Features

On education and schools

Published

11 months ago

2025/02/10

Thilina Walpola

A representational image. (Courtesy Sri Lanka Foundation)

by Usvatte-aratchi

Two thoughtful short essays on schools and education appeared in The Island newspaper on January 20th and 21st. The first was written by Lokubandara Tillakaratne, and the second by Mahendran Thiruvarangan of the Department of Linguistics and English at the University of Jaffna. Both urged reforms in the systems in Sri Lanka. Thiruvarangan’s essay was more abstract and global in perspective. Tillekartane examined the structure of schools in Sri Lanka.

Thiruvarangan explicitly set out to examine the relationship between ‘school leavers and the job market’; he proceeded to observe this relationship from a global perspective; obiter dicta, he emphasized the value of ‘the humanities and social sciences’ in university education to enable, among other things, students to resist the hegemonies of global capitalism’. Neither of them had any numbers in their essays. Neither referred to the systematic empirical information on these subjects, which is widely available.

I will first deal with Tiruvaragan’s essay. He started with observations about ‘… the global south and its working classes (who) are pushed to experiencing extreme forms of vulnerability’. That assertion is worth examining in light of developments in the last 30 years or so, especially in this part of the world. We have seen a spectacular rise in living conditions of more than a billion in one short generation in China and India.

A generation before that, a large swath of people in Japan, Korea, Taiwan (China), and Malaysia emerged from poverty and are now among the affluent. Consequently, that part of Asia now contains the second (Japan), third (China) and fourth (India) leading economies in the world and contain about 45% of the world’s population. Indonesia may be hard by their heels. In Africa, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, Rwanda and some others have done well during the last 30 years or so.

Those goals were all achieved by joining ‘the globalized labour force for the (mostly) private sector’. The lives of those who rose from poverty have been made less vulnerable as one can see in the changes in the consumption goods baskets of these people. They all have begun to consume more protein. Sri Lanka was a striking exception that failed to participate in that spate of rapid economic growth during the last 50 years and more. Our entrepreneurs failed to join the world supply chains in the burgeoning production of and trade in electronic goods. An infatuation with the imagined greatness of our past consumed government policies, forgetting that we live in the present and will live in the future; it is sheer vanity to search for lost time.

Thiruvarangan supports the claim for teaching and research in the humanities and the social sciences. This is a part of a larger debate spread among academics and others in most parts of the world. The relationship between universities and the economy and society was rapidly transformed in the latter half of the 19th century. From an institution that the church dominated, universities became partners in innovations in the economy and in the formation of economic and social policies. Germany led the way. In the words of the official historian of Cambridge University, it changed ‘… from a provincial seminary (in 1870) to … (a university) teaching disciplines almost past counting and of high international fame in many of them.’ There were five clusters of great inventions in the second half of the 19th century that transformed people’s lives, wherever, forever.

The first was electricity and the electric motor; the second, the internal combustion engine; the third., petroleum and natural gas and the production of plastics; (In early 20th century, Sir Wiiliam Hardy, who made important contributions in both chemistry and physics, advised young Joseph Needham that the future lay in ‘atoms and molecules, atoms and molecules, my boy’.); the fourth, in entertainment and communications and the last in running water, indoor plumbing and urban sanitation structures. These inventions which contributed to the marked continued rise in living standards worldwide (A few years ago, Prime Minister Modi announced to the General Assembly of the United Nations that his government had built 112 million toilets in his country) did not come from universities but were the output inspired skilled craftsmen.

During the period 1850 to 1900, teaching and research in natural and social sciences became common, in Germany, the US and the UK. In Cambridge, the Natural Sciences Tripos was established in 1851 and the Mechanical Tripos in 1894. The Economics Tripos examination was first held in 1905 with 10 students. Meanwhile, universities came into people’s lives more forcefully. Across the Atlantic, the Merrill Acts of 1862 and 1864 had started Land Grant Colleges in individual states. John Bascom, President of Wisconsin University, pledged, in1887, that (the university) would contribute to the work of social advancement by encouraging a more organic connection between its activities and community needs.

In 1892 Richard T. Ely (who founded the American Economic Review) started the School of Economics, Political Science and History making the university more of a ‘service station’ for the society it served. Way off in the North Pacific, the Imperial University of Japan was opened in Tokyo in 1887. Over the years, it has been a major institution in Japan’s economic and social development. These links between the university and the economy and society grew far closer, a hundred years later when universities became incubation chambers for new industries and enterprises. Universities began teaching politics (not simply the Plato-Aristotle variety) and government and business administration. As I remarked in the J. E. Jayasuriya Lecture in 2004, Sarasvati had met Lakshmi in universities. (This year, Professor Panduka Karunanayake of the Faculty of Medicine, Colombo will deliver the lecture on February 14 at the SLFI auditorium.)

That long harangue was to bring home the point that universities, industry, and society have drawn closely together because mathematics, natural sciences, economics, and social studies in universities have become integral to the working and development of modern societies. That connection is weak in those societies where the structure of the economy still does not need the services usually provided by universities to industry and services in rich countries. Once the need for school teachers is satisfied (as in Sri Lanka), the demand for university graduates in the humanities will fall and the demand for graduates in science and technology rise, when industries develop. Hence the voluble demand from School Development Officers to be appointed as teachers, in a situation where the student: teacher ratio is as low (good) as 18. Recently, the Arab countries (Arabia, Dubai, Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain), flush with funds from the sale of plentiful petroleum at monopoly prices, opened some universities, all for science, technology and management. In general, universities have followed changes in economies and societies.

In as much as church and religion were integral parts of the lives of people in medieval societies, science and technology are integral parts of people’s lives in modern societies. One switches off a light and goes to bed at night and gets up to switch on a fan, to begin the day. The modern equivalents of liberal arts are mathematics and science. As economies and societies have changed, the demand for education in the traditional liberal arts has declined. One cannot live in the past.

Tillakaratne dealt with the structure of the school system in the country and found there ‘a neo-caste’ system. This is wholly misleading. I will not deal with ‘International Schools’ because they are neither international nor schools. They are business enterprises that sell educational services to local people with adequate purchasing power. Children of a few foreigners, temporarily resident in this country, also attend them. The students and teachers are overwhelmingly local, though they prepare students for examinations overseas. However, local schools in many countries prepare students for the International Baccalaureate (IB). In any case, I know little about them.

There are now 10,000 government schools in five categories depending upon the grades they teach and the subject areas they teach. The most numerous (7,200) are primary schools. 2,000 teach up to Grade 11 and the balance up to Grade 12 in the arts and/or science streams.

More than half of all schools enroll less than 200 pupils; 15% less than 50 and another 16% have less than 100. Of all schools, 400 are national schools, teaching 380,000 students. The student/teacher ratio is 15 students in Provincial Schools and 19 students in National Schools. The low student/teacher ratio in provincial schools is accounted for by the large number of small schools there. Nor is there a shortage of Graduate Trained teachers in them. There is a shortage of English, mathematics, science and technology teachers. There is a s shortage of competent English teachers overall. In an analysis of student’s performance in the GCE (O/L) examination, a few years ago, NIE showed that the proportion of students who received pass marks, and above, was 17 percent of all who sat for that paper. The real disadvantage that children in small schools suffer is that they have narrowly limited options. Small schools in their vicinity are necessary for small children to attend. It is economically infeasible to provide in small schools the multiplicity of options available in large schools. It is a hard nut to crack. Back in the 1940s, the solution was to open boarding schools in rural centres (e.g. Wanduramba, Matugama, Ibbagamuwa, Poramadulla). With the rapid growth in the school population that proved an unlikely solution. Poor transport facilities in rural areas make a feasible solution many years away.

With that rough sketch of the structure of schools, it is grossly misleading to label it as a ‘neo-caste’. A caste system, as we know, stratifies society. People belong in castes by ascription; they are born to it and there is no escape up; they can fall. When a Brahmin woman marries a Shudra man, their children are Shudra. That stratification lasts from generation to generation. In contrast, our school system consists of five steps, success at which paves for entry into the next higher. Does the term neo-caste take away the essential feature of a caste system? Tillakaratne’s contention that among schools there are differences of endowments is perfectly valid. Royal College, Colombo, is endowed differently from Royal College, Polonnaruva, or the Central School in Narammala. This is true of schools in all societies: in China, governed by the Communist Party, and in the US, governed by competing parties. In China, children of workers who migrate to cities must go to rural schools where their hukou is valid. More prosperous city dwellers are entitled to attend city schools superior to rural ones. This is true in the US, as well. Children of more educated and more wealthy parents live in culturally richer homes and, and no matter what school they attend, they outperform those from culturally poorer homes. Black children, who are the most culturally deprived population, perform worse than any other ethnic group in the US. Among us, so do families in plantations. When the two disadvantages combine, as often, when children from poor homes who go to poorly endowed schools, they suffer a disabling double whammy.

One of the major contributions educational policies made to this society is the rapid advancement of women. There are more girls than boys in government schools. More women than men go to university. More men opt to study engineering and related disciplines. That is a common feature in most societies, except in Eastern Europe (e.g. Hungary). In the civil service, there are more women than men. Women have occupied the highest seats of power in the country. This year, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Prime Minister are women- the head of the judiciary and the leader of the governing party in Parliament and of the Cabinet (primus inter pares); and those positions, they occupy, not as close relatives or acolytes of powerful men. The displacement from government in 2024 of a cautery of urban plutocrats some of whose principal sharpened talent was plundering the public purse (degree PPP) was the handiwork of a generation that had been educated in rural government schools. They are expected to change much in our society.

But for the education system chastised by Tillakaratne as a ‘neo-caste system’ millions of young men and women who during the last 75 years and more became university professors and vice-chancellors, civil servants, doctors, lawyers, school teachers and principals, businessmen and other professionals who otherwise would have been stuck in a genuine caste system. The education system is the alchemy that dissolved the rigidities of a caste system, that Tillakaratne mentioned. The education system is not responsible for the economic stagnation in this society which has limited opportunities for a burgeoning educated population.

Our school system has no features in common with a caste system. There are differences between the quality of schools in rich urban areas and poor rural areas. However, this is a feature in almost all societies. Those differences arise from large inequalities and inequities in the wide society which affect both the quality of schools and the culture in households. It is when access to education and wealth are closed to certain groups that an education system takes on the nature of a caste system. The school system in this country during the last 75 years has been a wide ladder on which, millions climbed onto a platform that remained too narrow to accommodate them. Those crowded out jumped onto platforms overseas.

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Features

Rebuilding the country requires consultation

Published

4 hours ago

2026/01/13

Sahan Weerasooriya

A positive feature of the government that is emerging is its responsiveness to public opinion. The manner in which it has been responding to the furore over the Grade 6 English Reader, in which a weblink to a gay dating site was inserted, has been constructive. Government leaders have taken pains to explain the mishap and reassure everyone concerned that it was not meant to be there and would be removed. They have been meeting religious prelates, educationists and community leaders. In a context where public trust in institutions has been badly eroded over many years, such responsiveness matters. It signals that the government sees itself as accountable to society, including to parents, teachers, and those concerned about the values transmitted through the school system.

This incident also appears to have strengthened unity within the government. The attempt by some opposition politicians and gender misogynists to pin responsibility for this lapse on Prime Minister Dr Harini Amarasuriya, who is also the Minister of Education, has prompted other senior members of the government to come to her defence. This is contrary to speculation that the powerful JVP component of the government is unhappy with the prime minister. More importantly, it demonstrates an understanding within the government that individual ministers should not be scapegoated for systemic shortcomings. Effective governance depends on collective responsibility and solidarity within the leadership, especially during moments of public controversy.

The continuing important role of the prime minister in the government is evident in her meetings with international dignitaries and also in addressing the general public. Last week she chaired the inaugural meeting of the Presidential Task Force to Rebuild Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah. The composition of the task force once again reflects the responsiveness of the government to public opinion. Unlike previous mechanisms set up by governments, which were either all male or without ethnic minority representation, this one includes both, and also includes civil society representation. Decision-making bodies in which there is diversity are more likely to command public legitimacy.

Task Force

The Presidential Task Force to Rebuild Sri Lanka overlooks eight committees to manage different aspects of the recovery, each headed by a sector minister. These committees will focus on Needs Assessment, Restoration of Public Infrastructure, Housing, Local Economies and Livelihoods, Social Infrastructure, Finance and Funding, Data and Information Systems, and Public Communication. This structure appears comprehensive and well designed. However, experience from post-disaster reconstruction in countries such as Indonesia and Sri Lanka after the 2004 tsunami suggests that institutional design alone does not guarantee success. What matters equally is how far these committees engage with those on the ground and remain open to feedback that may complicate, slow down, or even challenge initial plans.

An option that the task force might wish to consider is to develop a linkage with civil society groups with expertise in the areas that the task force is expected to work. The CSO Collective for Emergency Relief has set up several committees that could be linked to the committees supervised by the task force. Such linkages would not weaken the government’s authority but strengthen it by grounding policy in lived realities. Recent findings emphasise the idea of “co-production”, where state and society jointly shape solutions in which sustainable outcomes often emerge when communities are treated not as passive beneficiaries but as partners in problem-solving.

Cyclone Ditwah destroyed more than physical infrastructure. It also destroyed communities. Some were swallowed by landslides and floods, while many others will need to be moved from their homes as they live in areas vulnerable to future disasters. The trauma of displacement is not merely material but social and psychological. Moving communities to new locations requires careful planning. It is not simply a matter of providing people with houses. They need to be relocated to locations and in a manner that permits communities to live together and to have livelihoods. This will require consultation with those who are displaced. Post-disaster evaluations have acknowledged that relocation schemes imposed without community consent often fail, leading to abandonment of new settlements or the emergence of new forms of marginalisation. Even today, abandoned tsunami housing is to be seen in various places that were affected by the 2004 tsunami.

Malaiyaha Tamils

The large-scale reconstruction that needs to take place in parts of the country most severely affected by Cyclone Ditwah also brings an opportunity to deal with the special problems of the Malaiyaha Tamil population. These are people of recent Indian origin who were unjustly treated at the time of Independence and denied rights of citizenship such as land ownership and the vote. This has been a festering problem and a blot on the conscience of the country. The need to resettle people living in those parts of the hill country which are vulnerable to landslides is an opportunity to do justice by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. Technocratic solutions such as high-rise apartments or English-style townhouses that have or are being contemplated may be cost-effective, but may also be culturally inappropriate and socially disruptive. The task is not simply to build houses but to rebuild communities.

The resettlement of people who have lost their homes and communities requires consultation with them. In the same manner, the education reform programme, of which the textbook controversy is only a small part, too needs to be discussed with concerned stakeholders including school teachers and university faculty. Opening up for discussion does not mean giving up one’s own position or values. Rather, it means recognising that better solutions emerge when different perspectives are heard and negotiated. Consultation takes time and can be frustrating, particularly in contexts of crisis where pressure for quick results is intense. However, solutions developed with stakeholder participation are more resilient and less costly in the long run.

Rebuilding after Cyclone Ditwah, addressing historical injustices faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community, advancing education reform, changing the electoral system to hold provincial elections without further delay and other challenges facing the government, including national reconciliation, all require dialogue across differences and patience with disagreement. Opening up for discussion is not to give up on one’s own position or values, but to listen, to learn, and to arrive at solutions that have wider acceptance. Consultation needs to be treated as an investment in sustainability and legitimacy and not as an obstacle to rapid decisionmaking. Addressing the problems together, especially engagement with affected parties and those who work with them, offers the best chance of rebuilding not only physical infrastructure but also trust between the government and people in the year ahead.

by Jehan Perera

Features

PSTA: Terrorism without terror continues

Published

4 hours ago

2026/01/13

Sahan Weerasooriya

When the government appointed a committee, led by Rienzie Arsekularatne, Senior President’s Counsel, to draft a new law to replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), as promised by the ruling NPP, the writer, in an article published in this journal in July 2025, expressed optimism that, given Arsekularatne’s experience in criminal justice, he would be able to address issues from the perspectives of the State, criminal justice, human rights, suspects, accused, activists, and victims. The draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PSTA), produced by the Committee, has been sharply criticised by individuals and organisations who expected a better outcome that aligns with modern criminal justice and human rights principles.

This article is limited to a discussion of the definition of terrorism. As the writer explained previously, the dangers of an overly broad definition go beyond conviction and increased punishment. Special laws on terrorism allow deviations from standard laws in areas such as preventive detention, arrest, administrative detention, restrictions on judicial decisions regarding bail, lengthy pre-trial detention, the use of confessions, superadded punishments, such as confiscation of property and cancellation of professional licences, banning organisations, and restrictions on publications, among others. The misuse of such laws is not uncommon. Drastic legislation, such as the PTA and emergency regulations, although intended to be used to curb intense violence and deal with emergencies, has been exploited to suppress political opposition.

International Standards

The writer’s basic premise is that, for an act to come within the definition of terrorism, it must either involve “terror” or a “state of intense or overwhelming fear” or be committed to achieve an objective of an individual or organisation that uses “terror” or a “state of intense or overwhelming fear” to realise its aims. The UN General Assembly has accepted that the threshold for a possible general offence of terrorism is the provocation of “a state of terror” (Resolution 60/43). The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has taken a similar view, using the phrase “to create a climate of terror.”

In his 2023 report on the implementation of the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy, the Secretary-General warned that vague and overly broad definitions of terrorism in domestic law, often lacking adequate safeguards, violate the principle of legality under international human rights law. He noted that such laws lead to heavy-handed, ineffective, and counterproductive counter-terrorism practices and are frequently misused to target civil society actors and human rights defenders by labelling them as terrorists to obstruct their work.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has stressed in its Handbook on Criminal Justice Responses to Terrorism that definitions of terrorist acts must use precise and unambiguous language, narrowly define punishable conduct and clearly distinguish it from non-punishable behaviour or offences subject to other penalties. The handbook was developed over several months by a team of international experts, including the writer, and was finalised at a workshop in Vienna.

Anti-Terrorism Bill, 2023

A five-member Bench of the Supreme Court that examined the Anti-Terrorism Bill, 2023, agreed with the petitioners that the definition of terrorism in the Bill was too broad and infringed Article 12(1) of the Constitution, and recommended that an exemption (“carve out”) similar to that used in New Zealand under which “the fact that a person engages in any protest, advocacy, or dissent, or engages in any strike, lockout, or other industrial action, is not, by itself, a sufficient basis for inferring that the person” committed the wrongful acts that would otherwise constitute terrorism.

While recognising the Court’s finding that the definition was too broad, the writer argued, in his previous article, that the political, administrative, and law enforcement cultures of the country concerned are crucial factors to consider. Countries such as New Zealand are well ahead of developing nations, where the risk of misuse is higher, and, therefore, definitions should be narrower, with broader and more precise exemptions. How such a “carve out” would play out in practice is uncertain.

In the Supreme Court, it was submitted that for an act to constitute an offence, under a special law on terrorism, there must be terror unleashed in the commission of the act, or it must be carried out in pursuance of the object of an organisation that uses terror to achieve its objectives. In general, only acts that aim at creating “terror” or a “state of intense or overwhelming fear” should come under the definition of terrorism. There can be terrorism-related acts without violence, for example, when a member of an extremist organisation remotely sabotages an electronic, automated or computerised system in pursuance of the organisation’s goal. But when the same act is committed by, say, a whizz-kid without such a connection, that would be illegal and should be punished, but not under a special law on terrorism. In its determination of the Bill, the Court did not address this submission.

PSTA Proposal

Proposed section 3(1) of the PSTA reads:

Any person who, intentionally or knowingly, commits any act which causes a consequence specified in subsection (2), for the purpose of-

(a) provoking a state of terror;

(b) intimidating the public or any section of the public;

(c) compelling the Government of Sri Lanka, or any other Government, or an international organisation, to do or to abstain from doing any act; or

(d) propagating war, or violating territorial integrity or infringing the sovereignty of Sri Lanka or any other sovereign country, commits the offence of terrorism.

The consequences listed in sub-section (2) include: death; hurt; hostage-taking; abduction or kidnapping; serious damage to any place of public use, any public property, any public or private transportation system or any infrastructure facility or environment; robbery, extortion or theft of public or private property; serious risk to the health and safety of the public or a section of the public; serious obstruction or damage to, or interference with, any electronic or automated or computerised system or network or cyber environment of domains assigned to, or websites registered with such domains assigned to Sri Lanka; destruction of, or serious damage to, religious or cultural property; serious obstruction or damage to, or interference with any electronic, analogue, digital or other wire-linked or wireless transmission system, including signal transmission and any other frequency-based transmission system; without lawful authority, importing, exporting, manufacturing, collecting, obtaining, supplying, trafficking, possessing or using firearms, offensive weapons, ammunition, explosives, articles or things used in the manufacture of explosives or combustible or corrosive substances and biological, chemical, electric, electronic or nuclear weapons, other nuclear explosive devices, nuclear material, radioactive substances, or radiation-emitting devices.

Under section 3(5), “any person who commits an act which constitutes an offence under the nine international treaties on terrorism, ratified by Sri Lanka, also commits the offence of terrorism.” No one would contest that.

The New Zealand “carve-out” is found in sub-section (4): “The fact that a person engages in any protest, advocacy or dissent or engages in any strike, lockout or other industrial action, is not by itself a sufficient basis for inferring that such person (a) commits or attempts, abets, conspires, or prepares to commit the act with the intention or knowledge specified in subsection (1); or (b) is intending to cause or knowingly causes an outcome specified in subsection (2).”

While the Arsekularatne Committee has proposed, including the New Zealand “carve out”, it has ignored a crucial qualification in section 5(2) of that country’s Terrorism Suppression Act, that for an act to be considered a terrorist act, it must be carried out for one or more purposes that are or include advancing “an ideological, political, or religious cause”, with the intention of either intimidating a population or coercing or forcing a government or an international organisation to do or abstain from doing any act.

When the Committee was appointed, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka opined that any new offence with respect to “terrorism” should contain a specific and narrow definition of terrorism, such as the following: “Any person who by the use of force or violence unlawfully targets the civilian population or a segment of the civilian population with the intent to spread fear among such population or segment thereof in furtherance of a political, ideological, or religious cause commits the offence of terrorism”.

The writer submits that, rather than bringing in the requirement of “a political, ideological, or religious cause”, it would be prudent to qualify proposed section 3(1) by the requirement that only acts that aim at creating “terror” or a “state of intense or overwhelming fear” or are carried out to achieve a goal of an individual or organisation that employs “terror” or a “state of intense or overwhelming fear” to attain its objectives should come under the definition of terrorism. Such a threshold is recognised internationally; no “carve out” is then needed, and the concerns of the Human Rights Commission would also be addressed.

by Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne
President’s Counsel

Features

ROCK meets REGGAE 2026

Published

4 hours ago

2026/01/13

Sahan Weerasooriya

JAYASRI: From Vienna, Austria

We generally have in our midst the famous JAYASRI twins, Rohitha and Rohan, who are based in Austria but make it a point to entertain their fans in Sri Lanka on a regular basis.

Well, rock and reggae fans get ready for a major happening on 28th February (Oops, a special day where I’m concerned!) as the much-awaited ROCK meets REGGAE event booms into action at the Nelum Pokuna outdoor theatre.

It was seven years ago, in 2019, that the last ROCK meets REGGAE concert was held in Colombo, and then the Covid scene cropped up.

Chitral Somapala with BLACK MAJESTY

This year’s event will feature our rock star Chitral Somapala with the Australian Rock+Metal band BLACK MAJESTY, and the reggae twins Rohitha and Rohan Jayalath with the original JAYASRI – the full band, with seven members from Vienna, Austria.

According to Rohitha, the JAYASRI outfit is enthusiastically looking forward to entertaining music lovers here with their brand of music.

Their playlist for 28th February will consist of the songs they do at festivals in Europe, as well as originals, and also English and Sinhala hits, and selected covers.

Says Rohitha: “We have put up a great team, here in Sri Lanka, to give this event an international setting and maintain high standards, and this will be a great experience for our Sri Lankan music lovers … not only for Rock and Reggae fans. Yes, there will be some opening acts, and many surprises, as well.”

Rohitha, Chitral and Rohan: Big scene at ROCK meets REGGAE

Rohitha and Rohan also conveyed their love and festive blessings to everyone in Sri Lanka, stating “This Christmas was different as our country faced a catastrophic situation and, indeed, it’s a great time to help and share the real love of Jesus Christ by helping the poor, the needy and the homeless people. Let’s RISE UP as a great nation in 2026.”