Features
More on Premadasa years: pro-poor policies, garment factories, Janasaviya and housing
Good friend, bad enemy, feud with Ariyaratne
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)
Premadasa then unleashed his prodigious energy to make dramatic changes in the country’s economy. He looked on economic development as a part of his bigger vision to ensure “growth with equity”. While the JRJ administration followed a classical pattern of investment fueled by urbanization which made the GDP of Western province much higher than that of the outlier provinces, Premadasa was a proponent of the concept of all round growth as a way of catering to the poorer segments of society.
I remember studying some World Bank reports with Wickreme Weerasooria, who was the Secretary of the Planning Ministry, which drew attention to the abysmal poverty of the estate population and the people of Hambantota, Monaragala and Mannar in relation to the poverty levels prevalent in the other districts. Accordingly rural development projects were launched with Norwegian aid in the Hambantota, Monaragala and Mannar districts, but that was insufficient to make a dent on the problems there. It was Premadasa who had the vision to undertake poverty alleviation urgently and devote his proverbial energy to obtain dramatic results. His approach was three pronged; Janasaviya, the 300 garment factory programme and meaningful administrative reforms at village level. All three have stood the test of time and marks a change in the rural landscape.
Garment factories
JRJ pioneered the setting up of investment zones under the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC which later became the Board of Investments or BOI) on the basis of “plug and play” manufacturing, beginning with the Katunayake Free Trade Zone [FTZ]. He introduced the concept of value addition to an economy which was based on export of unprocessed agricultural commodities namely tea, coconut, rubber and cinnamon.
The global economy was undergoing change with production being outsourced to select developing countries. That was much cheaper than producing them at home in the west. Hong Kong and Singapore were the trendsetters of this transformation by manufacturing light industrial products with their easy credit, reliable freight business, cheap labour, work ethic and good links to the markets of rich countries.
Among these products was garments which saw increasing demand in the west with its growing prosperity and emergence of a large middle class within a consumer society. Premadasa deserves credit for immediately recognizing the potential of this trend to further his target of “growth with equity”. As regards the genesis of this all important industry in Sri Lanka, I was told that Premadasa on a visit to Hong Kong was entertained by a Muslim gem merchant who lived there coordinating the sales of gems from his family company. This gem merchant had given Premadasa a tour of the business district and the manufacturing zone of sweated trades, especially the garment factories in Kowloon.
Premadasa immediately saw the potential of this industry and persuaded some of his friends in the local tailoring establishment to enter the garment manufacturing business. Another fortuitous circumstance helped in making this move an instant success. The garment industry worked on the basis of “quotas” allocated by the buyers. The Hong Kong quotas were already full and it took little to persuade some big foreign manufacturers to relocate in Sri Lanka and utilize the quotas that were granted to us.
In fact it is said that at first many foreign exporters only changed their labels to say “Made in Sri Lanka” and shipped their products from their Hong Kong factories to Europe and the US. But this could not go on for long and they soon relocated here and set up factories in our FTZs and outside. This project was personally driven by the President and the facilities like allocation of land, electricity, water and banking facilities were provided in record time which led to favourable responses from large scale buyers like Marks and Spencer and Walmart. This in turn led to the ambitious 300 garment factory program which revolutionized garment manufacturing in South Asia.
The President insisted on locating factories in the hinterland and employing rural .women. This was probably the best attempt to develop our rural areas and also empower women in a practical attempt at poverty alleviation. After decades of”handouts”, which were crippling rural initiatives, new garment industries brought prosperity to distant villages. “The quota system” was adjusted to give more orders to factories in the periphery as against lower allocations for the big cities. Even critics were constrained to admit that standards of living among rural women had improved.
The President gleefully spoke of the jewelry shops that were springing up near the factories and the small gold chains on the necks of working girls who had never before possessed anything of value. These developments drew the envy of rival politicians who wished that they, had first thought of this idea. Lalith Athulathmudali said sarcastically that “our girls are forced to stitch “Jangi” [underwear] for white women” forgetting the fact that his own electorate Ratmalana was the centre of the countries “rag trade” and that this trade was, for the first time, providing employment to a large swathe of semi urban women who had earlier been helpless, unemployed and brutalized.
Janasaviya
Like the garment factories another innovation of the President was the poverty amelioration program named Janasaviya. Conceptualized by a group of his officials, Janasaviya was aimed at providing basic food support to families below the poverty line. Recipients were selected at public sittings and time was given for objections since the local bureaucracy was notoriously corrupt and could be influenced to leave out the deserving and include those with power. Even so the criticism was made that selections were biased in favour of the party in power.
It was one of the earliest attempts at poverty reduction and was taken as a model by many developing countries. Janasaviya, unlike its heavily politicized successors under the SLFP, envisaged the recipients donating their labour for community development projects in the relevant villages. The construction and maintenance of public works was entrusted to Janasaviya recipients because many studies had shown that a village labour force was capable of generating productivity as a basic input in rural development.
Recipients were expected to donate their labour on village works for three days a week in exchange for a basket of goods. During this period the utility of “Shramadana” as a practical economic resource in developing countries was promoted by Gandhian development theorists, including the Sarvodaya Movement in Sri Lanka. However Premadasa engaged himself in an epic confrontation with AT Ariyaratne, the leader of the local Sarvodaya movement. Since I was a friend of Ariyaratne, having helped him to overcome the hostility of Felix Bandaranaike during the Sirimavo regime, I became privy to the reasons for the enemity of these two stalwarts of village development.
Partly due to the link up with the Friedrich Neumann Foundation of Germany that I facilitated, Sarvodaya became rich and began to branch out to ventures designed to ensure its sustainability. Among these ventures was the setting up of a well equipped printing press which was located in Ratmalana. It boasted of the latest German printing technology and Ariyaratne’s rather permissive management style was replaced by a profit oriented trained printer who oversaw this venture. One far reaching decision was to undertake the printing of the “Ravaya” newspaper which had transformed itself from a tabloid to a broadsheet in keeping with its growing popularity.
Ravaya was a progressive newspaper usually critical of the government and was edited by Victor Ivan – a former JVP leader who had been imprisoned after the failure of the 1971 insurrection. He had joined the LSSP after his release but was better known as a lucid writer, defender of human rights and generally an anti-establishment figure. When he began to criticize the Premadasa administration and its leader he put himself on the cross-hairs of the new President’s ire. He blamed Ariyaratne for printing Ravaya in his press and broke off the friendship he had enjoyed with the Sarvodaya chief when he was in the opposition.
To make matters worse Ravaya promoted Lalith and Gamini in their conflict with Premadasa and encouraged internal criticism of the Presidents authoritarian ways. But the main reason for the Premadasa-Ariyaratne conflict was the “inside information” that was leaked to the former during the Presidential election. The secret was that the Sarvodaya Press was printing posters for Mrs. B – which her rival Premadasa took to be a great betrayal by his erstwhile friend. Ari told me that indeed the poster was printed as alleged but that it was a commercial transaction which had been undertaken by his printing manager without consulting him.
A characteristic of Premadasa was that while he had deep friendships any betrayal by a friend resulted in an unending vendetta. He did not believe in “forgive and forget”. The full force of the President’s fury was then visited on Ariyaratne. Ari told me that he had been earmarked for assassination by the Premadasa mafia and that he had a narrow shave when he was targeted at a meeting in Kegalle. Whether this was true or whether it was only a symptom of a paranoia which seemed to afflict the Sarvodaya chief, I had no way of knowing.
I had read that President Richard Nixon too had a similar unforgiving nature. Nixon maintained an “enemies list” and spent time in harassing them ultimately leading to a “break in” to their offices which set in train a set of events which finally led to his resignation. Premadasa too was alleged to have established the “Lawrence mafia” (Lawrence was a retired DIG loyal to Premadasa) which “tailed” his enemies with a view to eliminating them.
Later on I will narrate the famous “Buultjens abduction” case which was used by Premadasa, ably assisted by Ravi Jayewardene, JRJs son, to engineer the arrest of Gamini Dissanayake on charges of kidnapping as a part of his vendetta with his erstwhile colleague. In an attempt to implicate Lalith and Gamini he set up a Commission of Inquiry on their relations with Israel. On public platforms he subtly suggested that Lalith was an Israeli agent because he had taught law at a University in Jerusalem. The Commission found no evidence of such a complicity though it highlighted the purchase of large caches of Israeli weapons for the Sri Lankan armed forces.
Housing
Even as a member of Dudley Senanayake’s cabinet, Premadasa had paid special attention to the problem of housing. As a MP for Colombo Central, where housing is a major problem, he had set about tackling this problem with his usual gusto. In a sense he was competing with his political rival Pieter Keuneman who also, under the Sirimavo administration, concentrated on urban housing. Pieter however, in keeping with his communist ideology, brought legislation to change ownership from urban landlords to long time residents. He also restricted the space of new houses to 2,500 square feet each leading to the construction of smaller houses on smaller extents of land [a minimum of six perches per house] by local architects.
However laudable these objectives may have been it led to a virtual halt to housing construction. Premadasa on the other hand was more realistic and attempted to increase the housing stock. His signature achievement was the development of the Maligawatte housing scheme for which I, and a team from the then Information department undertook the publicity programme under the heading of “a city within a city”. It was hailed by Dudley Senanayake and the UNP, which thanks to Premadasa, earned plaudits as the party of low cost housing.
He also encouraged rural housing under Janasaviya and the new local government structures that he created. Bradman Weerakoon has described how the PM had the “chutzpah” to get housing as a priority of the UN by promoting a resolution calling for a “Year of Housing”. As Bradman says no one could stop him once Premadasa made up his mind.
Local government
From the time he became a municipal councilor R. Premadasa was very interested in local government. In his first assignment as a deputy minister he chose the portfolio of local government under minister Tiruchelvam. He once told me that SWRD Bandaranaike could form his own party because he had an island wide network of Mayors, Urban Council Chairmen and local government representatives who could not be bought over by DS Senanayake. This was long before Premadasa himself set up his “Purawesi Peramuna” which could be transformed into a political party if the UNP did not give him his due place.
One reason why he was not enamored of the Indo-Lanka agreement was its emphasis on establishing Provincial Councils. He did not welcome the establishment of a second tier between the centre and the village council or the “Pradeshiya Sabha”. He proposed wide ranging reforms to the existing Gam Sabhawa or Village Council system of local government. He amalgamated the Village Councils in an electorate so that the boundaries of the newly established “Pradeshiya Sabha”would coincide with that of the electorate. This made it possible for greater financial resources to be allocated to that entity.
The management structure was also changed to bring in public officials as administrative secretaries of the Pradeshiya Sabhas. These changes were welcomed as forward looking and capable of promoting rapid growth at village level. Premadasa believed that decentralization of key state powers to the periphery would also defuse the call for more powers to a new entity like Provincial Councils. He feared that some PCs would encourage the “homelands” concept of the TULF.
Today this three tier administrative structure has been criticized as leading to a dysfunctional bureaucratization which is top heavy. It has produced a large number of ignorant local government representatives who are a drain on national resources. The best example of this anarchy is that the Janasaviya programme which was meant to contribute to cheap labour for village works have been superseded by village level councilors who have become small time contractors swallowing up the funds for roads, culverts, bridges etc., with no quality and financial control. Such project funding has led to the corruption which marks local government administration today.
Hubris
The first few years of the Premadasa regime were a security nightmare. The JVP and its military arm shut down the country at will. However the government fought back amidst many complaints of human rights violations. The security forces employed brutal means to attack the JVP, especially after purported threats to the families of army officers. The JVP politbureau went into hiding but the Ops Combine systematically tracked them down and by 1990 Wijeweera himself was arrested and killed.
But civil society led by journalists associations – many of centre leftist persuasion – carried out a campaign asking for the observation of human rights standards and punishment for those who had blatantly violated them. Many innocent people who were caught in the cross fire between the JVP and the security forces paid with their lives. Left wing tabloids like Yukthiya – which was funded by international NGOs and Ravaya, both edited by ex-JVP combatants, were highly critical of Premadasa and the state apparatus.
While senior SLFPers flirted with the President, younger members like Mangala Samaraweera and Mahinda Rajapaksa spearheaded the formation of a “Mothers Front”. The Opposition preferred to take cover under these organizations rather than confront Premadasa because they themselves were victims of the JVP’s extermination machine. It was an exceptionally trying time and the President whose trait was not to brook any challenge was criticized by the international media and civil society for his intransigence.
Some of his own party members who had lost out in his energetic reorganization of the UNP, were not averse to leaking information to embarrass him. There was, as a result, a siege mentality in the country. The opposition to him among the urban elite grew while the majority of the populace was still in a state of shock due to the unceasing violence and disruptions unleashed by the LTTE and the JVP. The best indication of this transformation of the personality of President Premadasa came in the form of a statement by his secretary Wijedasa who said that “his temperament was much better as Prime Minister than President” [Lankadeepa of August 22, 2023]
All this was to come to a head in an unprecedented Impeachment motion in Parliament and its political consequences which we will describe in the next chapter.
Features
The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran
(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)
The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.
Iran not merely a state
Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.
In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.
Energy-embedded global economy
The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.
The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.
Decline of global order based on US hegemony
This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.
Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance
Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.
Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.
Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.
Transition shaped by paradoxes
In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.
The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.
This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.
by Gamini Keerawella ✍️
Features
The dawn of smart help for little ones
How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care
For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.
In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.
Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.
What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?
Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.
The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.
The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.
Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen
AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:
1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles
One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.
2. The Sound of a Voice
Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.
3. Movement and Play
Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.
Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions
The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.
Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.
Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?
The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”
For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.
Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.
The Human Element: Proceed with Care
As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.
= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.
= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.
= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.
A Brighter Future
We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.
The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.
The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months
The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.
Communication and Social Cues
= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?
= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?
= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?
= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?
Behaviour and Play
= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).
= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?
= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?
The “Golden Rule” of Regression
Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.
If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Features
Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely
The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.
Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?
Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.
This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.
The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.
For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.
The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.
Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.
Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.
This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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