Hillary, Bonaventure, Joseph, Ivan, Winston, Bernard, and Lucian. At the University, my friends were Premathileke, Piyaseeli, Piyadasa, Gamage, Tilakaratne, and Wijeratne. In the first term, I got used to such names. The other significant difference was that most of them were Buddhists, and I was a Catholic. With religion came many different cultural practices.

I went to the Catholic Church on the campus on Sundays. My friends went to the Dalada Maligawa during the weekends and to a nearby Buddhist temple on a full moon day. They worshipped their parents by kneeling and touching their feet. I usually greeted my mother and other female relatives by kissing their cheeks. When they left home, their parents told them, “Theruwan saranai” (may the triple gems bless you). My mother bid me farewell by saying “Jesu pihitai” (may Jesus bless you). Parents usually brought cooked food sufficient to serve many friends of their sons or daughters. I was thrilled when my granduncle sent me a large cake from Kandy for Easter, which I shared with my friends. Most of them did not know Easter. For them, April’s Sinhala and Tamil New Year was the time to celebrate. I once visited a friend in his village during the New Year season. I was amazed to see how well women played the rabanas and men competed in thirikkal (cart) races.

Freshers joined various political parties. I was interested in joining JVP, but JVP leaders were reluctant to accept me as a JVP member. A friend told me that was because I was a Catholic and came from an urban school. I then joined the Communist Party (Peking Wing). I took part in campus student elections and political seminars held in Kandy. A friend from the Science Faculty became an ardent political theorist with great sympathy for the poor. He engaged in various welfare programs in rural areas. Once, he returned to the hall at midnight and found no food. He shouted at the hall steward and demanded food. The steward told him that dinner time was 8 pm, and he was late. My friend barked, “I can be anywhere in the universe. You should keep my dinner regardless of the rules.”

I occasionally visited the SK shop in Kandy (which my granduncle introduced to me). I obtained milk powder, packets of biscuits, writing paper, file covers, and pens on my granduncle’s account. I shared writing papers, Marmite and Horlicks (a hot milk beverage) with my two room-mates. When I got my bursary, I gave my two younger brothers some money. I frequently travelled home to see Amma and my brothers.

I often thought about Thaththa and imagined discussing my new subjects with him in the backyard of our house. I wanted to tell him how well I did in Sinhala, economics, and philosophy. Sometimes, my mind wandered. Once, I lost the teacher’s critical line of argument. When he wrote ‘V’ on the blackboard, I asked him “V stands for what?” He told me ‘Vimala’ (a girl’s name), suggesting I was thinking of a girl during my lessons. The entire class laughed. But immediately he said ‘V’ was for vishwaya (universe).

At the end of the third term, I returned home to revise for the General Arts Qualifying examination (GAQ). My younger brothers were at Padiyapellala. Nihal was at the minor seminary in Colombo. Amma was thrilled to have me at home. On Sundays, we went together to church, where she proudly introduced me to her friends. She boasted about me, saying I might someday become a university lecturer.

This calm and happy interlude in my life was shattered again when Amma fell ill. She got a severe throat and lung infection. We had about Rs. 50 at home, and within three days, it dwindled to Rs. 10, as medicine cost a lot. She was lying on the floor with great pain. I did not want to go to my granduncle to get more money.

Amma

could not eat any food because of her throat infection. I was worried that I too, would get the virus and fall sick. I decided to eat bread with brown sugar for all three meals. I bought a loaf of bread in the morning for 25 cents. I soaked a piece of bread in water and forced Amma to swallow it, and I ate a slice of bread with sugar. For lunch, I ate another piece of bread with sugar and fed Amma with bread and water. Dinner was also bread with sugar. I left for Peradeniya when Amma recovered from her illness.

Soon after the examination, I visited my granduncle’s shop at Padiyapelalla. One morning, at the cashier’s desk, I met the most beautiful girl in my life. She was about 16 years old and came with her sister, who was about 10 years old. The girls were breathtakingly pretty and talked with a different accent. The elder sister told me that the sugar she had bought from the shop was not properly wrapped, and by the time she reached home, there was no sugar in the packet. I asked her, “What can we do for you?” She said, “Please give me another sugar packet; otherwise, my mother will punish me!”

I told a shop assistant to give her a packet of sugar. That decision was correct. But no sooner had they left than the senior workers criticised me for giving them an extra sugar packet. One asked me, “Do you know those two girls are of the lowest caste? They are padu (untouchable) girls. That is why they are so pretty. A young man like you should be cautious because they are known for charming men with their beauty and 64 mayam (strategies). You should not walk alone in villages because they may trap you to marry one of their girls!” Their nagging went on for over an hour. Fortunately, the story did not reach my granduncle. I never saw the two girls again.

The GAQ results were out in mid-August. I did well and was among the four ‘exhibition’ prize winners. I consulted several professors before deciding whether to do a special or general degree. My desire was to do law. Peradeniya University did not offer law as a subject. It was available only at Colombo University. I could have joined the law faculty in Colombo with good advanced-level results. But I did not want to burden Amma as she had little money. Also, studying law requires a good knowledge of English as it is taught in English. I was not confident I could switch from Sinhala to English to read law. At that time, I had the false impression that legal studies were for wealthy and well-connected students.

I applied for a special course in sociology. The Professor of Sociology asked me to translate two passages from English to Sinhala to check my English proficiency. One passage was from an anthropology textbook, and the other from a political science textbook. I translated the first passage without any difficulty. The other was a difficult passage. Two days later, at the interview, he told me that I got 1 out of 10 for the translation while others got 0/10; therefore, he would allow me to study sociology! I did not know whether he was joking or serious. I expected to get at least 5/10 for the translation. His statement hurt me. I should have enrolled in Philosophy or Sinhala ‘special’ degree. In fact, the heads of the philosophy department and the Sinhala department invited me to read their ‘special’ degree courses. I did not join them because I thought a sociology degree would help me find a job after graduation.

The Professor taught two students in the English medium. A lecturer taught the seven Sinhala medium students. He arranged a special English class at the English Department to help us understand Sociology textbooks written in English. Social and Political Thought class was at the Department of Political Science. The Professor stammered a lot, making his lectures challenging to follow. He brilliantly summarised the ideas of thinkers such as Aristotle, Plato, Aquinas, Machiavelli, and Gandhi. By the end of the year, I understood the main currents of social and political thought and how they had affected various political regimes and civilisations. This knowledge formed the foundation of my future studies.

I conducted field research with visiting researchers at the department. Professor Nur Yalman of Chicago University recruited me as a research assistant to study the changing Buddhist culture in rural Sri Lanka. I visited about 20 Buddhist temples and discussed with about 50 bhikkus topics, such as whether Armstrong landed on the Moon. Only 30% of them believed that Armstrong reached the Moon. A communication specialist engaged me in fieldwork on mass communication and development in rural Sri Lanka. Each of them paid me a daily stipend. I bought my first saree for Amma with the money I earned from the fieldwork.

The Sociology department’s annual field trip to the Udawalawe region was a memorable episode in my second year at the University. Our first stop was at the Ratnapura Resthouse, where the Government Agent of the District, a Sociology graduate, hosted us for lunch. We had lots of beer and a sumptuous lunch. Each ate with a spoon, fork, and napkin tucked into the shirt or blouse. One vegetable served at lunch was murunga (drumstick). We did not know how to scoop the flesh from open lengths of murunga with a spoon. Most of us did not touch the dish, saying that we did not like murunga.

At Embilipitya, we stayed at a government circuit bungalow. We spent one day at the famous Victorian-era mansion of Maduwanwela Dissawa (Chieftain) in Thanamalwila. We learned from villagers that the government held elephant kraals in the 1940s near the small stream there. They explained how the hasthi rajaya (lead elephant) in one of the kraals attempted to break the stockade to protect its herd and how a marksman shot and killed it. We sang the song Panamure ath rajaya, written in memory of the elephant, before leaving the spot. Although our interactions with the local people were limited, we had an opportunity to observe rural living and to listen to folklore.

I sat next to a female undergrad on the bus during the trip. At the journey’s end, my friends thought I was ‘hitched’ to her. They mockingly blessed us for being the fortunate ones on the field trip! When I returned to Peradeniya, I had strange disorientation and loneliness. I thought I was sick. A friend told me that I was in love. He promised to talk to the lady concerned. I told him that I was not ready to start a relationship. About 40 years later, I checked facts and rumours of the bygone era with her. With more effort from each side, our mutual interest could have led to a lasting life relationship.

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Features

Approach to constitutional reform

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

SWRD Bandaranaike

The S.J.V. Chelvanayakam KC Memorial Lecture delivered on 26 April, at Jaffna Central College, by Professor G.L. Peiris, an academic with outstanding credentials, was published, under the title, “Federalism and paths to constitutional reform,” in The Island of 27 April, 2026.

In Part II of the publication, titled “Advocacy of Federalism: Origins and Context,” Professor Peiris states: “At the core of political convictions he held sacrosanct was his unremitting commitment to federalism…”. Contrary to popular belief, however, federalism in our country had its origins in issues which were not connected with ethnicity. At the inception, this had to do with aspirations, not of the Tamils but of the Kandyan Sinhalese. The Kandyan National Assembly, in its representations to the Donoughmore Commission in 1927, declared: “Ours is not a communal claim or a claim for the aggrandizement of a few. It is the claim of a nation to live its own life and realise its own destiny”.

Commenting on S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s views, Professor Peiris states: “Soon after his return from Oxford, as a prominent member of the Ceylon National Congress, was an advocate of federalism. He went so far as to characterise federalism as ‘the only solution to our political problems”.

THE COMMON THREAD

The thread that is common to the sources cited above is that while their focus was on the political framework, there is not even a hint as to the territorial units to which the political framework of federalism is to apply. With time the Tamil “nation” claimed that their federal State was to be the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. However, the Kandyan “nation” was silent on this issue. Since Britain annexed the Kandyan Kingdom and the unified, then Ceylon in 1815, for all intents and purposes it would be reasonable to assume that the claim of the Kandyan “nation” was to be the region under the last Kandyan King, leaving the Western and Southern coastal regions for the Rest of the “nation”.

Chelvanayakam

Sri Lanka, while being a colony under the British, was not interested in political frameworks. Instead, the British were interested in structural arrangements that facilitated Administration. It is evident from the evolutionary processes explored by the British that subdivided units of a State are critical not only for effective Administration but also for the political framework that ensures political stability. Federalism, advocated by the Tamil and Kandyan Leaderships for territorial units, as claimed by them, would inevitably lead to political instability. The lesson to be learnt is not to start with political frameworks, such as Federalism, but to first decide on the territorial units, within which a State functions, to ensure stability, and then frame political aspirations of the People belonging to such a State, in order to ensure political and structural stability.

LESSONS of HISTORY

Material from an article, dated 16 June, 2016

“When the British took control of the Dutch possessions in former Sri Lanka, in 1796, the Kandyan Kingdom was independent and separate from the Maritime region. The Kandyan Kingdom consisted of the “central highlands with the eastern and southeastern coastal strips”. It was after ceding of the Kingdom, at the Kandyan Convention of 1815, and after the rebellion of 1817-1818, that the two regions were merged. However, despite the merger, the administration of the two regions remained divorced from each other, with the Kandyan region being divided into 11 Districts, and the Maritime region into five, creating a total of 16 Districts for the administration of the whole country (Sir Charles Collins, Public Administration of Ceylon, 1951, p. 49).

“The above arrangements continued until the recommendations of the Colebrook – Cameron Commission. In 1832, the recommendations of the Commission were accepted , “… and the separate administrative system for the Kandyan provinces was abolished and amalgamated with the territories on the littoral acquired from the V.O.C. in a single unified administration structure for the whole island. The existing provincial boundaries within the two administrative divisions – the Kandyan and maritime provinces – were redrawn, and a new set of five provincial units, of which only one – the Central Province – was Kandyan pure and simple, was established. The new provincial boundaries cut across the traditional divisions and placed many Kandyan regions under the administrative control of the old maritime provinces” (K.M.de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 1981, p. 263), continued until as late as 1889, resulting in nine Provinces for the sole purpose of facilitating the Colonial administration. In point of fact, the Province never functioned as the administrative unit. Instead, the administrative unit was essentially the District, and the situation has remained so throughout the Colonial period and into this day. According to Sir Charles Collins cited above: “Most provinces were divided into districts, each Government Agent having charge of his own district, with general supervision over the whole province. The districts not in the direct charge of Government Agents were under the control of assistant Government Agents”. (Ibid, p. 62.)

PRIORITISING POLITICS OVER STABILITY

The lesson learnt by the British was that if a Colony is to be Administered effectively, the Colonizer had to choose the most appropriate unit of administration. Similarly, to an Independent Sovereign State, Territorial Stability should be its foremost priority. This means deciding on the most structurally secure territorial unit within which political power sharing should operate and not prioritise political frameworks, such as Federalism, at the expense of the structural stability of the State. Political instability would have been inevitable had Sri Lanka succumbed to pressures from the Tamil and Kandyan Leaderships.

Although Britain was not concerned with territorial stability, they recognised that the District was the most effective unit for effective administration. In fact, the 1977 Constitution describes the Territory of Sri Lanka in terms of Administrative Districts. Despite this, it was the Indo-Lanka Accord that first recognised the Northern and Eastern Provinces as political units. Following this, the 13th Amendment of 1987 extended this recognition to all Provinces.

The adoption of the Province as the political unit may not have had an impact on the territorial integrity of the Sri Lanka State, except for the Northern and Eastern Provinces, judging from the events that followed over three-plus brutal decades. The transformation of the territory of Sri Lanka, from Administrative Districts to Provinces and Provincial Councils, is the direct result of prioritising politics over territorial stability. For India to be the handmaiden of this transformation is beyond comprehension because instability in Sri Lanka, in whatever form, would impact on India’s own territorial integrity. This serious blunder cannot be ignored any further for the sake of both Sri Lanka and India. It is imperative that measures are taken to engage in a course correction through Constitutional Reform.

PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS

The path to Constitutional Reform should start with the territorial subdivision of the Sri Lankan State into Districts, not only to ensure the territorial integrity of the State but also to improve administrative and development efficiencies coupled with Local Government units; a lesson learnt from the British. Any political powers devolved/decentralised to Districts should be the responsibility of District Councils, elected by representatives to Local Governments within each District.

Political power at the Centre should reflect the commitment to a single Sri Lankan Nation, through an elected Legislature, with Executive Powers being shared by a President/Prime Minister, with a Cabinet made up of all communities, in the ratio represented in Parliament. An attempt to share Executive Power with all communities, in an inclusive Cabinet, has not been the practice in the past, and under the present government, as well, despite its strident calls for unity and reconciliation. Consequently, the tendency for minority communities is to seek peripheral power to the maximum extent possible.

CONCLUSION

The approach to Constitutional making has been how best to accommodate political power in the form of Federalism, first by the Kandyan “nation” and later by the Tamil “nation”. The claim by the Tamil Leadership morphed from Federalism to a Separate State resulting in tragedies of an unimaginable order, to the point of threatening the very existence of the Sri Lankan State.

The current arrangement is based on Power being devolved to Provinces, in the form of Provincial Councils, with no regard the Province, makes to the territorial durability of the Sri Lanka State. How successive Governments hope to prevent threats to territorial vulnerabilities is to curtail the operation of sensitive provisions of devolved powers. This is being disingenuous.

On the other hand, the more direct and forthright approach to Constitutional Reform is to make the District the unit of peripheral power in order to ensure territorial stability and effective peripheral development and share Executive Power with communities in the ratio of their representation in the Legislature. The first could be achieved through a referendum and the second by the President/Prime Minister of any government. This approach prioritises territorial stability over political power; a change that has eluded policymakers. Therefore, it is imperative that territorial stability is given the foremost place in Constitutional Reform processes for the sake of not only Sri Lanka but also for India, for reasons of connectivity.

by Neville Ladduwahetty

Features

Time to get ready to face power

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

The power cuts are already here. Perhaps, even before the date predicted by the Public Utilities Commision of Sri Lanka (PUCSL. The peak load has gone well past the threshold they indicated as the tipping point of 3030 MW of peak load. It is now will past 3100 MW and growing, perhaps triggered by the continued heatwave making the use of air conditioners and fans more frequent and by a wider group of consumers. The government insists there is no intention of power cuts but each of us have experienced some form of power outage, without notice, at some time or other.

It is in this scenario that the Ceylon Electricty Board (CEB), or whatever it is called now, had directed all roof top solar projects, over 300 MW capacity, to shut down for the period 10th April to 20th April.

This is in addition to the curtailment of all ground mounted solar and wind projects, and even mini hydro projects, without compensation, going on for some months.

One year of inaction by CEB with the problem staring in the face

If will be recalled that the same demand was made in April, 2025, after the debacle of the countrywide blackout on 9^th February, 2025, whether caused by a monkey or otherwise.

The question to be raised is what steps have been taken by the then CEB, or the Ministry to anticipate the situation this year, too, and to try and mitigate the same.

The easy answer is absolutely nothing. If at all what has been done is unilaterally prevent any further addition of Roof Top Solar PV, under the provisions of the Surya Bala Sangramaya (SBS), is, undoubtedly, the only short term and economical means to add low cost renewable electrical energy to the grid.

The architect of the SBS, the Sustainable Energy Authority is deafening by their silence, when their signature project of prime national importance has been sabotaged, and now even the performance of the already installed systems are being curtailed.

This action is totally unbelievable when the use of expensive oil-based generation will continue unabated, even during the day, when there is so much solar energy already installed. Of course, the age-old excuse will be trotted out, of the non-firm nature of Solar and Wind and problems of grid stability, etc.

Many useful and practical solutions to face the growing issue of how to integrate the essential low cost but variable resources of solar and wind to the grid as an aftermath of the blackout were discussed over a year ago.

But nothing seems to have even been attempted. The most prominent among these was the proposal to add 300 MW of grid scale batteries, as indicated in the already-approved Long Term Electricity Generation Plan ( LTEGP 2024 – 2044,) of which 100 MW should have been in use by 2026. The tender for the addition of 16 X 10 MW battery storage at selected grid substations was called over a year ago. Some expectation of sanity

It is under these circumstances that the PUCSL called for a stakeholder consultation on the 10th April, 2026, after circulating a concept note, which was well attended. It was a breath of fresh air, in view of the downhill slide of the entire electricity sector in the recent months compounded by the raging controversy of the coal scam and the rapidly increased use of expensive diesel, in addition to the other fossil fuels, just to keep up the generation to match the demand. The double whammy of the doubling of the fuel prices , exacerbated the hit on not only the consumer’s monthly bill, but the national economy and balance of payments.

Therefore, it was most encouraging to note from the PUCSL’s concept note that sanity has prevailed at last. We have been demandin–g some concrete strategies and time based targets to rid at least the electricity sector from the use of expensive, polluting fossil fuels, commencing with oil. This is the only means by which the utility could hope to achieve some degree of economic and financial viability. They have continued to burden the consumer and the country by continually jacking up the consumer tariff, while ignoring any prudent means to clean up their Act. As a matter of interest, the CEB’s own data of 2023 shows that it is possible to save some Rs 113 Billion annually by replacing all oil-based generation using renewables. The country could have saved over $ 700 Million in Foreign Exchange and the Consumer Tariff could have been lowered by Rs 7.00 per Unit across all segments of consumers.

Therefore, the PUCSL concept paper out lines, some credible measures to eliminate the use of all of forms of oil for power generation in stages. The three tier of approach, outlined as option 1 to 3, reproduced here, should be commended for adopting a pragmatic approach, with very good chance of success.

Proposed options by PUCSL

(See Options 1 Peak Shaving Approach by 2027 and Option 2: Eliminating 2.06 GWh/day of diesel-based generation)

Considering even the recent past when we achieved a status of zero oil use, as compared to the present sorry status, this is not an extremely difficult task. We will have to substitute Solar PV to bridge the gap of reduced Hydro during dry months.

(See diagram 1)

RE Contribution 69% % Oil Usage 6.2 % No Diesel

(See diagram 2)

In Contrast on 30^th March RE Contribution was only -43,5%

and oil use has gone up to -29.59%

However, as outlined in the introductory paragraphs of the concept paper, the driving force to promote this change is the early declaration of appropriately worked out tariffs for installation of storage batteries and delivery of the stored energy to the grid.

With the total lack of progress of proposals in the LTEGP 2025-2044 by the state institutions, it is prudent to assume any future initiatives can only come from private sector participation.

Using the power granted by the recently ratified Electricity Act NO, 36 (As amended) the PUCSL has moved with commendable speed to develop the Feed in Tariff declarations needed to enable the achievement of the above objectives and a further stakeholder consultation was held on the 24^th of April when more detailed proposals were put forward.

However, although the responsibility of publishing the tariff remains with the PUCSL, unless the National System Operator ( NSO ), tasked with the planning and implementation of Electricity Sector developments , takes urgent action to implement the desired changes as a highest priority task, nothing will be gained to help the country to get out of this quagmire.

The Consumer Continues to be Burdened.

Further, as the time table proposed by the PUCSL itself indicates, even the first of the options can be implemented only in 2027, with the others following up to the year 2030.

These are very encouraging time targets and the consumers will eagerly await their achievement.

However, the threat of power cuts, as well as continuing increase in consumer tariff to fuel the use of diesel for power generation, is real and current. A further tariff increase of 18% has been demanded by the NSO, on top of the 15% granted on 1^st April, 2026.

The Immediate Options Available to Consumers.

a) The CEB now refuses to provide any grid connection for integration of any rooftop solar PV systems under the Surya Bala Sangraamaya.

b) The only way available to the consumers is to install Off grid roof top solar systems with adequate batteries to be none dependent on the grid. Use the grid only during the off peak hours.

c) During most periods of the year, even under cloudy conditions there is some solar generation. To ensure the daily consumption is more than covered by the solar input and any surplus is used to charge the battery, to the level adequate to manage the evening and peak hour demand, the capacity of the solar panels and battery have to be determined.

d) It is to be noted that although only the relatively high-end domestic consumers could find the proposed scheme financially feasible under the present cost regimes, which will improve further when the second tariff increase is announced shortly, to those consuming over 250 Units/Month, their engagement has a sector wise positive implication which is beneficial to all levels of consumers.

e) The scheme will operate in an off grid mode, without exports to the grid at any time. Therefore, they will not contribute to the often voiced worries of over voltage, instability and variability in the national grid.

f) Once the PUCSL announces the required FIT and the NSO or the Distribution Companies institutes the necessary facilities, such as smart meters, such consumers, too, can further assist the grid by export of any excess they generate.

Proposal to Avoid Power Cuts Implementable by Domestic Consumers

There are several drivers which will attract the potential ” Prosumers” to adopt this option without delay.

* The consumer tariff will continue to rise

* Even the former Roof Top Solar Systems, without batteries, does not provide power during the power cuts or blackouts

* At present day prices, the investment is financially feasible, based on the savings of the current level of monthly electricity bill. A substantial bank loan can be comfortably settled from the savings

* Now cooking with electricity is no longer a financial burden but can save one from the cost and danger of LPG shortages and queues

* What you, do based on your economic ability, will be a service to all consumers as the resultant reduction of Peak Demand means the use of Diesel can be gradually reduced and the lower end consumers, too, will benefit.

* You will enhance your green credentials with your own financial benefits.

The overall benefit to the grid and other consumers

If the element of exorbitant cost of diesel-based generation is removed then there is no need for the increase of consumer tariff for all consumers.

What is more important is that trimming the peak load would drastically reduce the need for any power shredding that is happening on the sly now and thereby benefit all consumers,

The summary of Financial Analysis illustrating the viability based on currently available data is given here. This will improve drastically if a further increase in consumer tariff is granted, which appears inevitable. (See Table 01 – The basic data used for this analysis is available on request.)

by Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe

parajayasinghe@gmail.com

Features

From Coal to Solar: China’s sunken mines power a Green Revolution: Lessons for Sri Lanka

Published

23 hours ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

A floating solar farm on a coal mining subsidence area in Panji district of Huainan, Anhui province, China, on June 7, 2017. (Image courtesy China Daily)

In a striking symbol of the global energy transition, vast stretches of once-abandoned coal mines in China have been reborn, not as relics of an industrial past, but as shimmering hubs of renewable energy.

What were once scarred landscapes, destabilised by years of mining, and later submerged by landslides and floods, have now been transformed into expansive artificial lakes.

Floating atop these waters are some of the world’s largest solar power installations, quietly generating clean electricity on a massive scale.

Among the most notable are the Fuyang Floating Solar Farm and the Huainan Floating Solar Farm. Together, they represent a remarkable engineering and environmental achievement.

The Fuyang facility boasts an installed capacity of 650 megawatts, producing approximately 700 million kilowatt-hours of electricity annually. Even more impressive, the Huainan project reaches a staggering 1 gigawatt capacity, generating nearly 1.8 billion kilowatt-hours each year. Combined, these floating giants produce enough electricity to power millions of homes without burning a single lump of coal.

A former General Manager of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), a veteran electrical engineer, described the development as “a glimpse into the future of energy systems.”

“What China has demonstrated is not just technological capability, but strategic foresight. Turning environmentally degraded land into clean energy assets is the kind of thinking countries like Sri Lanka must begin to adopt,” he said.

Why solar on water?

Floating solar, or “floatovoltaics,” offers a range of advantages that traditional land-based solar farms cannot easily match.

Water naturally cools solar panels, improving their efficiency by an estimated 10 to 15 percent. In hot climates, this cooling effect can significantly boost electricity generation.

Additionally, the panels reduce water evaporation, a crucial benefit in regions facing water stress. By limiting sunlight penetration, they also help suppress algae growth, improving water quality.

Perhaps, most importantly, floating solar eliminates the need for large tracts of land. In densely populated or agriculture-dependent countries, this is a game changer.

A dual economy: Fish and power

In an innovative twist, some of these floating solar farms incorporate aquaculture beneath the panels. Known as the “fisheries + solar” model, it allows communities to cultivate fish in the shaded waters below, creating a dual-income system, energy production above, food production below.

This integrated approach not only maximises resource use but also supports local livelihoods, blending sustainability with economic resilience.

Environmental dividends

The environmental benefits are substantial. The Fuyang project alone reduces carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 580,000 tons annually, while the Huainan facility cuts emissions by around 1.6 million tons each year.

Beyond emissions, these projects reclaim landscapes once deemed unusable—areas heavily damaged by coal extraction. In doing so, they rewrite the narrative of industrial decline into one of ecological restoration and innovation.

Sri Lanka: A nation poised for floating solar For Sri Lanka, the implications are profound.

Unlike China’s abandoned coal pits, Sri Lanka possesses thousands of irrigation tanks, reservoirs, and hydropower catchments that could serve as ideal platforms for floating solar. From the ancient tank systems of the dry zone to major reservoirs like Victoria Dam and Randenigala Reservoir, the country holds untapped potential to generate clean electricity without sacrificing precious land.

The country’s reliance on thermal power, particularly during drought periods when hydropower declines—has long been a challenge. Floating solar could provide a stabilising solution, reducing dependence on costly fossil fuels while complementing existing hydroelectric infrastructure.

Energy analysts note that integrating floating solar with hydropower reservoirs can create a hybrid system: solar power during the day, hydropower balancing supply at night. This synergy enhances grid stability and reduces overall generation costs.

The former CEB official stressed the urgency:

“Sri Lanka cannot afford to delay. With rising energy demand and climate pressures, we must explore every viable renewable option. Floating solar on our reservoirs is one of the most practical and scalable solutions available.”

Challenges and the road ahead

However, experts caution that careful planning is essential. Environmental assessments, grid integration, and financing mechanisms must be properly addressed. Community engagement, especially where fisheries are involved—will also be key.

Yet the blueprint already exists.

China’s transformation of submerged coal mines into renewable energy hubs offers more than inspiration—it provides a working model. For Sri Lanka, adapting that model to its own geography could mark a decisive step toward energy independence.

China’s floating solar farms stand today as one of the clearest symbols of a world in transition—from fossil fuels to renewables, from environmental degradation to restoration.

For Sri Lanka, the message is equally clear: the future of energy may not lie on land alone—but on water, where sunlight meets innovation.

If harnessed wisely, Sri Lanka’s vast network of reservoirs could one day mirror that transformation, turning calm waters into engines of sustainable growth.

by Ifham Nizam