Midweek Review

National Voters’ Day celebration amidst economic chaos, deepening political uncertainty

Published

4 years ago

2022/03/16

EC Chairman Punchihewa handing over their proposals to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, at the Galadari Hotel. The President Rajapaksa, in spite of contesting the last presidential election on the SLPP ticket, is not a member of that political party.(Pic courtesy PMD)

Poor response from political parties

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Nimal Punchihewa, soft spoken Chairman of the Election Commission (EC), didn’t mince his words when he underscored the loss of public confidence as well as overall disappointment in the electoral system last week. Punchihewa stressed the need for far reaching changes in the electoral system while reiterating the EC’s proposals meant to improve and discipline utterly corrupt and wasteful electoral processes. The continuing failure on the part of Parliament to address the grievances of the electorate would be catastrophic and may pose a threat to political stability, he warned.

Attorney-at-Law Punchihewa said so at the ‘National Celebration of Voters’ held at the Galadari Hotel, Colombo, on March 11, the first such event since the establishment of the independent EC in terms of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution.

The House enacted the 19th Amendment, in early 2015, with an overwhelming 2/3 majority. However, the present five-member EC, headed by Punchihewa, came into being in Dec 2020 in terms of the 20th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in October of the same year, repealing the trouble ridden 19th Amendment, especially when it came to members of so-called independent commissions, some of whom behaved as if they were a law unto themselves. At least one lawyer, in one such commission had the audacity to attack the Opposition in a partisan way outside his ambit.

Punchihewa, one-time public servant and civil society activist, explained the remedial measures that could be taken to address deficiencies and limitations in the electoral system.

The EC Chairman also discussed the need for punitive measures against offending lawmakers, regardless of their standing in society and the contentious issue of campaign funding. The EC Chief pointed out how both external and internal elements could influence political parties through campaign funding.

Punchihewa, who had served the previous EC, too, cannot be unaware of the way then US Secretary of State John Kerry’s boastful public declaration in 2016 how they funded Sri Lanka’s Opposition at the 2015 national elections (presidential and parliamentary polls in January and August, 2015, respectively) and similar stunts in several other countries.

The EC never inquired into the matter of the US interference in Lankan polls after openly boasting of it, even though the issue was raised both in and outside Parliament. The writer personally raised the US interference with the previous three- member EC, headed by Mahinda Deshapriya, but the outfit always side-stepped the issue. Even the European Union Election Observation Mission sidestepped the issue when the matter was raised at a media briefing held at the Colombo Hilton.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa, Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, Chief Government Whip Dinesh Gunawardena, Foreign Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris, who is also the Chairman of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peremuna (SLPP) and Punchihewa’s predecessor, Mahinda Deshapriya, were among those in the audience. Deshapriya now serves as the Chairman of the Delimitation Committee. The EC attracted criticism during Deshapriya’s tenure as the outfit’s Chairman with the controversial recognition of the now main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) in early 2020 being one of the major controversies. The breakaway UNP faction won 54 seats, including seven National List slots at the expense of the UNP at the Aug 2020 general election. The UNP was reduced to just one National List member that was also filled months, after the lapsing of the stipulated time, to fill National List slots.

Punchihewa dealt with the EC’s one-year progress since its appointment in terms of the 20th Amendment to the Constitution and the way forward for a better democracy after Saman Sri Ratnayake, Commissioner General of the Election Commission, greeted the invitees. Reference was made to the absence of Opposition Leader and leader of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) Sajith Premadasa. SJB members were not seen though the UNP Chairman and former Minister Vajira Abeywardena, attended the event.

Punchihewa, one-time EC’s Director General, Legal, emphasised the urgent need to introduce, what he called, quite a lot of amendments to existing laws to achieve the desired results. Attorney General Sanjay Rajaratnam, PC, was among the invitees. Perhaps, the EC should have invited Auditor General W.P.C. Wickramaratne, whose officers have, over the years, exposed how lawmakers, Secretaries to the Ministries, senior officials and some sections of the public sector, caused the revenue losses to the government, running into billions of rupees.

Education Minister Dinesh Gunawardena recently acknowledged, at the Public Petitions Committee, the failure on their part to implement recommendations of parliamentary watchdog committees. Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) Prof. Charitha Herath, too, has on several occasions pointed out lapses in the law contributed to the deterioration of public finances. But, the powers that be have chosen to turn a blind eye.

In a way, Punchihewa’s statement is nothing but condemnation of the utterly corrupt political party system that has ruined the country. But, the EC should also work closely with the Auditor General, if the Commission is seriously interested in, the much-touted ‘system change.’ Corruption has become a way of public life with the Parliament, responsible for enactment of new laws and ensuring financial discipline, has pathetically failed in its responsibilities. The situation is so bad and appears to be out of control, the Parliament has become a mere spectator as the parliamentary system of governance continues to promote waste, corruption and irregularities by not taking remedial measures. The reports issued by the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) and the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) reveal corruption at every level.

The event at Galadari could have been held without high tea as well as wholly unnecessary dance performances at a time the vast majority of voters, regardless of the candidate and the party they voted for at the last presidential and parliamentary elections in Nov 2019 and Aug 2020, respectively, were struggling to make ends meet.

Although 15 political parties/groups represented the current Parliament, only a few were present on the occasion. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) as well as the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) were very conspicuous by their absence. General Secretary of the Democratic Left Front and Water Supply Minister Vasudeva Nanayakkara, in spite of breaking ranks with the government over the SLPP’s economic policy, sat with SLPP leaders whereas his rebellious former ministerial colleagues, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila too were notable absentees. Nanayakkara along with Weerawansa and Gammanpila backed the fundamental rights petitions against the Yugadanavi deal (sale of 40 percent of Treasury owned shares of the power station to the US-based New Fortress Energy along with the controversial move to hand over a monopolistic position on supplying of LNG). The Supreme Court, however, dismissed the petitions. The SC didn’t give an order but stated the submissions were considered and leave to proceed refused. The SC didn’t give reasons at all though the case was heard for several days. When making submissions AG Rajaratnam said that the court should maintain harmony with the executive.

It would be pertinent to recall the devastating accident at an insecticide plant in India in the 80s.

On December 3, 1984, about 45 tonness of the dangerous gas methyl isocyanate escaped from an insecticide plant that was owned by the Indian subsidiary of the American firm Union Carbide Corporation. The gas drifted over the densely populated neighbourhoods around the plant, killing thousands of people immediately and creating panic as tens of thousands of others attempted to flee the area. The final death toll was estimated to be between 15,000 and 20,000. Some half a million survivors suffered respiratory problems, eye irritation or blindness, and other maladies, resulting from exposure to the toxic gas; many were awarded compensation of a few hundred dollars

(Britannica). And for some inexplicable reasons the Indian Supreme Court upheld that pittance of a compensation package! Indian Chief Justice at the time P.N. Bhagawati, when he came to Sri Lanka as a champion of peace about a decade ago, a cheeky Lankan journalist asked him about that controversial decision of the Indian Supreme Court and he got virtually tongue tied and avoided answering the question.

A House in turmoil

Can political chaos be addressed through electoral reforms and constitutional amendments? Has the EC really examined the current crisis and how political uncertainty, in addition to waste, corruption and irregularities, contributed to the overall deterioration of the country’s financial status and unprecedented instability.

A few hours after the end of the National Voters’ day celebration, the government announced an inevitable increase in diesel and petrol prices. It would be pertinent to mention that India, too, now exercise the right to intervene here by way of revising fuel prices. Lanka India Oil Company (LIOC) that set up base here in 2003, is affiliated to Indian Oil Corporation Limited that comes under the purview of its Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas.

One-time distinguished career diplomat Hardeep Singh Puri, who had served the Indian High Commission in Colombo during the volatile1984-1988 period when Indian-trained terrorists waged war against Sri Lanka, is India’s Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas and Housing and Urban Affairs. Rightly or wrongly he was then suspected to be involved in much more than diplomacy by especially those who saw how he and his wife lobbied certain key journalists behind the scene and the clout they wielded.

On March 10, the day LIOC announced staggering price increases in petrol and diesel that caused turmoil here, Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in New Delhi Milinda Moragoda met Minister Puri. The meeting took place at the Ministry of Urban Affairs in New Delhi. Let me reproduce a statement verbatim issued by the Sri Lankan High Commission in New Delhi following the meeting between Moragoda and Puri: “At the outset, High Commissioner Moragoda thanked Minister Puri for the assistance that India has provided to Sri Lanka as envisaged under the four-pillars of cooperation, agreed during the visit of Sri Lankan Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa to India in December last year, in particular the USD 500 million line of credit to purchase petroleum products. Additional assistance, too, has been provided by India to enhance Sri Lanka’s petroleum stocks.

“High Commissioner Milinda Moragoda also briefed Minister Puri on the challenges that Sri Lanka is currently facing as regards to the supply and distribution of petroleum products and their impact on the Country’s energy sector. The High Commissioner and the Minister discussed modalities through which India and Sri Lanka could further expand cooperation in the petroleum sector to help overcome the present crisis.

The discussion also focused on a range of issues pertaining to the energy sector, including ways and means through which Sri Lanka could establish long-term strategic ties in the petroleum, oil, gas and related logistics sectors.”

The Government increased fuel prices at midnight on March 11 following LIOC price revisions on Feb 06, 24 and March 10 that resulted in the sharpest difference in retail price of a litre of petrol and diesel at LIOC and Ceypetco service stations, Rs 92 and Rs 77, respectively. The bottom line is that Sri Lanka’s pricing formula is in the hands of India.

That is the unpalatable truth. Obviously, there is no mechanism to ensure that upward or downward revisions of fuel prices are decided through consultations. Instead, a foreign power can take that decision on our behalf. In other words, Sri Lanka’s Energy Minister is actually former High Commission staffer Puri.

How can EC ensure political parties do not follow agendas inimical to Sri Lanka’s national interests? Recent high profile but unsubstantiated accusations that had been directed at Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa over him pursuing a pro-American agenda are a matter for concern.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa removed Jathika Nidahas Peramuna (JNP) leader Wimal Weerawansa and Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila from Industries and Energy portfolios, respectively, following their clash with Basil Rajapaksa, who is also the founder of the SLPP. The political turmoil has taken a new turn with the SJB stepping up attacks on Basil Rajapaksa in Parliament.

The Opposition repeatedly questioned Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena over Basil Rajapaksa remaining mum in Parliament over the rapid deterioration of the economy. The failure on the part of political parties represented in Parliament to reach a consensus on national response to the current crisis is evidenced by the plight of the electorate. Instead, a sharply divided government has allowed the deterioration by refusing to take remedial measures.

The Opposition has sought to exploit the situation to its advantage whereas a section of the parliamentarians, including some of those accommodated on the SLPP National List, angered the top SLPP leadership by presenting an alternative set of proposals meant to restore the devastated economy.

The EC cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the utter chaos in Parliament and outside for want of a national response at a time of unprecedented crisis.

EC on key issues

The EC comprised five persons, namely Nimal Punchihewa, S.B. Divaratne, K.P.P. Pathirana, M.M. Mohammed and P.S.M. Charles, the only lady in the outfit. The EC has made representations to the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on electoral reforms as well as the nine-member Committee, headed by Romesh de Silva, PC. The EC representations dealt with electoral reforms and constitutional reforms, respectively. The writer would like to briefly discuss the touchy issue of the need to reduce the number of registered political parties and the proposal to recall those who pursue strategies contrary to the pledges they made at the election and in the printed manifestos of the respective political parties.

Having asserted that the country cannot afford to continue with 76 registered political parties, the EC has proposed ways and means to reduce that number. Examination of EC’s proposals submitted to the PSC and Romesh de Silva’s committee proves how unsatisfying the current situation is.

A sensible Parliament will certainly give serious consideration to EC’s proposals. Nothing can be as important as the proposal to recall lawmakers if they stepped out of line. Will leaders of political parties have the strength to accept the proposal to establish a mechanism to remove MPs?

The recent dismissal of charges in respect of the Treasury bond scam perpetrated on March 29, 2016, by the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar due to the flawed indictments raised many eyebrows. Yahapalana Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake has been among those who benefited as a result of the AG’s lapse. The indictments had been filed during Dappula de Livera, PC’s tenure as the AG. Sanjay Rajaratnam succeeded de Livera in May last year.

The Trial-at-Bar comprising Damith Thotawatte (Chairman), Manjula Thilakaratne and M. Izzadeen by a majority decision dismissed the relevant charges.

Can anyone explain the circumstances under which the indictment had been filed against the Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL) contrary to the Public Property Act? The AG’s Department cannot be unaware that in terms of the Public Property Act indictments can be filed only against individuals.

The Trial-at-Bar ruling should be examined against the backdrop of the AG and the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) withdrawing as much as over 50 cases since the last presidential election, in addition to the cases dismissed by various courts.

The AG as well as the CIABOC owed explanation as to how so many cases failed to achieve desired results or were withdrawn under controversial circumstances. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) and the civil society should raise these issues. Can BASL and civil society remain silent as the situation continues to deteriorate?

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Midweek Review

Unexpected focus on ‘pieces of tin’ worn by military men

Published

1 day ago

2026/07/8

Sahan Weerasooriya

Maj. Lalith Jayasinghe with Kaushalya on his wedding day. Jayasinghe, receipient of Sri Lanka's highest military honour, has been credited with unprecedented raids behind the enemy lines. He died in late November, 2008, in the Vanni east.

Second Lieutenant S.U. Aladeniya, the first recipient of the Parama Weera Vibhushanaya, died fighting the LTTE in the second week of July, 1990. The young commanding officer of the isolated Kokavil Army detachment refused an opportunity to leave his wounded colleagues. Instead, he chose to set an extraordinary example. The fate of the Kokavil detachment, as well as the unprecedented military debacle that forced the Army to vacate the Kandy–Jaffna A9 road, north of Vavuniya, in 1990, happened due to the late President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s folly. Premadasa trusted the LTTE to such an extent, he ordered several hundred police officers, in the East, to surrender to appease the LTTE. The rest is history.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris recently questioned in court as to why retired Air Force officer Shantha Jayathilake appeared in court wearing armed forces medals.

The highly decorated war hero Flight Lieutenant Jayathilake represented himself under Section 260 of the Criminal Procedure Code in the trial of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay, the alleged mastermind of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

During his submission, Dileepa Pieris looked at the medals worn by the retired officer and said: “He comes wearing pieces of tin.”

When Jayathilake objected to the ASG’s remark, Magistrate Pasan Amarasena warned the ex-officer not to interrupt proceedings. Then Peiris said that he couldn’t see Jayathilake’s medals properly. Jayathilake is the recipient of Weewa Wickrema Vibhushanaya (WWV), the second highest gallantry medal awarded to Sri Lankan military. The PWV is the highest gallantry decoration that can be received by a living military man. Jayathilake who joined the Air Force in 1989 at the height of the JVP-led insurgency, retired in 1999, and was also the recipient of the Rana Sura Padakkama (RSP).

Senior President’s Counsel Maithree Gunaratne, who represented Sallay in court, said: “The problem is not with your eyes, but with the red-tinted glasses you are wearing. You wore blue-tinted glasses for a while, and now you wear red-tinted glasses, so the gallantry medals, earned with blood, sweat, and tears for the country, look like pieces of tin to you”

Gunaratne requested that Pieris’s comments on the ex-officer be formally recorded in court records. This happened in the Fort Magistrate’s court on 2 July, 2026. The court proceedings caused controversy with various interested parties expressing differing views on Jayathilake wearing medals to a courtroom.

Some found fault with him for wearing medals while others strongly backed him. The issue at hand received social media attention. Obviously some sought political advantage at the expense of the government and the Attorney General’s Department. Others lambasted the former State Intelligence Service (SIS) Chief Sallay (2029-2024) for causing unnecessary developments. However, the gallantry medals worn by military, both officers and men, cannot be ridiculed by anyone, regardless of his/her position in the society. Gallantry medals remind the country of immense and untold sacrifices made by the military, during the war, and any attempt to dilute them should be strongly opposed.

Those who silently backed or publicly take action against war-winning Army Chief General (retd.) Sarath Fonseka, in 2010, after his defeat at the 2010 January presidential election, shouldn’t see the incident at the Fort Magistrate court as an opportunity.

Although Sri Lanka has been deeply divided over investigations into the conduct of armed forces during the war and after, no issue caused controversy like the arrest of Sallay, a post-war head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) over the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from 2019 to 2024 before President Anura Kumara Dissanayake replaced him. Perhaps President Gotabaya Rajapaksa shouldn’t have brought Sallay as Director, SIS, contrary to the practice of SIS always being headed by a senior police officer or he was quite right in bringing in a serving military officer with a proven intelligence track record, knowing the shameful behaviour of responsible top police officers in the run up to the Easter Sunday suicide attacks, despite there having been adequate advance intelligence warnings to prevent them.

The intervention made by the retired Air Force officer triggered an unexpected reaction from the Attorney General’s top representative and the subsequent continuing controversy influenced The Island to discuss the awarding of gallantry medals, namely Parama Weera Vibhushanaya (PWV), the highest, followed by Weera Wickrema Vibhushanaya (WWV), Rana Wickrema Padakkama (RWP) and Rana Sura Padakkama (RSP). The fourth medal, Weeradhara Vibhushanaya, is awarded for bravery, regardless of the risks to one’s own life, but for voluntary interventions outside the battlefield.

Bravery of an exceptional kind

During the war, Sri Lanka awarded 32 PVWs posthumously. The Army, Navy and Air Force shared 29, 2 and 1, respectively. The PVW is awarded to all ranks of armed forces, both regular and volunteer, for individual acts of bravery in the face of enemy, disregarding the risks to one’s own life. Of the 32 recipients of the PVW, the extraordinary case of Maj. J.A.L. Jayasinghe (Lalith Jayasinghe), posthumously promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, captured unprecedented public attention.

On many occasions, PWVs were awarded posthumously for sacrifices made in defensive action, while the armed forces were responding to enemy action. However, Lalith had initiated action deep within the enemy-held territory and his efforts reflected the overall military strategy.

The 29 recipients consisted of 27 Army: Second Lieutenant S.U Aladeniya, Lance Corporal (LC) Y.G.G. Kularatne (Hasalaka Gamini), Second Lt. K.W.T. Nishshanka, Staff Sgt. H.P.B. Gunasekera, LC W.I.M. Seneviratne, Lt. Col. A.F Lafir, Capt. G.S. Jayanath, Maj. J.A.L. Jayasinghe, Maj. K.A. Gamage, Capt. U.G.A.S. Samaranayake, H.G.M.K.I. Megawarna, Sgt H.G.S. Bandara, Corporal P.N. Suranga, Corporal P.M.N. Pushpakumara, Corporal D.N\M.S. Chandrasiri Bandara, LC K. Chandana, Private R.M.D.M. Ratnayake, LC A.M.M.P. Abeysinghe, recruit A.M.B.H.G. Abeyratne Banda, private T.G.R. Dayananda, Lt. P.N. Punsiri, Second Lt W.D. Jayathilake, Sgt. K.G.N.L.R. Perera, Corporal K.P.D.T. Gunasekera, LC H.A. Nilantha Kumara, LC S.V.A.M. Pushpamal. Navy: Lt. J.L.D.S. Wijetunga, Petty Officer K.G. Shantha and Air Force: Squadron Leader T.D.S. Silvapulle.

Although Jayasinghe paid the supreme sacrifice, while serving the Special Forces, he had been a proud member of the Gemunu Watch (GW). GW veteran Maj. Gen. K.B. Egodawele in his Hewayekuge Mathaka Satahan (Memories of a soldier), first launched in 2012, declared that Jayasinghe had been among four GW personnel, namely Captain U.G.A.S. Samaranayake, Captain H.P.M.K. Meghawardena and Corporal D.M.A.M. Pushpakumara to receive the PWV, posthumously.

All of them received the highest gallantry award for actions on the Vanni east region during Eelam War IV (2006 August to 2009 May).

Jayasinghe’s wife Kaushalya accepted the PVW on 19 May, 2012, at the annual Victory Day parade. Maj. Gen. Kamal Gunaratne read the awardee’s official citation. Kaushalya had been five months pregnant at the time Jayasinghe mounted a raid deep inside the LTTE-held territory in the Vanni east region. Gunaratne, the wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the 53 Division declared that Jayasinghe had been in command of an LRRP (Long Range Reconnaissance Patrol)/Deep Penetration Unit tasked to eliminate LTTE leaders. That unit had moved about 40 kms into the enemy held territory in Oddusuddan and was positioned alongside the Mankulam-Oddusuddan road to kill LTTE leaders, on 26 November, 2008.

Suddenly, Jayasinghe had fallen sick but joined other members of the LLRP to fight the enemy after fierce fighting erupted between the two sides. In spite of having an opportunity to retreat, Jayasinghe, hero of many previous battles, suffered grievous injuries during the battle and succumbed to his injuries.

Jayasinghe had been an extraordinary soldier and was the recipient of the second highest gallantry medal, WWV, on three or four occasions. In one such occasion, Jayasinghe had received two WWVs at one ceremony and recalled retired Maj. Gen. Dhammi Hewage, who received the RSP at the same event. Hewage spoke admirably about what he called high risk and extraordinary LRRP operations undertaken by Jayasinghe over a period of time. Let me give you an opportunity to know more about Hewage whose no holds barred examination of the Army during the war received public attention ( https://island.lk/a-special-forces-officers-narrative/)

Those who risked their lives to earn battlefield recognition played a significant role in transforming the armed forces, particularly the Army. Gallantry medals had been earned by armed forces officers and men in various circumstances but the deadly LRRP strikes, deep within the LTTE held territory, made quite a difference in the overall direction of the war. Those who operated in enemy territory in a way functioned as suicide cadres/units as the probability of them being intercepted by the LTTE was very high. But, regardless of severe risks, they ventured out of government-held areas to infiltrate deep inside enemy held territory to carry out operations. The LRRP team, led by Jayasinghe, is a case in point.

Clandestine operations received public attention in the run-up to the 2001 December parliamentary election when UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe all of a sudden alleged that the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) was planning to assassinate him. Within weeks after the UNP victory at the parliamentary election, the UNP unleashed the police on the DMI. The police raided the DMI safe house at Millennium City, Athurugiriya. In spite of Army Chief, the late Lt. Gen. Lionel Balagalle, personally assuring the UNP that there was absolutely no basis for such claims, Wickremesinghe was not prepared to change his political strategy. He gave Minister John Amaratunga in charge of police the go ahead for planned action.

The January 2, 2002, raid led to the arrest of Captain Mohamed Nilam, Staff Sgt. P. Ananda Udulagama, Staff Sergeant I. Edirisinghe Jayamanne, Corporal H.M. Nissanka Herath, Lance Corporal H. Mohamed Hilmy and an LTTE operative identified as Niyaz/Subashkaran. Others involved in that particular operation had been living in the East and were called into join operations, depending on the requirement. On the instructions of Lt. Gen. Balagalle, those tasked with carrying out attacks on selected targets received the opportunity to train under Special Forces instructors from Maduru Oya. They underwent training at the Panaluwa Test Firing Range, where firing special weapons was a key element in the training schedule.

In a bid to ensure secrecy, those operatives mostly operated on their own, and had their own arsenal, which included a range of weapons, including claymore mines. In fact, those involved in such operations functioned on a need-to-know basis. Even senior DMI officials, as well as the Army top brass, except a few, hadn’t been aware of what was going on. Even the then powerful Deputy Defence Minister, the late Anuruddha Ratwatte, hadn’t been told of the Millennium City safe-house, though he knew of the ongoing hits behind enemy lines.

Shortly after the exposure of the DMI operation, Balagalle met Premier Wickremesinghe to explain the secret operations undertaken against the LTTE. The Army chief had been accompanied by officials, including Hendarawithana, while one-time Attorney General Tilak Marapana, National List MP holding the Defence portfolio, and Minister Milinda Moragoda, too, were present.

“Except for Minister Moragoda, the others obviously didn’t realise what we were doing. They acted as if we were conspiring to do away with the political leadership so as to undermine the Norwegian initiative,” a source familiar with the dynamics of the project said. “We quickly realised we were up against a government, which simply wanted to negotiate a deal with the LTTE at any cost. The LTTE and the Norwegians exploited the situation to the hilt.”

Success in the East

Hitting the enemy in the area under its control had been Balagalle’s idea. The DMI hadn’t been successful in its first and the second attempts to take two specific targets. The targeted area had been Batticaloa south and the first and the second operations were mounted on 18 July 2001 and 12 September 2001. But both actions went awry and the targeted men identified as Jim Kelly (commander of Jeyanthan regiment) and Jeevan escaped death.

But, they succeeded on 17 September 2001. Operatives carried out a successful attack on ‘Major’ Mano Master, who was at that time in charge of the communications network in the Ampara-Batticaloa area.

But immediately after the UNP’s victory, the government terminated all such operations. The treacherous government betrayed those who risked their lives for the country. Ex-LTTEers and others who worked for the Army were exposed and the LTTE hunted them down. Scores of men were killed. Some were tortured and killed.

Apart from Mano Master, the secret raids claimed the lives of Batticaloa District Intelligence Head Lt. Col Nizam and Capt. Thevathasan.

Among those killed in the north were LTTE Air Wing Head Col. Shankar (Vaithilingam Sornalingam) and Sea Tiger Deputy Commander Lt. Col Kangai Amaran.

S.P. Thamilselvan, his Deputy Major S. Thangan, Vavuniya Special Commander Col. Jeyam and Deputy Military Chief Col. Balraj were believed to have been targeted in the North but escaped. In the East, among those who escaped targeted killings, were Col. Karuna, Karikalan, Jim Kelly and Intelligence Chief Lt. Col. Ramanan.

In spite of the LTTEers, particularly its leaders on a heightened state of alert, the Army ambushed Karikalan’s vehicle on 18 October, 2001. The destruction of the vehicle fuelled speculation of Karikalan’s demise, with a section of the media reporting him killed in a special operation. Shortly before the attack on Karikalan’s vehicle, the Army intercepted a radio conversation between Karikalan and his wife, a medical doctor by profession, serving in the Northern Province. “She simply begged him to leave Batticaloa and take refuge in the North to avoid the Army’s deep penetration operations,” a source familiar with LRRP operations told the writer many years ago.

The Army struck again on 26 November, 2001. ‘Major’ Swarnaseelan and ‘Captain’ Devadas were eliminated in the Pulipanjikkal area. It was the last operation before the December 5 General Election.

The UNP terminated the operation. But, the Army revived the strategy after the eruption of hostilities in 2005.

It would be pertinent to mention that hit and run attacks, deep within the LTTE held territory, troubled them to such an extent, they took up the issue with Norway. Fearing a relentless campaign, the LTTE got Norway to include LRRP operations in their negotiations, leading to a one-sided Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) signed in February 2002 by the Wickremesinghe regime. That CFA revealed the existence of a secret Army project to target the LTTE in their own area. The CFA called for termination of LRRP operations.

Three PVWs

Lieutenant J.L.D.S. Wijetunga was the first Navy recipient of the Parama Weera Vibhushanaya (PWV), Sri Lanka’s highest gallantry award given posthumously. Wijetunga, Commanding Officer of the Israeli built Dvora Fast Attack Craft (FAC), maneuvered his vessel to intercept an explosives-laden Sea Tiger suicide boat approaching a troop transport ship off Point Pedro on 30 March, 1996. Wijetunga, in spite of knowing his action was suicidal, went ahead with the risky maneuver that saved the lives of a large contingent of off duty servicemen on their way to Trincomalee from Kankesanthurai (KKS).

The Navy earned its second PWV on 1 November, 2008, off Point Pedro, during the Eelam war IV. A Petty Officer of elite Special Boat Squadron K.G. Shantha rammed an explosives-laden Sea Tiger suicide craft with his Arrow boat (Z-142 ). Shantha and his three SBS colleagues were blasted to smithereens, though their action saved an Inshore Patrol Craft (IPC) carrying a dozen SBS personnel.

Wing Commander T.D.S. Silvapulle received the nation’s highest gallantry award PWV for attacking Sea Tiger boats firing at Army defences south-east of Elephant Pass on 19 December, 1999. Silvapulle, flying a Mi 24 helicopter gunship in adverse weather conditions, regardless of the threat posed by surface-to-air missiles, engaged the enemy craft. Silvapulle compelled the enemy to flee but was hit during the confrontation. His individual act of gallantry was recognized in 2012, four years after the eradication of the LTTE. The then President Mahinda Rajapaksa conferred the PWV at a ceremony held on 19 May, 2012. Maj. Lalith Jayasinghe received his PWV at the same ceremony.

The betrayal of the armed forces in October, 2015, at the Geneva-based Human Rights Council, by the treacherous Sirisena-Wickremesinghe regime, underscored the mentality of those who wielded political power. The calling of gallantry medals ‘pieces of tin’ reminded the country of the pathetic and disgraceful state of affairs.

Midweek Review

Poor, little upper-middle income country

Published

1 day ago

2026/07/8

Sahan Weerasooriya

“Sri Lanka has been ranked among the least happy countries in the latest World Happiness Report 2026…standing alongside Ethiopia”- The Sunday Island March 2026

Sri Lanka was officially declared an Upper-Middle Income country by the World Bank in July 2026, regaining the classification it had in 2019.

On the 30th of June, the IMF delegation meeting the President at the Presidential Secretariat praised the government: “…IMF praised the government’s economic programme and noted that Sri Lanka has made greater progress than many other countries implementing IMF-supported programmes. The delegation commended the government for maintaining macroeconomic stability despite a series of external shocks and for remaining firmly committed to its reform agenda…” (Presidential Media Division, 30 June 2026)

Meanwhile, a UN-backed World Happiness Report 2026 compiled by the Wellbeing Research Centre at the University of Oxford, ranked Sri Lanka 134th out of 147 nations. A daily newspaper which ran the story on the 19th of March 2026, added that the report showed that “Sri Lanka has slipped one place from its 133rd ranking in 2025, now standing alongside Ethiopia. The country also trails behind its South Asian neighbours, with India ranked 116th, Pakistan and Bangladesh positioned significantly higher.”

Good News, Bad News

The Upper-Middle Income classification was declared by the World Bank during the Yahapalana government in July 2019. 6 months later, the Yahapalana government was swept out at elections.

Only 2 years later, in April 2022, the country was declared bankrupt, and by July that year the newly elected President was toppled by a people’s uprising for the first time in the country’s history.

To fill the vacuum, an unlikely combination of an unelected MP from the Opposition who was made President by the Parliament and an unpopular government that had barely survived the uprising, governed the country together. It was massively defeated by the people only 2 years later in 2024, despite ‘stabilising’ the economy.

An Upper-Middle Income status may give the impression of a prosperous people, but prosperous people are not an unhappy people. The World Bank report 2026 (World Bank, Sri Lanka Development Update) notes the anomaly: “the recovery is unfinished and has not translated into widespread improvements in welfare.”

The report adds:

* Real output remains below 2018 levels.

* Although poverty is projected to decline in 2025, it remains double the 2019 levels.

* Vulnerability remains high with an additional 10 percent of the population living just above the poverty line.

* Malnutrition continues to be elevated.

* The labour market recovery is slow with real wages and labor force participation well below 2019 levels.

The World Bank’s Poverty and Equity Brief (October 2025) sheds further light:

* Poverty is projected at 22.3-22.4 percent in 2025 and around 20 percent until 2027 without stronger inclusive growth.

* Real earnings remain below pre-crisis levels.

So, are Top of the Class in the IMF index and almost Bottom of the Class in the Happiness Index related?

As a friend who is a highly-placed economist explained to me, if people are poorer, undernourished, indebted, and insecure after stabilisation, then reserves, inflation, and primary balances alone cannot be relied on to judge the next IMF programme. Sri Lanka needs a national programme whose success metric is household recovery, jobs, nutrition, and productive capacity.

From the praise heaped on the President and this government’s strong leadership by the IMF for their performance thus far, sticking closely to the IMF conditionalities, we can only infer that things for the unhappy citizens will hardly get better as they negotiate the 18th IMF programme.

The AKD administration doesn’t haggle on behalf of the people. They see the rewards of that approach in fiscal consolidation and macroeconomic stability. This however, is not the only kind of stability they have to bear in mind, given recent history.

By the People, But Not for the People?

The new or renewed (from July 2019) ‘Upper-Middle Income’ classification has served to remind people where the government has failed, been weak, as much as where it has been strong and succeeded. The economy in the abstract is better off, but the majority of the people who gave the government a two thirds majority, are much worse off in material reality.

To return to my top economist friend, she explained that Sri Lanka should not reject fiscal discipline, but it must own the design of fiscal adjustment. The country needs a fairer tax mix, better tax administration, public investment discipline, and protection of health, education, nutrition, and climate-resilient infrastructure. Otherwise, fiscal discipline becomes socially brittle and growth-reducing.

The direction she recommended is hardly where the government is heading. The World Bank warns that the on-going reliance on regressive indirect taxes could worsen the poverty outlook, while the primary expenditure ceiling of 13 percent of GDP can constrain public investment and service delivery.

A leading financial daily (6 July) reported that at the CA Sri Lanka’s 5th Annual Economic and Tax Symposium, both the Government’s tax policies and the Inland Revenue Department (IRD) “came under sustained criticism from leading private sector tax professionals”. Gajma & Co. Senior Partner N.R. Gajendran argued that “…higher revenues had come largely from imposing a heavier burden on existing taxpayers rather than widening the tax base.”

He said that “When taxes become excessive and unbearable, and it is not coming from the widening of the base, it is coming from the same taxpayer, it erodes expenditure capabilities, it erodes saving capabilities, and it erodes investment capabilities,” warning that “sustained over-taxation ultimately weakens consumption, investment, and long-term economic growth.”

Sri Lanka has already lost a large number of skilled professionals who migrated in droves in the last two years. Factum reports (April 2026) that the annual departures for foreign employment have hovered above the 310,000 mark. This includes Healthcare Professionals (Doctors, nurses), Academics and Researchers (including 80-90% of State University graduates), Technologists and Engineers.

Will the Lawyers be next? The Island editorial of 6 July 2026 strongly supports the stand that the BASL has taken, (endorsed by the Colombo Law Society, Colombo High Court Lawyers Association, LAWASIA and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association) opposing the government’s effort to move a constitutional amendment to extend the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal, denouncing political interference in the judiciary and urging the government to avoid a Zimbabwean crisis.

None of this makes for a happy citizen, stability notwithstanding.

By the People, for the Creditors

So, what of all those promises made with such passion to do better than all previous governments since Independence in 1948?

The World Food Programme has this to report:

* Households unable to meet essential food needs increased from 14 percent in 2024 to 20 percent in 2026.

* If price trends continue, another 1.3 million people could be unable to afford essential food needs, including nearly 300,000 urban poor.

* Child nutrition remains worrying: stunting 10.1 percent, wasting 8.6 percent, and underweight 16.1 percent. (WFP, Food Security Under Pressure)

Economists warn that a programme that ‘stabilises’ the economy while households sell assets, cut food, reduce education and health spending, and slide into coping strategies, i.e., de-stabilises the household economy and lives, will not be socially, politically or developmentally sustainable.

Those who care for the people recommend that Sri Lanka’s own programme must place adaptive social protection, nutrition, and livelihoods at the very centre.

The promised re-negotiation of the 17th IMF package to make the necessary economic recovery less taxing (pun intended) for the people, less painful, and more sustainable overall, never happened. The government acted as if it was elected by the People for the Creditors.

We have been warned that Sri Lanka’s shift toward commercial borrowing and ISBs changed the debt-risk profile, with ISBs carrying high interest rates and short maturities. The government’s promised negotiations didn’t resemble anything like what was expected by the people, and went the way of the ISB holders who celebrated the victory in Canary Wharf toasting our President in absentia.

IMF Country Report No 26/111 indicates that even after restructuring, debt sustainability risks remain high. Public debt is projected at around 100.1 percent of GDP in 2026, with central government gross financing needs at 19.8 percent of GDP.

Economists remind us that Sri Lanka’s recent graduation to the Upper Middle-Income classification means that we will have to pay more in debt repayments as per the macro-linked bond of the debt restructuring settlement with the creditors.

IMF 18, going on 19?

Who’d have thought it? In the last 77 years, the most pro-people, pro-poor administration has certainly not been the AKD government. There were much better ones, even during the 30 year war, when policies were more enlightened and served the people; were undertaken with confidence and determination, and some still continue to provide the foreign exchange to pay for subsequent errors of judgment. And with the courage of their convictions and confidence in their capacity to deliver, those leaders didn’t feel the need to postpone any elections.

Stabilisation was an immediate necessity. But my economist friend spoke for us all when she told me “Sri Lanka cannot stabilise its way to prosperity. It should not risk turning emergency discipline into a permanent development model”.

With the current state of play, is that what we are looking at? There is little evidence that this administration has the capacity to design an independent programme, not subject to the whims and fancies of IFIs, but as my friend put it, “our own programme: fiscally responsible, socially protective, production-oriented, climate-resilient, and politically owned. The IMF can support that programme, but it cannot be the programme.”

An unhappy people is surely as much of an indicator of the real health of the economy, as the Gross National Income per capita calculated in US dollars by the World Bank. A Sunday newspaper quoted a young economist, Rehana Thowfeek, co-founder/director at Arutha Research, who says: “There is no point in celebrating becoming an upper-middle-income country while 1 in 4 of our people is in poverty, two out of every 5 Sri Lankans cannot afford a healthy diet and 1 out of 3 of our children under 5 years is malnourished.”

This is not a situation that should be allowed to prevail by an allegedly pro-people government, or indeed any government that has been granted the privilege to govern, through the people’s vote. The planning, the policy choices are all in the hands of the government. Will they choose a better path?

People are not unhappy because they are too mean to acknowledge what a wonderful job this government is doing, and give praise to this administration like the IMF at the Presidential Secretariat. It is because they are in pain, they are suffering, they are hungry, they cannot pay the bills, and they are looking at a future where none of these things are going away, but is set to get much worse, as the government slouches towards its next IMF programme and the next debt repayment.